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Family Clusters: Generational Nucleation in Nineteenth-Century Argentina and Chile
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 June 2009
Extract
This paper is derived from the authors' detailed studies of two groups of nineteenth-century families—eighteen families in Argentina and twenty-four in Chile. The studies revealed such remarkable similarities in the evolution of the two groups that it is possible to propose a broad generalization in respect to the social organization and national formation of both countries: there was, in each country, a three-generation sequence during which a number of families came together to form clusters that became the controlling entities of a region. Their base for political and economic control was either the existing capital city or a city that had been designated as the capital by these families.
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- Generational Patterns: Elite Families in Latin America
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- Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1979
References
1 Balmori, Diana, ‘Casa y Familia: Spatial Biographies in 19th Century Buenos Aires,’ Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA, 1973;Google ScholarOppenheimer, Robert, ‘Chilean Transportation Development: The Railroad and Socio-economic Change in the Central Valley, 1840–1885,’ PhD. dissertation, UCLA, 1975.Google Scholar The following families, listed alphabetically by surname, were studied. Argentine families: Cambaceres, Campos, Cané, Cano, Casares, Díaz Velez, Granel, Guerrico, Iraola, Lawrie, Martínez de Hoz, Ortiz Basualdo, Pellegrini, Pereyra, Pueyrredón, Ramos Mejía, Saenz Valiente, Unzué. Chilean families: Aldunate, Besa, Cerveró Moxo, Cousino, Davila, De la Cerda, Echeverria, Edwards, Errazuriz, Eyzaguirre, Gallo, García de la Huerta, Goyenechea, Larrain, McClure, Matte, Ossa, Ovalle, Salas, Undurraga, Urmeneta, Valdivieso, Vial del Rio, Waddington.
2 Since the generational sequence in both countries started about 1780 as the effects of the Industrial Revolution began to be felt in Latin America, this is the only absolute time of interest to us. The first generation referred to in Argentina was the first generation to arrive in the area. In Chile, the nobility was already well established in Santiago by 1780, but they had family members, important to the nineteenth century, who were born in this period; many of the other families first arrived in Chile in this period. The times of arrival or birth for all families in both countries varies from the late 1750s to the late 1820s. Most of the first generation in Argentina (twelve of the eighteen families) arrived between 1780 and 1800. In Chile, the sequence began slightly earlier, but twenty of the twenty-four families arrived or were born there between 1750 and 1800.
3 The chief sources for the Argentine families were Sucesiones, or probate documents, from the Archivo General de la Nation; the Archivo de la Provincia de Buenos Aires; the Archivo de Tribunales, Capital Federal; personal papers; interviews; house plans from the Beare map of 1860.
4 The chief sources for the Chilean families were Particiones de Bienes Raices from the Archivo Judicial de Santiago; testaments from the notarial archives of various towns and cities, particularly Santiago and Valparaiso; maps of urban and rural property from the Archivo de la Imprenta de los Ferrocarriles de Estado and the Archivo del Departamento de Tierras y Bienes Nacionales, Oficinas de Valparaiso y Santiago. Chile had a titled nobility of eighteen families. They are described by Barbier, Jacques, ‘Elite and Cadres in Bourbon Chile,’ Hispanic American Historical Review 52 (08 1972), 416–35,CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Solar, Domingo Amunategui, La Sociedad Chilena del Sigh XVIII: Mayorazgos i Titutos del Castillo, 3 vols. (Santiago, 1901-1904).Google Scholar
5 Though fundo and estancia were the local names for the great estate in Chile and Argentina, there was a difference in their stages of development. By the nineteenth century the Chilean fundo was the fully formed great estate, similar to the haciendas of Mexico and Peru. In Argentina estancia development was concomitant with the three generations of these families, and the great estate did not emerge until their third generation in the last quarter of the century.
