¹ From the Spanish brazo (“arm”), the term now distinguishes formal guestworkers from undocumented migrants who went north without contracts. A brief survey is Michael Snodgrass, “The Bracero Program, 1942–1964,” in Mark Overmyer-Velásquez, ed., Beyond la Frontera: The History of Mexican-U.S. Migration, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 79–102.

² Bodet, Jaime Torres, Memorias: La victoria sin alas (Mexico: Porrúa, 1970), 508–9Google Scholar. All Spanish-English translations are mine.

³ I cite the Spanish historiography below. Recent histories of the German case include Miller, Jennifer, Turkish Guest Workers in Germany: Hidden Lives and Contested Borders, 1960s to 1980s (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2018)Google Scholar; Spicka, Mark E., “City Policy and Guest Workers in Stuttgart, 1955–1973,” German History 31, 3 (2013): 345–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ Vézina, Catherine, Diplomacia migratoria: Una historia transnacional del Programa Bracero, 1947–1952 (Mexico City: CIDE, 2018)Google Scholar; Cohen, Deborah, Braceros: Migrant Citizens and Transnational Subjects in the Postwar United States and Mexico (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hahamovitch, Cindy, No Man’s Land: Jamaican Guestworkers in America and the Global History of Deportable Labor (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011)Google Scholar.

⁵ The business of private labor contracting still thrived, however, in the placement of clandestine migrants unable or unwilling to enlist in managed migration programs.

⁶ Rass, Christoph, “Temporary Labour Migration and State-Run Recruitment of Foreign Workers in Europe,1919–1975: A New Migration Regime?” International Review of Social History 57 (2012): 191–224 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, quote 195; Castles, Stephen and Kozack, Godula, Immigrant Workers and Class Structure in Western Europe (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), 410–11Google Scholar.

⁷ Hahamovitch, Cindy, “Creating Perfect Immigrants: Guest Workers of the World in Historical Perspective,” Labor History 44, 1 (2003): 69–94 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸ Rhoades, Robert, “Foreign Labor and German Industrial Capitalism 1871–1978: The Evolution of a Migratory System,” American Ethnologist 5, 3 (1978): 562–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chin, Rita, The Guest Worker Question in Postwar Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 47–50 Google Scholar.

⁹ Hahamovitch addresses the distinctions in “Creating Perfect Immigrants,” 71–73.

¹⁰ See the analysis submitted by Mexico’s Chicago consulate: “Mexicanos Emigrantes, medidas sugeridas para controlar sus energias,” June 1922, Archivo General de la Nación: Ramo Obregón-Calles, 711-M-30; Italian policy in Cinel, Dino, The National Integration of Italian Return Migrants, 1870–1929 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991)Google Scholar; personal correspondence with Julie Weise, University of Oregon, June–July 2017.

¹¹ Gamio, Manuel, Mexican Immigration to the United States: A Study of Human Migration and Adjustment (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1930), 176–83Google Scholar.

¹² Henderson, Julia, “Foreign Labour in the United States during the War,” International Labour Review 52 (Dec. 1945): 609–31Google Scholar.

¹³ While they labored across dozens of states, 80 percent of braceros harvested cotton, produce, and citrus in Texas and California. Railway maintenance employed several hundred thousand during World War II alone. Roosevelt’s Executive Order 8802 prohibited racial discrimination in wartime defense industries.

¹⁴ Reports of the U.S. Immigration [Dillingham] Commission, vol. 4, Emigration Conditions in Europe (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1911), 231–34, 411–15.

¹⁵ Commissioner of Immigration Anthony Caminetti, 22 July 1918, in Records of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, Mexican Immigration, 1906–1930 (reel 7); “Hi, Amigos!” Parade Magazine, 21 Oct. 1945; Archivo Histórico Genaro Estrada, Embajada Mexicana, Oct. 1945, 1452–1.

¹⁶ U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Agriculture: Hearings on Mexican Farm Labor (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1955, 1958, 1961), 21, 422–23, 11.

¹⁷ Engermann, David C. and Unger, Corinna R., “Introduction: Towards a Global History of Modernization,” Diplomatic History 33, 3 (2009): 375–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ de Haas, Hein, “The Migration and Development Pendulum: A Critical Review on Research and Policy,” International Migration 50, 3 (2012): 8–25 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rhoades, “Foreign Labor,” 553–54.

¹⁹ Rhoades, “Foreign Labor,” 561–62, 570.

