¹ Kennedy, Paul, The Rise and Fall of Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to the Present (New York: Random House, 1987Google Scholar).

² Ash, Timothy Garton, In Europe's Name: Germany and the Divided Continent (New York:Random House, 1993Google Scholar).

³ One of the few studies to cover this period comprehensively is Hobsbawm, Eric, Age of Capital, 1848–-1875 (New York: New American Library, 1984Google Scholar); but he emphasizes capital rather than violence.

⁴ Howard, Michael, The Franco-Prussian War: The German Invasion of France, 1870–1871 (London, 1962Google Scholar).

⁵ The debate on this issue is about as long and involved as the concomitant debate on the origins of the Civil War. See Eberhard Kolb, , ed., Europa und die Reichsgründung: Preuβsch-Deutschland in der Sicht der groβen europβischen Mächte, 1860–1880 (Munich: Oldenburg, 1980Google Scholar).

⁶ Wills, Garry, Lincoln at Gettysburg; the World that Remade America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992)Google Scholar; McPherson, James, Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991Google Scholar).

⁷ Royster, Charles, The Destructive War: William Tecumseh Sherman, Stonewall Jackson, and the Americans (New York: Knopf, 1991Google Scholar).

⁸ Bull, Hedley and Watson, Adam, eds., The Expansion of International Society (New York: Routledge, 1985Google Scholar) gives an indication of the problem. The volume presumes an expansion of the European (state-)system, mapping it upon the world as a result of European expansion, and hence neglects alternative sources of violence. Our model for this heuristic move was Hillgruber, Andreas, Bismarcks Auβenpolitik (Freiburg: Rombach, 1972Google Scholar) who had insisted that the Prussian wars, while motivated by internal German and Prussian events, could only be understood in the light of the Crimean War (1853–56) and the breakdown of imperial relations. We suggest that one can construct a more encompassing case for the two wars under consideration.

⁹ As Barraclough, Geoffrey notes in Introduction to Contemporary History (Basingstoke: Penguin, 1968Google Scholar), there was also a shift in the scale of killing in proportion to population; the period of the world wars effectively ended the era of western population expansion.

¹⁰ Small, Melvin and Singer, J. David, Resort to Arms: International and Civil Wars, 1816–1980 (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1982Google Scholar), and Singer, J. David and Diehl, Paul F., Measuring the Correlates of War (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1990Google Scholar).

¹¹ Definition of systemic, extra-systemic, civil wars are summarized in Small and Singer, Resort to Arms, 217. As important as these taxonomies are, they also prevent the most significant argument about this period—that this is a period of endemic violence.

¹² See Appendix 1.

¹³ This is of some import for military historians because one might well argue that only now the “age of battle” gave way to an age of war. See Weigley, Russell, The Age of Battles: The Quest for Decisive Warfare from Breitenfeld to Waterloo (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991Google Scholar).

¹⁴ Small and Singer, Resort to Arms, 62–77.

¹⁵ See Appendix 2.

¹⁶ It is commonly forgotten that the Ottoman Empire became a formal member of the European Concert with the Paris Peace Treaty (1856). Small and Singer, Resort to Arms do not count the Ottoman Empire among the system's powers.

¹⁷ The conscientious historian would note that Italy, as a source of five out of nine systemic wars, did become an official member of the European Concert in 1856. Baumgart, Winfried, The Peace of Paris 1856: Studies in War, Diplomacy and Peacemaking, Pottinger, Anne trans. (Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio; Oxford: Clio Press, 1981Google Scholar).

¹⁸ Hence Latin American violence might be considered to be prototypical for the time. See the chapter, “The Terror,” in Lynch, John, Argentine Dictator: Juan Manuel de Rosas (Oxford: Clarendon, 1981Google Scholar).

¹⁹ Crowder, Michael, West African Resistance: The Military Response to Colonial Occupation (London: Hutchinson, 1971Google Scholar).