6 The occupations of the heads of household in each generation of the eighteen families were taken mainly from four sources: Udaondo, Enrique, Diccionario biogrdfico argentino, 1938,Google Scholar and Diccionario biográfico colonial, 1945;Google ScholarCutolo, Vicente Osvaldo, Nuevo diccionario biográfico argentino, 1971 (volumes up to M published);Google Scholar and Calvo, Carlos, Nobiliario del antiguo virreinato, 6 vols., 1943. But since the Sucesion listed property and investments of family heads, it gave a clear idea of the economic base of the family and its main source of income.Google Scholar
7 Background material on most of the families was found in Figueroa, V., Diccionario Historico y Biogrdfico de Chile, 1800–1930, 5 vols. (Santiago, 1931)Google Scholar (hereafter cited as Figueroa, Diccionario Biogrdfico). First-generation landholdings are from the Archivo de Contaduría Mayor, ‘Catastro de 1833–1835, Primera Serie por Provincias.’ Some examples and the source include: Carlos McClure from AJS, Legajo 235 (5), ‘Partition de Bienes Raices, 1841’; Francisco Ignacio Ossa Mercado, AJS, Legajo 10 (22), ‘Partitión de Bienes Raíces, Nov. 9, 1864’; Valentin Valdivieso Vargas, AJS, Legajo 93 (1), ‘Partitión de Miguel María Gúemes, 1874’; and AJS, Legajo 176 (42), ‘Partitión de Mariano Valdivieso Cruzat, March 1, 1884.’ The Partition of Gúemes included a copy of the will and holdings of Valentin Valdivieso Vargas, Gúemes‘ father-in-law. The Partitión of Mariano Valdivieso had information on the property that he inherited from his father Valentin.
8 Rosas was Governor of Buenos Aires (1829–32 and 1835–52) and was one of the most important estancia owners in the area.
9 Figueroa, , Diccionario Biogrdfico, vol. 2, 472–74;Google ScholarAN Valparaíso, vol. 97, 147–49 and vol. 137. n.p.;Google ScholarEl Mercurio, 30 July 1859; AJS, Legajo 139 (1), ‘Partitión de Luis Cousiño, 1873’; Estado que manifiesta la renta agricola de los fundos nislicos que comprende el esperado departamento para deducir el impuesto anual establecido en substitution del diezmo por la lei de 25 de octubre de 1853 (Valparaiso, 1855) (hereafter cited as Renta Agricola—1853).Google Scholar
10 The following list of top posts held by seven heads of family (some held more than one post) gives some idea of the power they wielded: President of the Republic, governor of the province of Buenos Aires, founder of the Banco Nacional, treasurer of the Unión Civica (political party), president of the Autonomista Nacional (political party), general administrator of the FFCC Oeste (railroad), president of the Banco de la Provincia, founder of the Banco Sudamericano, president of the Banco de la Nation, president of the Banco Hipotecario, president of the Municipality of Buenos Aires, minister of War and Navy, chief of the army, chief of police, director of the Committee of Public Works for the Port of Buenos Aires, mayor of the city of Buenos Aires, minister of Foreign Affairs, president of the Senate. The list of posts, national and municipal, comes from Carranza, Arturo B., La capital de la República, vol. 5 (Buenos Aires, 1938).Google Scholar
11 A list of the top posts occupied by only fifteen members of Chile's third generation of nucleated families shows the same concentration of power as in Argentina: president of the Republic, archbishop of Chile, four ministers of the interior, two ministers of war, three ministers of finance, two justices of the Supreme Court, director of Colonization and Immigration, two diplomats, four bank presidents, four presidents of the Club de la Unión, president of the Sociedad Nacional de Agricultura, seven senators, and twelve representatives (Diputados). Information for list compiled from: Avaria, Luis Valencia, Anales de la Republica, 1810–1950 (Santiago, 1951),Google Scholar 2 vols. Valencia Avaria lists all the Ministers of State and members of Congress from both chambers of Congress in these two volumes for the years 1810–1950; Archivo de Diccionario Ecclesiástico gives a short biography of all clerical personnel in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries; Club de la Unión, Memoria del Club (Santiago, 1884, 1891, 1900);Google ScholarFigueroa, , Diccionario Biográfico, passim; annual reports of the banks and the Boletin of the Sociedad Nacional de Agricultura.Google Scholar