²⁰ The U.S. Congress held Italy’s annual immigration quota at 5,800 (compared to 158,000 yearly arrivals between 1900–1920). Machado, Barry, In Search of a Usable Past: The Marshall Plan and Postwar Reconstruction (Garmisch: Marshall Center, 2007), 75–77 Google Scholar; Iacovetta, Franca, Such Hardworking People: Italian Immigrants in Postwar Toronto (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1992), 25–37 Google Scholar; Göktürk, Deniz, Gramling, David, and Kaes, Anton, eds., Germany in Transit: Nation and Migration, 1955–2005 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 27, 67–76 Google Scholar, on an East German system that proved far less hospitable.

²¹ Chin, Guestworker Question, 47; Kindleberger, Charles, Europe’s Postwar Growth: The Role of Labor Supply (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), 207 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Herbert, Ulrich, A History of Foreign Labor in Germany, 1880–1980 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1990), 226 Google Scholar.

²² Shonik, Kaja, “Politics, Culture, and Economics: Reassessing the West German Guest Worker Agreement with Yugoslavia,” Journal of Contemporary History 40, 4 (2009): 719–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²³ Surveys nonetheless found working-class majorities (70 percent) willing to work longer hours “if this made the employment of foreigners unnecessary.” Castles and Kosack, Immigrant Workers, 168–69.

²⁴ Göktürk, Germany in Transit, 36–37.

²⁵ Knortz, Heike, Diplomatische Tauschgeschäfte: “Gastarbeiter” in der westdeutschen Diplomatie und Beschäftigungspolitik 1953–1973 (Köln, Böhlau Verlag, 2008)Google Scholar; Herbert, History of Foreign Labor, 210–11; Castles and Kosack, Immigrant Workers, 8, 180.

²⁶ Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (henceforth OECD), Emigrant Workers Returning to Their Home Country (Paris: OECD, 1967); Gmelch, George surveyed this research, in “Return Migration,” Annual Review of Anthropology 9 (1980): 235–59CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

²⁷ For example, Cerase, Francesco P., “A Study of Italian Migrants Returning from the U.S.A.,” International Migration Review 1, 3 (1967): 67–74 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. That journal notably debuted in 1966 (two years after the Journal of Development Studies). Xosé Núñez Seixas surveys the historiography on pre-1930s Europe, especially Spanish Galicia, in “Emigración de retorno y cambio social en la Península Ibérica: Algunas observaciones teóricas en perspectiva comparada,” Migraciones y Exilios 1 (2000): 27–66.

²⁸ Beginning with Cornelius, Wayne A., Mexican Migration to the United States: The View from Rural Sending Communities (Cambridge: MIT, 1976)Google Scholar, an early publication of MIT’s Migration and Development Study Group.

²⁹ Fred Eldridge, “Helping Hands from Mexico,” Saturday Evening Post, 10 Aug. 1957; Galarza, Ernesto, Strangers in Our Fields (Washington, D.C.: Joint United States-Mexico Trade Union Committee, 1956)Google Scholar.

³⁰ Garmendia, Jose, La emigración española en la encrucijada: marco general de la emigración de retorno (Valladolid: Centro de Investigaciones Sociales, 1981), 250 Google Scholar.

³¹ Hahamovitch, “Creating Perfect Immigrants,” 86; Rass, “Temporary Labour,” 215–18.

³² Mitchell, Don, They Saved the Crops: Labor, Landscape, and the Struggle over Industrial Farming in Bracero-Era California (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2012)Google Scholar.

³³ Carlos Sanz Díaz, “Un atajo al pais del milagro económico: La emigración irregular de españoles a la Republica Federal de Alemania bajo el franquismo,” in Luis M. Calvo Salgado, et al., Migración y exilio españoles en el siglo XX (Madrid: Iberoamericana, 2009), 127–56.

³⁴ Their social standing improved, however, since Germans saw the Turks “with even greater mistrust.” Garmendia, La emigración española, 241–43; Díaz-Plaja, Guillermo Luis, La condición emigrante: los trabajadores españoles en Europa (Madrid: EDICUSA, 1974), 157–60Google Scholar.

³⁵ Consular officials reported annual desertion rates of up to 25 percent, with “skips” returning to trusted employers or settling in cities like Chicago and Denver. Archivo Histórico Genaro Estrada: Trabajadores Migratorios, file TM-32-27, 1954.

³⁶ Van Os, Geertje, Me vine con una maleta de cartón y madera: Emigrantes españoles en el sureste de holanda, 1961–2000 (Cáceres: Museu de Cáceres, 2009)Google Scholar; Espahangizi, Raika, “Migration and Urban Transformations: Frankfurt in the 1960s and 1970s,” Journal of Contemporary History 40, 4 (2009): 183–208 Google Scholar; interviews in the film, El tren de la memoria, Marta Arribas and Anna Pérez, directors (Spain: Producciones La Iguana, 2005).