²⁰ Compare Keegan, John, A History of Warfare (New York, 1993Google Scholar).

²¹ Alfred, J. and Hanna, Kathryn A., Napoleon III and Mexico: American Triumph over Monarchy (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1971Google Scholar); Sinkin, Richard N., The Mexican Reform 1855–1876: A Study in Nation-Building(Austin: University of Texas Press,1979Google Scholar).

²² Charles S. Gochman and Zeev Maoz, “Militarized Interstate Disputes,” in Singer and Diehl, Measuring the Correlates of War, 202. A great deal can be done with quantitative data. But quantitative research on war prefers to stick to historical prejudices rather than to their data. In this particular case it is quite incomprehensible that a 1990 publication uses European events to periodize their global data (rather than using the appropriate statistical tools to see “how the data fall”) and that an overwhelming majority of disputes, involving “minor”powers, is simply discounted. If it is true that “for the entire 1816–1876 period, major powers have been involved in over half of all militarized disputes,” this hardly warrants the conclusion that only major powers are worth studying. For it is equally true that for the entire period 841 out of a total of 960 militarized disputes, that is, 87.6 percent, involved minor powers.

²³ Data in Ibid. Gantzel, Klause Jürgen and Schwinghammer, Torsten, Die Kriege nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg, 1945–1992: Daten und Tendenzen (Münster: Lit, 1992Google Scholar); Sanger, Richard H., Insurgent Era: New Patterns of Political, Economic, and Social Revolution (Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books, 1970Google Scholar); Creveld, Martin van, The Transformation of War (New York: Free Press; Toronto: Macmillan, 1991Google Scholar).

²⁴ Yet the Russo-Turkish war has never attracted the same attention as the Crimean War. It might well be argued that this war broke the Ottoman Empire and was decisive in setting the stage for World War I. One of the few publications to approach this problem is Melville, Ralph and Schröder, Hans-Jürgen, eds., Der Berliner Kongress von 1878. Die Politik der Groβmächte und die Probleme der Modernisierung in Südosteuropa in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1982Google Scholar).

²⁵ See the discussion of British intercontinental strategic challenges in Bourne, Kenneth, Britain and the Balance of Power in North America, 1815–1908 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967Google Scholar).

²⁶ Feuerwerker, Albert, Rebellion in Nineteenth Century China (Ann Arbor, MI: Center for Chinese Studies at the University of Michigan, 1975CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

²⁷ See Kim, Key-Hiuk, The Last Phase of the East Asian World Order. Korea, Japan and the Chinese Empire, 1860–1882 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980Google Scholar).

²⁸ Reber, Vera Blinn, “The Demographics of Paraguay: A Reinterpretation of the Great War, 1864–70,”The Hispanic American Historical Review, 68:2 (1988), 289–319CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Casualty figures now range from 25,000 (which is probably too low) to 310,000 (which is probably too high); this would make a casualty rate of somewhere between 9 percent and 18 percent. See the debate: Whigham, Thomas C. and Potthast, Barbara, “Some Strong Reservations: A Critique of Vera Blinn Reber's “The Demographics of Paraguay: A Reinterpretation of the Great War, 1864–1870,” The Hispanic American Historical Review, 70:4 (1990), 667Google Scholar–70 and Reber's response, 667'8. These two critics do not recognize one of the basic blunders of Reber in her analysis. She uses battlecasualty rates for modem systems wars (derived from Small and Singer, Resort to Arms) which were far lower than the casualty rates for early modem wars—a counterintuitive observation but quite undisputed in military history. The former are distinctly below 20 percent, while the latter are distinctly above. From what one gathers from the incidental evidence in Cardozo, Efraím, Hace cien años: Crónica de la guerra 1864–1870, publicadas en “La Tribuna” de Asunción en el centenario de a epopeya nacional, 13 vols. (Asunción: Ediciones EMASA, 1967Google Scholar–82), the battles in this war resemble more the deadly encounters of early modern wars. This is to be taken quite literally in that, as in early modem wars, women and children moved with (and fought with) the armed forces and were destroyed with them. Reber's battle-related casualties are, in any case, far too low, although her overall assessment remains valid.