12 Information on the Ossa family, for example, is found in: AJS, Legajo 7 (30), ‘Partitión de Gregorio Ossa y Cerda, 1867’; AJS, Legajo 47 (2), ‘Dueños de Fundos Codao y La Rosa.’ Gregorio Ossa Ossa comes of legal age and assumes one-half ownership with his brother Recaredo Ossa Ossa; Archivo Judicial de Valparaiso, Legajo 1009 (4), 1869,Google Scholar‘Remate de Terreno de Francisco Ossa Ossa’; Impuesto Agricola: Rolde Contribuyentes (Santiago, 1874)Google Scholar (hereafter cited as Renta Agricola—1874). The family's mutual holdings in the Ossa, Escobar Cia. were detailed in AN Valparaíso, vol. 204, n.p. The company was dissolved in 1877. Also, the mutual holdings were found in various annual reports of the hundreds of Sociedades Anónimas formed in Chile from 1852 to the end of the century. A complete listing of companies is impossible for reasons of space, but the Ossas as a group held stock in banks, insurance companies, railroads, and agricultural companies.Google Scholar
13 In the Republic only native-born Chileans or those granted citizenship by an act of Congress were eligible to hold office. Only adult (25 if single and 21 if married) males were eligible to participate in politics. There were many other restrictions on voting rights including literacy, poll taxes, and property.
14 Dávila did not hold a crown position but held municipal office. Though the eldest Dávila remained a Conservative, his sons opposed privilege and joined the Liberal party. The eldest Garciá de la Huerta was not in politics, but his sons were involved in the Independence movement on both sides. His eldest son, Pedro, who supported Independence, became a prominent politician in the Republic and a founder of the Conservative party. Other family members, including Pedro's sons, would be members of the Liberal party.
15 No information was found to indicate that the Cerveró Moxó family participated in politics or held office. The other second-generation family head that did not hold office was Valdivieso, though other family members did; in the third generation the Urmeneta family had no male heirs, but both sons-in-law were prominent politicians.
16 The marriage data came essentially from the Sucesiones, though in some cases where the Sucesion was missing for one generation (e.g., first generation of the Granel family), parish records were consulted. The marriage data came from the Libro de la Parroquia de San Nicolás de los Arroyos, 1776, and from the Census of San Nicolás in 1778, AGN Leg. Bs. As—Padrones—1776/79.
17 The examples are found in Figueroa, , Diccionario Biogrdfico,Google Scholar passim; AJS, Legajo 22 (31), ‘Partitión de Bienes de Santiago Edwards Ossandon, 1876’; AJS, Legajo 10 (22), ‘Partitión de Francisco Ignacio Ossa Mercado, Nov. 9, 1864.’ Another example is MatteMcClure, AJS, Legajo 67 (14), ‘Partición de Carlos McClure Matte, 1871.’
18 The example of this family is a classic: Simón Pereyra (second generation) married Ciriaca Iraola in 1829; Jose G. Iraola (Ciriaca's brother) married Antonia Pereyra (Simón's sister) in 1834. The children of these two couples, Leonardo Pereyra and Antonia Iraola (his cousin) married in the third generation. Sucesiones: Simón Pereyra, AGN Leg. 7414; Leonardo Pereyra, AG Trib., Leg. 2246; José G. Iraola, AGN Leg. 6386.
19 Some examples include: Ossa-Browne (mining and merchant), Cervero-Larrain (merchant-landowning), Edwards-McClure (mining-merchant), Cousiño-Goyenechea and Cousino-Gallo (merchant-mining), Undurraga-Vicuña (merchant-landowning). Some Santiago colonial titled families remained closed and closely linked in this generation: Aldunate-Larrain, Echeverría-Ruiz-Tagle, and others. The sources for these family relationships are from AJS, Legajos 98 (2), ‘Partición de Juan Aldunate, 1855’; 7 (30), ‘Partición de Gregorio Casa y Cerda, 1867’; 10 (11), ‘Partición de Manuel Echeverría’; 38 (19) and 40 (23), ‘Partición de Diego Echeverría’; 139 (1), ‘Partición de Luis Cousiño, 1873’; and Figueroa, , Diccionario Biográfico, passim.Google Scholar
26 Eustoquio Diaz Vélez married his niece Josefa Cano (AGN Leg. 5414); B. Saenz Valiente married his niece Clemencia Aguirre (AG Trib. Leg. 2782); and José Prudencio de Guerrico married his niece María Leonor Güiraldes (AG Trib. leg. 1182).