³⁷ Alexander Clarkson, Fragmented Fatherland: Immigration and Cold War Conflict in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1945–1980 (New York: Berghahn, 2013), 94; Los trabajadores españoles en Alemania, R. Simancas, director, produced by Noticieros y Documentales, Madrid, 1963, viewable at http://www.rtve.es/filmoteca/.

³⁸ Spicka, “City Policy,” 351; Juan Moreno, “Has Germany Really Changed?” Der Spiegel Online, 11 Sept. 2015.

³⁹ José Babiano and Ana Fernández Asperilla, La patria en la maleta: Historia social de la emigración española en Europa (Madrid: Fundación 1 de Mayo, 2009), ch. 3.

⁴⁰ Gamio, Mexican Immigration, 127–28.

⁴¹ Interviews in El tren de la memoria. Robert Rhoades writes, in “Guest Workers and Germans: A Study in the Anthropology of Migration,” that he found Spanish metalworkers near Stuttgart expressed no interest in “integration” (PhD diss., University of Oklahoma, 1976, 129–33).

⁴² Pettina, Vanni, “Adapting to the New World: Mexico’s International Strategy of Economic Development at the Outset of the Cold War, 1946–1952,” Cultural and Digital History Journal 4, 1 (2015): 1–16 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴³ Online bibliographies at https://sre.gob.mx/cancilleria/reglamento-interno/35-cancilleria/cancilleria/97-cancilleres-del-siglo-xx- (accessed 8 Mar. 2022).

⁴⁴ Salinas, Jose Lázaro, La emigración de braceros: visión objetiva de un problema mexicana (Mexico: Cuauhtémoc, 1955)Google Scholar. Some scholars insist the saving scandal persisted, costing several million unwitting migrants 10 percent of their earnings. Archival evidence indicates otherwise, as would the inexplicable quiescence of braceros who clearly knew their rights. One proponent is Loza, Mireya, Defiant Braceros: How Migrant Workers Fought for Racial, Sexual, & Political Freedom (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ch. 4. Vézina corrects the record in Diplomacia migratoria, 162–64.

⁴⁵ Guy Ray, Mexico City Embassy, 6 Oct. 1943, State Department Record Group 84, United States National Archives and Records Administration (hereafter NARA: RG 84), 840.1.

⁴⁶ Joseph Lyford, “An Army of Ill-Will Ambassadors,” New Republic, 4 Mar. 1957; AFL-CIO legislative director Biemiller in Committee on Agriculture Hearings, House of Representatives (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1963), 197.

⁴⁷ Pedro de Alba, Siete artículos sobre el problema de los braceros (Mexico, 1954), 31–36.

⁴⁸ Ibid., 44–45.

⁴⁹ New Deal labor legislation exempted agriculture. African American cotton workers thus took notice when Mexican consuls intervened to enforce bracero rights in the Mississippi Delta. By 1963, civil rights proponents in the U.S. Congress cited the Bracero Program as precedent for federal intervention to curtail racial segregation. Galarza testimony in House of Representatives, Hearings, Mexican Farm Labor Program (Washington, D.C., 1955); Julie M. Weise, Corazón de Dixie: Mexicanos in the U.S. South since 1910 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015), 112; B. P. Trussell, “Provisions Protecting Braceros Cited as Rights-Bill Precedent,” New York Times, 25 Aug. 1963.

⁵⁰ Wright, Dale, They Harvest Despair: The Migrant Farm Worker (Boston: Beacon Press, 1965)Google Scholar; Hahamovitch, No Man’s Land.

⁵¹ Ernesto Galarza, in “Tres estudios especializados acerca de los braceros,” Boletín del Archivo General de la Nación 4, 4 (Mexico: AGN, 1980): 38–52.

⁵² El Popular, 21 Oct. 1944; El Nacional, 2–4 Feb. 1943. See Archivo Histórico Genaro Estrada: Trabajadores Migratorios, for grievances filed with Mexican consuls.

⁵³ Excélsior, cited in Burrows, Mexico City, to State Department, 7 Mar. 1950, NARA—Braceros 560, box 6. “Lands” refers to states like California annexed by the United States after the Mexican-American War.

⁵⁴ Oechner, Monterrey, to State Department, 26 July 1956, NARA—Braceros 560, box 6.