²⁹ Utley, Robert M., Frontier Regulars: The United States Army and the Indians 1866'1891 (New York: Macmillan, 1974Google Scholar), and Wooster, Robert, The Military and United States Indian Policy, 1865–1903 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988Google Scholar).

³⁰ Compare CharlesRoyster, The Destructive War. See also Abrahamson, James, America Arms for a New Century: The Making of a Great Military Power (New York: Free Press, 1981Google Scholar), and Leonard, Thomas C., Above the Battle: War Making in America from Appomattox to Versailles (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978Google Scholar).

³¹ This is, of course, the dominant comparison. One might also note, however, the “weak” variants of this nation-building path, in Latin America and Italy, which pointed toward more dependent forms of economic development, or indeed the way a successful empire-conserving strategy in British India produced much the same result. See Holsti, Kalevi J., Peace and War: Armed Conflicts and the International Order, 1648–1989 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 145CrossRefGoogle Scholar–56.

³² Historians and social scientists have paid scant attention to the mid-nineteenth century in the past and are puzzled by the present proliferation of wars and catastrophes. They preferred a study of war which focused on the steady progression of hegemonic wars. The history of war became a history of the progression of empires asserting their hegemony over ever larger parts of the world, the Soviet-American rivalry being the latest—and some would say the ultimate—expression of this development. Accordingly, the first and second era of European wars for global domination in the late eighteenth and the first half of the twentieth century were at the center of attention. This perspective favored a whole cluster of theories about the modernization of violence. They highlighted the differentiation and monopolization of violence in the state (and in transnational alliance systems); the expansion of logistics to encompass the whole nation, and increasingly global networks of dependencies; and the intensification and concentration of violence which culminated in the threat of total annihilation. Simultaneously, these theories conjectured an increasing concentration of power first on a European and, ultimately, on a global scale in which a progression of empires would organize global conduct. Modelski, George, Long Cycles in World Politics (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1987CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Gilpin, Robert, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of Great Powers.

³³ Jen, Yu-wen[Chien], The Taiping Revolutionary Movement (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973Google Scholar) is the classic study; also Gray, Jack, Rebellions and Revolutions: China from the 1800s to the 1980s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990Google Scholar), Perry, Elisabeth, Chinese Perspectives on the Nien Rebellion (Armonk, NJ: M. E. Sharpe, 1981Google Scholar), Wakeman, Frederic, Strangers at the Gate: Social Disorder in South China, 1839–1861 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966Google Scholar), and Wen-Chang, Chu, The Moslem Rebellion in North-West China, –1878 (The Hague: Mouton, 1966Google Scholar).

³⁴ Spector, Stanley, Li Hung-chang and the Huai Army: A Study in Nineteenth-Century Chinese Regionalism (Taipei: Rainbow Bridge Book Co., 1964Google Scholar); Kuhn, Philip, Rebellion and its Enemies in Late Imperial China: Militarization and Social Structure, 1794–1864 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970Google Scholar); Wright, Mary C., The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism: the Tung Chih Restoration, 1862–1874 (New York: Atheneum, 1957Google Scholar).

³⁵ Förster, Stig, Die mächtigen Diener der East India Company: Ursachen und Hintergründe der britischen Expansionspolitik in Südasien, 1793–1819 (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1992Google Scholar).

³⁶ Sen, S. N., Eighteen Fifty-Seven (New Delhi: Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, 1958Google Scholar); Stokes, E. T., The Peasant Armed: The Indian Revolt of 1857 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986Google Scholar); Guha, R., Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1983Google Scholar); Mukherjee, R., Awadh in Revolt, 1857–1858: A Study of Popular Resistance (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1984Google Scholar).