21 The marriages of the eleven Ossa children of the third generation formed the following family alliances: Ossa-Concha Subercaseaux, Ossa-Lynch Borgoño, Ossa-Armstrong, Ossa-García Valdivieso, Ossa-Garland, Ossa-Covarrubias Ortúzar, Ossa-MacKellar, Baesa Sotomayor-Ossa, Garcia de la Huerta-Ossa, Lira Carrera-Ossa, Davila Larrain-Ossa. All these marriages, except that of Ossa-Concha Subercaseaux, were noted in AJS, Legajo 7 (30), ‘Partition de Gregorio Ossa y Cerda, 1867.’ The exception was found in Figueroa, , Diccionario Biográfico, vol. 5, 424.Google Scholar
22 The number of children within each generation was compiled from data given in the Sucesiones, Particiones and Testamentos. Recent work by Rolando Mellafe et al. confirms the pattern of three-generation fertility found for Santiago families.
23 James Lockhart (University of California, Los Angeles) considers this pattern a classic process of consolidation which occurred equally in the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries under similar conditions.
24 Quinta is a small farm or orchard on the outskirts of the city, which by the nineteenth century had also a weekend house. Chacra (chácara originally) is a small farm also, but larger and farther out from the city. Both terms are common to Argentina and Chile and derive from colonial Peru. It is all the more surprising that the great estate in both areas is not called hacienda, as in Peru, but estancia in Argentina and fundo in Chile.
25 The lands purchased by the first generation in Argentina appeared in Depto. de Geodesia, Registro Gráfico de 1830; those in Chile in Archivo de Contaduria Mayor, ‘Catastro de 1833–1835, Primera Serie por Provincias.’
26 In Argentina the pattern of marriages and contiguous lands can be illustrated with the eleven children of the Martinez de Hoz family who formed a large family conglomerate of estancia land with the Agueros, Álzagas (Depto. de Geodesia, Registro Grafico de 1855). The estancia land of each family by generation has been traced on maps from the Departamento de Geodesia (Provincia de Buenos Aires), Registro Gráfico of 1830, 1855, 1864, 1890; and the individual county maps by Edelberg up to 1937.
In Chile the pattern can be illustrated by the Errázuriz: the marriages of the fourteen children of Francisco Xavier Errázuriz y Madariaga and Rosa Martínez de Aldunate y Guerrero-Carrera are found in Medina, José Toribio, Los Errázuriz (Santiago, 1964, reprint of original of 1898), p. 314.Google Scholar Juana Rosa and Carmen died in infancy. José Santiago became a priest. Francisca and Mercedes married Ramon Ovalle y Vivar; Manuela married Silvestre Ochagavía Squeira; Micaela married Ramon Ovalle Soto; Rafaela married Pedro Salas Palazuelos; Teresa married Pedro Ovalle y Landa; Juana married Tadeo Lazo Santa Cruz; Francisco Xavier married Josefa Zañartu, Ignacia Aldunate y Larrain and Rosario Valdivieso Zañartu; Fernando married Maria del Carmen Sotomayor EIzo; and Isidoro married Antonia Salas Palazuelos. All these families held land within the Quillota and Colchagua regions contiguous with land owned by the Errazuriz family.