⁵⁵ Creagan, James, “Public Law 78: A Tangle of Domestic and International Relations,” Journal of Inter-American Studies 7, 4 (1965): 541–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁶ Snodgrass, Michael, “Patronage and Progress: The Bracero Program from the Perspective of Mexico,” in Fink, Leon, ed., Workers across the Americas: The Transnational Turn in Labor History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 245–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁷ Petitions arrived from teachers, parents’ associations, union locals, and communal farm communities (ejidos). Archivo General e Histórico de Michoacán—Gobernación, Serie: Programa Braceros, 1959, 1963.

⁵⁸ Rass, “Temporary Labour Migration,” 212; Zolberg, Aristide, A Nation by Design: Immigration Policy in the Fashioning of America (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006), 320–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁹ Primera Reunion Parlementaria Mexico-Norteamericana, Guadalajara, 6–12 Feb. 1961, in Archivo Municipal de Guadalajara.

⁶⁰ El Universal, Mexico City, 15 Mar. 1950.

⁶¹ De Alba, Siete artículos, 26–30, 48–52; Rass, “Temporary Labour Migration,” 215.

⁶² “With signed labor contract in hand.” Calderón, Alvaro Rengifo, Técnica y política de la emigración española (Madrid: IEE, 1965)Google Scholar.

⁶³ Emigration Law of 1970, in Vilar, Juan Bautista, Migración de retorno desde Europa: su incidencia en la modernización de la región de Murcia (1975–2005) (Murcia: Universidad de Murcia, 2008)Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Sanchez, Antonio Cazorla, Fear and Progress: Ordinary Lives in Franco’s Spain, 1939–1975 (London: Wiley, 2010), 107–15Google Scholar; Orwell, George, Homage to Catalonia, 7th ed. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1962), 74 Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ See Maddison Historical Statistics, Groningen Growth and Development Center, https://www.rug.nl/ggdc/historicaldevelopment/maddison/original-maddison.

⁶⁶ Göktürk, Germany in Transit, 9; overviews of Spanish migration in de la Torre, Joseba and Lafuente, Gloria Sanz, eds., Migraciones y coyuntura económica del franquismo a la democracia (Zaragoza: Prensas Universitarias, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁷ Clarkson, Fragmented Fatherland, 99.

⁶⁸ Rengifo Calderón, Técnica y política,”11.

⁶⁹ Noticiarios y Documentales, “Los trabajadores españoles en Alemania” (Jan. 1963), http://www.rtve.es/alacarta/videos/revista-imagenes/trabajadores-espanoles-alemania/2852857/.

⁷⁰ Union General de Trabajadores (UGT) de Alemania, “Ante el alucinante problema de la emigración” (Dusseldorf, 1973), in Alted, Alicia, ed., UGT y el reto de la emigración económica (1957–1976) (Madrid: Fundación Largo Caballero, 2010), 29–33 Google Scholar.

⁷¹ UGT de Alemania, 43 (quoted); Babiano and Asperilla, La patria, 127–28.

⁷² Clarkson, Fragmented Fatherland, 96–101 (quoted); Sánchez, Antonio Muñoz, Entre dos sindicalismos: La emigración española en la RFA, los sindicatos alemanes y la Unión General de Trabajadores, 1960–1964 (Madrid: Fundación 1 de Mayo, 2008), 20–22 Google Scholar.

⁷³ Carlos Sanz Díaz, “Un sindicato en la emigracion: La UGT y los trabajadores españoles en Alemania (1961–1976),” in Alted, UGT y el reto,164–80; Clarkson, Fragmented Fatherland, 97–100.

⁷⁴ Muñoz Sánchez, Entre dos sindicalismos, 20–24.

⁷⁵ Babiano and Asperilla, La patria, 272; Garmendia, La emigración española.

⁷⁶ Castles and Kosack, Immigrant Workers, 126, 158; Díaz-Plaja, La condición, 200–2; Manuel Simón, “La acción de la UGT en la emigración económica Española,” in Alted, UGT y el reto, 66–67.

⁷⁷ Clarkson, Fragmented Fatherland, 89–92.

⁷⁸ Simón, “La acción,” 29–33. Operación Patria appears in “Los trabajadores españoles en Alemania.”

⁷⁹ Virtual exhibit: “We’ve Arrived … Cologne-Deutz Train Station: Migration Stories over 40 Years.” Museum of Migration in Cologne, Germany (domid.org); interview in El tren de la memoria.

⁸⁰ Juventud Obrera Católica report in Babiano and Asperilla, La patria, 98; Rhoades, “Guest Workers and Germans,” 129–33; Spicka, “City Policy.”