³⁷ Gopal, S., British Policy in India, 1858–1905 (Madras: Orient Longman, 1967Google Scholar);Sen, Sunanda, Empire and Colonies: India 1890–1914 (Calcutta: Orient Longman, 1992)Google Scholar.

³⁸ Fuller, William C., Strategy and Power in Russia, 1600–1914 (New York: Free Press, 1992Google Scholar).

³⁹ Gillard, David, The Struggle for Asia, 1828–1914 (London: Methuen, 1977Google Scholar); Wentker, Hermann, Zerstörung der Groβmacht Ruβland? Die britischen Kriegsziele im Krimkrieg (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1993Google Scholar).

⁴⁰ McCauley, Martin and Waldron, Peter, The Emergence of the Modern Russian State, 1855–1881 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1988CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

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⁴³ Anderson, M. S., The Eastern Question, 1774–1923: A Study in International Relations (London: Macmillan, 1966CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁴⁴ Mosse, W. E., The Rise and Fall of the Crimean System, 1855–1871. The Story of a Peace Settlement (London: Macmillan, 1963Google Scholar); Lothar Gall, “Die europäischen Mächte und der Balkan im 19. Jahrhundert,” in Melville and Schröder, Der Berliner Kongress von 1878, 1–16.

⁴⁵ Gruner, Wolf D., Die deutsche Frage: Ein Problem der europäischen Geschichte seit 1800 (Munich: Beck, 1985Google Scholar).

⁴⁶ Rich, Norman, Why the Crimean War? A Cautionary Tale (Hanover, NH: University Presses of New England, 1985Google Scholar); Goldfrank, David M., The Origins of the Crimean War (London: Longman, 1994Google Scholar).

⁴⁷ Baumgart, W., Vom Europäischen Konzert zum Völkerbund. Friedensschlüsse und Friedenssicherung von Wien bis Versailles (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1974Google Scholar). Bridge, F. R. and Bullen, Roger, The Great Powers and the European System, 1815–1914 (London: Longman, 1980Google Scholar).

⁴⁸ See generally Girard, Louis, Napoleon III (Paris: Fayard, 1986Google Scholar); Smith, William H., Napoleon III.: The Pursuit of Prestige (London: Juliet Gardiner Books, 1991Google Scholar) overestimates this particular aspect. Echard, William E., Napoleon III and the Concert of Europe (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1983Google Scholar); Zeldin, Theodore, Emile Ollivier and the Liberal Empire of Napoleon III (Oxford: Clarendon, 1963Google Scholar).

⁴⁹ Brubaker, Roger, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992Google Scholar) and Doering-Manteuffel, Anselm, Die deutsche Frage und das europäische Staatensystem 1815–1871 (Munich: Oldenburg, 1993Google Scholar).

⁵⁰ Coppa, Frank J., The Origins of the Italian Wars of Independence (London: Longman, 1992Google Scholar); Valsecci, Franco, L'ltalia del Risorgimento e I'Europa delle nazionalita. L'unificazione italiana nella politico europea (Milan: Giuffre, 1978Google Scholar). On the battles over an Italian solution, see Grew, Raymond, A Sterner Plan for Italian Unification: The Italian National Society in the Risorgimento (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963Google Scholar) and Lovett, Clara, The Democratic Movement in Italy, 1830–1876 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁵¹ Kolb, Eberhard, ed., Europa vor dem Krieg von 1860: Mächtekonstellationen-Konfliktfelder-Kriegsausbruch (Munich: Oldenburg, 1987CrossRefGoogle Scholar); idem, Der Weg aus dem Krieg: Bismarcks Politik im Krieg und die Friedensanbahnung 1870/71 (Munich: Oldenburg, 1989Google Scholar); Levillain, Philippe and Riemenschneider, Rainer, eds., La guerre de 1870/71 et ses conséquences: Actes du XXe Colloque historique franco-allemand (Bonn: Bouvier, 1990Google Scholar); Roth, Francois, La guerre de 1870 (Paris: Fayard, 1990Google Scholar).