27 Coni, Emilio, La enfiteusisde Rivadavia (Buenos Aires, 1927), lists all the individuals who received government grants of land under the emphyteusis, or land-lease law. (One way that the newly formed Republican government obtained funds was by offering land grants in exchange for supplies for the Independence armies, for expeditions against the Indians, or for putting down domestic insurrections. But, as one government minister said in 1819, many people did not want land even if it was given to them.)Google Scholar
28 The property information came from the following Sucesiones: Argentina: Antonio Cambaceres, AGN Leg. 5093; Antonio Cambaceres, AGN Leg. 5208/5209; Eugenio Cambaceres, AGN Leg. 5207; Gaspar José de Campos, AGN Leg. 4852; Martin B. Campos, AG Trib. 1921; Miguel Cané, AG Trib. Leg. 560; Roberto Cano, AG Trib. Leg. 14825 and Leg. 21286; Vicente Casares, AGN Leg. 5083; Vicente E. Casares, AGN Leg. 5258; Carlos Casares, AGN Leg. 5150, 2 cuerpos; Carmen Díaz Velez, AG Trib. Leg. 869, 2 cuerpos; Eustoquio Diaz Velez, AGN Leg. 5414; Joaquín Granel, AGN Leg. Bs. As. Padrones 1726–1779; Gervasio Granel AG Trib. Pcia de Bs. As Leg. 40; Jose Prudencio Guerrico, AGN Leg. 5913; Manuel Jose de Guerrico, AGN Leg. 6083; Jose Prudencio de Guerrico, AG Trib. Leg. 1182; Jose G. Iraola, AGN Leg. 6386; Martin Iraola, AGN Leg. 6417; Santiago Lawrie, AG Pcia. de Bs. As. Leg. 83; Manuel Ortiz Basualdo, AGN Leg. 7281; Maria de la Cruz Segurola, AGN Leg. 7280; Mariano Ortiz Basualdo, AG Trib. Leg. 10335; Carlos Pellegrini, AG Trib. Leg. 2280; Simón Pereyra, AGN Leg. 7414; Leonardo Pereyra, AG Trib. Leg. 2247; Ezeguiel Ramos Mejia, AGN Leg. 8057; Anselmo Saenz Valiente, AGN Leg. 8149; Bernabe Saenz Valiente, AG Trib. Leg. 2782; Saturnino Unzue, AGN Leg. 8578; Saturnino E. Unzue, AGN Leg. 8590.
The data on the Pueyrredón family came from Gammalsson, Hialmar E.: Juan M. de Pueyrredón, 1968.Google Scholar The data on the Martinez de Hoz family came from the books of the Consulado de Buenos Aires, V. 1, Bs. As., 1937. Their landholdings came from Suarez, José M., Historia del Partido de Loberia (Buenos Aires, 1940), and the Registro Gràfico of 1855.Google Scholar
29 Boletín de las leyes ordenesy decretos de la República de Chile, vol. 9 (24 06 1857 and 15 July 1858), ‘Impuesto Territorial en Sustitucion del Diezmo,’ n.p.; AJS, Legajo 7 (30), ‘Partitión de Gregorio Ossa y Cerda, 1867’ and AJS, Legajo 47 (2), ‘Duenos de Fundos Codao y La Rosa’.Google Scholar
30 Property ownership and holdings in bonds were found in the Sucesiones in Argentina and in the Testamentos and Particiones de Bienes Raices in Chile. The corporate holdings were found in the annual reports of the corporations formed in Argentina between 1862 and 1890; in Chile between 1852 and 1900.
31 The Sucesiones brought the family's address. The 1860–70 Beare map of the city of Buenos Aires shows the type of house owned by first and second generations of these families. Since the tearing down of old buildings in the city did not start until the 1880s, the houses of the first generation can still be seen. The map comprises 14 vols.; each page has an aerial view, drawn to scale, of one square city block of Buenos Aires. The street number, the amount of square meters built, and the name of the area given for each property. The data on houses of the third generation came mainly from Ortiz, F., Mantero, J., Gutierrez, R., Levaggi, A., Parera, R., La arquitectura del liberalismo en la Argentina, Buenos Aires, 1968;Google Scholar from photographs and information given to me by Arq. José Maria Pena, Director of the Museo de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, and from my own photographs of some of the houses still standing.
32 The colonial Santiago landed and entailed estate families lived in downtown Santiago, and the other families from the region were scattered throughout the city. A description of Santiago housing is found in Guillermo Cruz, Feliú, Santiago a Comienzos del Sigh XIX (Santiago, 1970), chs. 5 and 6. AJS, Legajo 235 (2), ‘Parcición de Bienes Raices, 1841’ describes the house of Carlos McClure; AJS, Legajo 40 (23), ‘Partition de Diego Echeverría, 1857’; AJS, Legajo 19 (56), ‘Remate, 1838.’Google Scholar
33 In Argentina five Campos families were grouped in one square city block, the block between Lavalle and Tucumán, Rodriguez Peña and Montevideo (Beare map 1860–70). In Chile a good example of this pattern was the Dávilas, AJS, Legajo 11 (21), ‘Sucesión de Juan Davila Maira’ and AJS, Legajo 10 (33), ‘Partitión de Bienes de Juan Davila, 1867.’
Evidence for increase in the size of houses in Buenos Aires and Santiago comes from the Sucesiones which describe in detail the family house, giving square feet, disposition of rooms, materials, and in some cases, a plan of the house. In the case of Buenos Aires additional evidence was obtained from the Beare map of 1860. From the address and owner's name it was possible to find out the actual date of construction of the house and the names of all its previous owners from the Registro de la Propiedad.
34 An example of this pattern was AJS, Legajo 7 (30), ‘Partición de Gregorio Ossa y Cerda.’ Gregorio gives control of his four homes on Calles Huérfanos #103 and #105 and Compania #172 and #174 to his son Francisco Ignacio Ossa Ossa. However, other family members lived in the houses.
35 The lists of founding members for the Sociedad Rural and the Jockey Club in Argentina were taken from Carranza, Arturo B., La Capital de la República, v. 5 (Buenos Aires, 1938). The history of the founding of the Sociedad Hipodromo and the Jockey Club came from two articles in La Natión, 9 May 1926.Google Scholar
36 The annual report of the Club de la Unión for 1900 listed the members for that year and the date they entered the club, the past presidents, and the officers. A history of the club, written by Matte, Guillermo Edwards, El Club de la Unión en sus Ochenta Años (Santiago, 1944), lists club membership for eighty years as well as presidents, directors, secretaries and founding members (pp. 133, 137, 139, 143 and 145).Google Scholar
37 In the twentieth century the growth in power and privilege of the labor unions is the continuation of this policy. The Federalist position is appropriately labeled ‘conservative’ in that it represents more closely the Spanish colonial policy by which merchants and miners gained privilege and autonomy from the state in the eighteenth century.
38 Julio A. Roca was president of Argentina (1880–86 and 1898–1904). He was in charge of the military campaign against the Indians, the ‘Conquest of The Desert,’ a campaign financed by selling in advance the lands to be conquered. The sucesiones often of the eighteen families studied show land obtained from Roca's campaign.
39 Felstiner, Mary Lowenthal, ‘Kinship Politics in the Chilean Independence Movement,’ Hispanic American Historical Review, 56 (02 1976), 80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
40 Families supporting the Conservatives included García de la Huerta (father), Larraín, De la Cerda, Ovalle, Aldunate, Salas, Davila (father), Urmeneta, Valdivieso, Gallo, Besa, Cousiño, McClure, Matte, and Waddington. The opposition (Liberals) included Edwards, Goyenechea, Ossa, Gallo, Garcia de la Huerta and Dávila (sons), Echeverría, Errázuriz, Undurraga, and Eyzaguirre.
41 Smith, Peter, Argentina and the Failure of Democracy (University of Wisconsin Press, 1974), p. 9.Google Scholar
42 Donghi, Tulio Halperin, Politics, Economics, and Society in Argentina in the Revolutionary Period (Cambridge University Press, 1975), pp. 249, 310–11, 391.Google Scholar
43 The civil cases were found in the AJS; Felstiner, ‘Kinship Politics in the Chilean Independence Movement,’ pp. 58–80. Both the Larrain and De la Cerda families were split into branches, one connected to the titled entailed branch and one whose wealth was based on trade.
44 Matías Cousiño married Luz Gallo who was the aunt of the leaders of the 1859 revolt, and Isidora was their first cousin. The will of Miguel Giiemes, husband of a Valdivieso, was contested by the heirs for six years until the courts decided on partition. The court records and testimony indicated that the will was bitterly contested.