⁵² Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, Das deutsche Kaiserreich, 1871–1918 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1973Google Scholar).

⁵³ Mitchell, Allan, Victors and Vanquished: The German Influence on Army and Church in France after 1870 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984Google Scholar) gives an indication of this transformation. The rise of the “mobilization state” and its problematic relation to participatory politics is discussed in the second part of this essay.

⁵⁴ Generally Dehio, Ludwig, The Precarious Balance: Four Centuries of the European Power Struggle (New York: Knopf, 1962Google Scholar); for Germany, see Hillgruber, Andreas, Die gescheiterte Groβmacht. Eine Skizze des Deutschen Reiches, 1871–1945 (Düsseldorf: Droste, 1980Google Scholar).

⁵⁵ Paul Kennedy, The Rise of the Anglo-German Antagonism (London: Allen and Unwin, 1992).

⁵⁶ On the unique national trajectory of these “creole pioneers,” see Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities (New York: Verso, 1983Google Scholar), ch. 4.

⁵⁷ Bourne, Britain and the Balance of Power in North America; Barker, Nancy N., The French Experience in Mexico, 1821–1861: A History of Constant Misunderstanding (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979Google Scholar).

⁵⁸ Pletcher, David, The Diplomacy of Annexation: Texas, Oregon, and the Mexican War (Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 1973Google Scholar); Reichstein, Andeas, The Rise of the Lone Star: The Making of Texas (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1989Google Scholar).

⁵⁹ Sema, Raúl Rivera, La Guerra del Pacífico (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1984Google Scholar); Calvo, Roberto Querajazu, Guano, salitre, sangre: Historia de la Guerra del Pacífico (La Paz: Editorial Los Amigos del Libro, 1992Google Scholar); and idem, Aclaraciones históricas sobre la Guerra del Pacífico (La Paz: Libreria Editorial Juventud, 1995Google Scholar): Ortega, Louis, Los empresarios, la política y los orígines de la Guerra del Pacífico (Santiago de Chile: Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, 1984Google Scholar) Sater, William, Chile and the War of the Pacific (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986Google Scholar).

⁶⁰ Safford, Frank, “Politics, Ideology, and Society in Post-Independence Spanish America,” in Bethell, Leslie, ed., From Independence to ca. 1870, vol. 3 of The Cambridge History of Latin America, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). 347–421CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶¹ Holt, Michael. The Political Crisis of the 1850s (New York: Norton, 1978Google Scholar) and Sewell, Richard H., A House Divided: Sectionalism and Civil War, 1848–1865 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988Google Scholar).

⁶² On the general phenomenon, see Lynch, John, Caudillos in Spanish America, 1800–1850 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992CrossRefGoogle Scholar); on the Argentine variant, Scobie, James R., La lucha per la consolidatión de la nacionalidad argentina, 1852–1862 (Buenos Aires: Librería Hachette, 1964Google Scholar); Chiaramonte, Carlos, Nacionalismo y liberalismo económicos en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Solar, 1971Google Scholar).

⁶³ For an excellent comparison of copper development in Chile and the United States, see Culver, William W. and Reinhart, Cornel J., “Capitalist Dreams: Chile's response to Nineteenth-Century World Copper Competition,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 31:4 (1989),722CrossRefGoogle Scholar–44.

⁶⁴ Bushnell, David and Macaulay, Neill. The Emergence of Latin America in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 252Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ White, Richard. The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁶⁶ For a discussion of some of these issues, see Adelman, Jeremy. Frontier Development: Land, Labor, and Capital on the Wheatlands of Argentina and Canada (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Costa, Emilia Viotti da, The Brazilian Empire: Myths and Histories (Chicago: Dorsey Press, 1985Google Scholar), ch. 4; Offer, Avener, The First World War: An Agrarian Interpretation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989Google Scholar).