45 Stone, Lawrence, ‘Social Mobility in England, 1500–1700,’ Past and Present, 33 (04 1966).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
46 Ibid., p. 33.
47 Ibid., p. 34.
48 Ibid., pp. 34, 42, 46. For this same group see also Slater, Miriam, ‘The Weightiest Business: Marriage in an Upper-gentry Family in Seventeenth Century England,’ Past and Present, 72 (08 1976), 25. This description would equally well describe marriage in the second generation of the Latin American cases: ‘more than the alliance of two individuals because the tie of marriage extended to the whole family the expansion of social connections through marriage figures prominently in the desire to get a spouse’ (p. 31).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
49 Ibid., pp. 36, 47.
50 Stone, Lawrence, The Crisis of the Aristocracy (Oxford University Press, 1965), pp. 550–51, 623.Google Scholar
51 Stone, , Past and Present, pp. 52, 53 (‘... of 105 gentry of Warwickshire in 1682, 2/3 had mercantile connections through intermarriage’).Google Scholar
52 University of Pennsylvania Press, 1975.Google Scholar
53 Ibid., p. 221.
54 Bailyn, Bernard, The New England Merchants in the Seventeenth Century (Harvard University Press, 1955), pp. 88, 96.Google Scholar
55 Brading, D. A., Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico 1763–1810 (Cambridge University Press, 1971), p. 103.Google Scholar
56 Bailyn, , pp. 99, 102–3.Google Scholar
57 We are grateful to James Henrietta of the University of California, Los Angeles, for first pointing this out to us.
58 Bailyn, , pp. 135, 195–96.Google Scholar
59 Hall, Peter Dobkin, ‘Marital Selection and Business in Massachusetts Merchant Families, 1700–1900,’ in Coser, Rose Laub, ed., The Family: Its Structures and Functions (St. Martin's Press, 1974), pp. 226, 231.Google Scholar
60 Ibid., pp. 233–34 and Table 2 on p. 233; and Nash, Gary B., ‘The Philadelphia Bench and Bar, 1800–1861,’ Comparative Studies in Society and History, 7:2, 204–20.Google Scholar
61 Amory, Cleveland, ‘The Proper Bostonians’ (Dutton, New York, 1947), p. 13; marriage, pp. 20, 40; residence, p. 31; concept of family, pp. 17, 19; political office, p. 32; clubs and social register, p. 13.Google ScholarSee also Pessen, Edward, Riches, Classes and Power Before the Civil War (D. C. Heath and Co., 1973), pp. 198, 200, for specific data on residential patterns.Google Scholar
62 Ibid.
63 Ibid., pp. 96, 103.
64 Ibid., pp. 108, 146.
65 Ibid., p. 175.
66 Ibid., pp. 212–14, 217.
67 Ibid., p. 295.
68 Ibid., pp. 296, 299.
69 Fairfield, Francis Gerry, The Clubs of New York (Henry Hinton, 1873), pp. 10–11.Google Scholar
70 Pessen, , p. 60.Google Scholar
71 Ibid., p. 62.
72 Indeed, so strong and seemingly inexorable was this process in both countries that one wonders whether perhaps it was a phenomenon common to all Latin America. Time and place would vary the specifics, of course, but it would appear that the same process occurred elsewhere whenever a region had assets of interest to Europe, so that new areas were settled and organized and new people came into power. The authors know of no studies of groups of families in other areas to confirm this, but Brading's, Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico, pp. 102–07,Google Scholar does reveal an aspect of this generational sequence in eighteenth-century Mexico, when a Mexico City merchant bought land in a rural area toward the end of his life and then a son settled it and tied it to Mexico City and the family's trade network. Family patterns in nineteenth-century Guatemala, northwest Mexico, Venezuela, northern Brazil and northern Peru show the same development. (Professor Miles Wortman, SUNY, Geneseo; Professor Stuart Voss, SUNY, Plattsburgh; papers presented at NECLAS conference, October 1977 on Guatemala and northwest Mexico with D. Balmori on Argentina; Juan Engelson on northern Peru, Christopher Pencheff, northern Brazil, UCLA dissertations.)
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