⁶⁷ For example, Kolinski, Charles, Independence or Death: The Story of the Paraguayan War (Gainesville, FL, 1965Google Scholar). The basic, popular multi-volume history of this war is Cardoso, Hace cien años, but see the competing national interpretations in Marco, Miguel Angel de, La Guerra del Paraguay (Buenos Aires: Planeta, 1995Google Scholar); Thompson, Jorge, La Guerra del Paraguay (Asunción: RP Ediciones, 1992Google Scholar); Mattos, Joaquim Francisco de, A Guerra do Paraguai: História de Francisco Solano Lopez, o exterminador da nação paraguaia (Brasília: Centra Gráfico do Senado Federal, 1990Google Scholar); Cruchaga, Javier Alcalde, La guerra increible de Francisco Solano López (Santiago de Chile: Gráfico Andes, 1990Google Scholar). It is not quite by chance that this latest, nineties spate of Latinamerican interpretations puts the blame for the war and for the destruction which it engendered on autocracy.

⁶⁸ Williams, John Hoyt, The Rise and Fall of the Paraguayan Republic 1800–1870 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1970Google Scholar).

⁶⁹ Trías, Vivián, El Paraguay de Francia el Supremo a la Guerra de la Triple Alianza (Buenos Aires: Crisis, 1975Google Scholar); Escudero, Antonio Gutiérrez, Francisco Solano López, el Napoleón de Paraguay (Madrid: Anaya, 1988Google Scholar); Pla, Josefina, The British in Paraguay 1850–1870. MacDermot, Brian C. trans. (Richmond: Richmond Publ. Co., 1976Google Scholar); Williams, John Hoyt, “Foreign Tecnicos and the Modernization of Paraguay 1840–1970,”Journal of Interamerkan Studies and World Affairs, 19 (1977), 233CrossRefGoogle Scholar–57.

⁷⁰ See Cresto, Juan José, La correspondencia que engendro una guerra: Nuevos estudios sobre los orígenes de la guerra con Paraguay (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Convergencia, 1974Google Scholar).

⁷¹ The classic case study is Gibson's, H.The History and Present State of the Sheep Breeding Industry in the Argentine Republic (Buenos Aires [Edinburgh]: Ravenscroft and Mills, 1893Google Scholar); Ford, A. G., The Gold Standard 1880–1914: Britain and Argentina (Oxford: Clarendon Press,1962Google Scholar); Mí'guez, Eduardo José, Las tierras de los ingleses en la Argentina, 1870–1914 (Buenos Aires: Editorial de Belgrano, 1986Google Scholar).

⁷² Da Costa, The Brazilian Empire: Myths and Histories, ch. 7.

⁷³ Bright, Charles, “The State in the United States during the Nineteenth Century,” in Statemaking and Social Movements: Essays in History and Theory, Bright, Charles and Harding, Susan, eds. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1984), 121CrossRefGoogle Scholar–58.

⁷⁴ Levine, Bruce, Half Slave and Half Free: The Roots of the Civil War (New York: Hill and Wang, 1992Google Scholar).

⁷⁵ Ransom, Roger L., Conflict and Compromise: The Political Economy of Slavery, Emancipation, and the American Civil War (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁷⁶ Faust, Drew Gilpin, A Sacred Circle: The Intellectual in the Old South, 1840–1860 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977Google Scholar); Faust, Drew G., ed., The Ideology of Slavery: Pro-Slavery Thought in the Ante-Bellum South, 1830–1860 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1981Google Scholar); and Wyatt-Brown, Bertram, Southern Honor: Ethics and Behavior in the Old South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982Google Scholar).

⁷⁷ The debate on Westward expansion need not be rehearsed here; however, the other Latin and Caribbean dimension is worth recalling: Brown, Charles H., Agents of Manifest Destiny: The Lives and Times of the Filibusters (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980Google Scholar); May, Robert E., The Southern Dream of a Caribbean Empire, 1854–1861 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1973Google Scholar).

⁷⁸ Crook, Paul, The North, the South, and the Powers 1861–1865 (New York: Wiley, 1964Google Scholar).

⁷⁹ On the “Baldwin thesis” and the so-called “staple approaches” to development, see Adelman, Frontier Development, 7–8.

⁸⁰ The triumph of the interior was politically registered in the fact that every Republican president from Grant to Hoover, with the lone exception of Theodore Roosevelt, came from Indiana, Illinois, or Ohio.

⁸¹ Hattaway, Herman and Jones, Archer, How the North Won: A Military History of the Civil War (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983Google Scholar).

⁸² Bright, Charles and Geyer, Michael, “For a Unified History of the Twentieth Century World,” Radical History Review, 39 (September 1987), 69–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar, as well as “World History in a Global Age,” in American Historical Review, 100:4 (October 1995), 1034Google Scholar–60.

⁸³ On the pros and cons of an “imperialism of free trade,” see Platt, D.C.M., Finance, Trade, and Politics in British Foreign Policy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968Google Scholar) and Latin America and British Trade, 1806–1914 (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1973Google Scholar).

⁸⁴ Creveld, Martin van, Technology and War from 2000 BC to the Present (London: Free Press, 1991Google Scholar).

⁸⁵ Best, Geoffrey, War and Society in Revolutionary Europe, 1790–1870 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1982Google Scholar).

⁸⁶ The classic exploration of the links between British interests in the Mediterranean and the scamble for Africa is Ronald Robinson, John Gallagher, with Denny, Alice, Africa and the Victorians: The Climax of Imperialism in the Dark Continent (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1961Google Scholar); the debate over this controversial study is represented in Louis, William Roger, The Robinson and Gallagher Controversy (New York: New Viewpoints, 1976Google Scholar). See also, Lee, Dwight, Great Britain and the Cyprus Convention Policy of 1878 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1934Google Scholar).

⁸⁷ Inter alia Osborne, Milton, The French Presence in Cochin China and Cambodia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969Google Scholar); Warren, J.F., The Sulu Zone, 1768–1989 (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1971Google Scholar); Thio, Eunice, British Policy in the Malay Peninsula 1880–1910 (Kuala Lumpur, 1969Google Scholar).

⁸⁸ This should be distinguished from the logistics debate of early-modern military history. See Creveld, Martin van, Supplying War: Logistics from Walierstein to Patton (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1977Google Scholar).

⁸⁹ Innis, Harold, Empire and Communications (1950; rev. ed.: Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972Google Scholar). See also Kroker, Arthur, Technology and the Canadian Mind: Innis, McLuhan, Grant (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1984Google Scholar).

⁹⁰ Virilio, Paul, Speed and Politics: An Essay on Dromology (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986Google Scholar). See also The Lost Dimension, Moshenberg, Daniel, trans. (New York: semiotext(e), 1991Google Scholar).

⁹¹ Headrick, Daniel, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the 19th Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981Google Scholar).

⁹² The efforts to highlight a German “middle position” in Europe misses entirely what is important about Germany's strategic position in the nascent twentieth century. This historiography acts as if strategy and geopolitics had been frozen in the eighteenth century. GregorSchöllgen, Imperialismus und Gleichgewicht; Deutschland, England und die orientalische Frage 1871–1914 (Munich: Oldenburg, 1984) and his Die Macht in der Mine Europas: Stationen deutscher Auβenpolitik von Friedrich dent groβen bis zur Gegenwart (Munich: Oldenburg, 1992Google Scholar).

⁹³ Alfred T., Mahan, The Influence of Seapower upon History (London: Sampson, Low, Marston, and Company).Google Scholar