⁸¹ Kindleberger, Europe’s Postwar Growth, 204; UGT de Alemania, “Ante el alucinante problema,” 20; Nigel Townson, “Introduction,” in Townson, Nigel, ed., Spain Transformed: The Late Franco Dictatorship, 1959–75 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 14 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸² Sánchez, Antonio Muñoz, “El sindicato vertical ‘al servicio del emigrante’: La agregaduría laboral de la Embajada Española en Bonn durante los años sesenta,” Historia, trabajo, y sociedad 3 (2012): 115–36Google Scholar.

⁸³ Pascual, Angel, El retorno de los emigrantes: conflicto o integración? (Barcelona: Nova Terra, 1970), 135–37Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Jose Cazorla Perez, Retorno al sur (Cadiz: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1989), 154, whereas 37 percent of migrants themselves claimed “more leftist ideas than before” (while 5 percent declared themselves “more to the right”).

⁸⁵ Compliance also reflected distinct business cultures: rural American growers averse to federal intervention versus Germany’s quasi-corporatist employer associations.

⁸⁶ King, Russell explains why in “Generalizations from the History of Return Migration,” in Ghosh, Bimal, ed., Return Migration: Journey of Hope or Despair? (Geneva: International Office on Migration, 2000)Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Bohning, W. R. and Maillat, D., The Effects of the Employment of Foreign Workers (Paris: Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 1974)Google Scholar; Babiano and Asperilla, La patria, 260–67.

⁸⁸ Studies of post-bracero conditions include Weise, Corazón de Dixie, ch. 4; and Holmes, Seth, Fresh Fruit, Broken Bodies: Migrant Farm Workers in the United States (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013).Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Between 1950 and 2000, Spain’s population grew by 30 percent, to forty million, while Mexico’s quadrupled to one hundred million. As a result, by the century’s end, Spain’s GDP per capita more than doubled Mexico’s. In a related contrast, Spain evolved in a single generation from an emigrant nation to a net recipient of immigrants. See Maddison Historical Statistics.

⁹⁰ Babiano and Asperilla, La patria, 247–51.

⁹¹ Eldridge, “Helping Hands.”

⁹² Rodriguez, Robyn Magalit, Migrants for Export: How the Philippine State Brokers Labor to the World (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Germano, Roy, Outsourcing Welfare: How the Money Immigrants Send Home Contributes to Stability in Developing Countries (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pedersen, David, American Values: Migrants, Money, and Meaning in the United States and El Salvador (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹³ Díaz-Plaja, La condición, 215–20; Cazorla Pérez, Retorno, 175–76; OECD, “International Migration of Labour and its Repercussions,” OECD Observer 47 (Aug. 1970): 9–12.

⁹⁴ Pascual, El retorno, 120; OECD, “International Migration of Labour and Its Repercussions,” OECD Observer 47 (Aug. 1970): 9–12.

⁹⁵ Bautista Vilar, Migración de retorno, 57–67 (cited); Robert Rhoades, “Intra-European Return Migration and Rural Development: Lessons from the Spanish Case,” Human Organization, 37, 2 (1978): 135–37.

⁹⁶ Jerome Mintz, “Trouble in Andalusia,” Natural History 81, 5 (1972): 54–63, the ethnographic narrative that resulted in his poignant documentary Pepe’s Family (1978), https://collections.libraries.indiana.edu/IULMIA/items/show/917.

⁹⁷ Even the regional savings banks channeled remittances from abroad into urban investments in Madrid, rather than rural sending regions, and emigrant associations protested against this divestment policy. Babiano and Asperilla, La patria, 244–50.

⁹⁸ Pérez, Sonia Martin, La representación social de la emigración española a Europa, 1956–1975: el papel de la televisión y otros medios de comunicación (Madrid: Ministerio de Empleo, 2012), 149–64Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Aceña, Martín and Ruíz, Martínez, “The Golden Age of Spanish Capitalism,” in Townson, Nigel, ed., Spain Transformed: The Late Franco Dictatorship, 1959–75 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 40–41 Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Perez, Retorno al sur, 133; Jose Garmendia, La emigración española.

¹⁰¹ Humphrey, Norman D., “The Mexican Image of Americans,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, “America Through Foreign Eyes,” 295 (Sept. 1954): 116–125 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Simpson, Leslie, Many Mexicos (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 347 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hancock, Richard H., The Role of the Bracero in the Economic and Cultural Dynamics of Mexico: A Case Study of Chihuahua (Stanford: Hispanic American Society, 1959)Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Massey, Douglas S. et al., Return to Aztlán: The Social Process of International Migration from Western Mexico (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990)Google Scholar. The Bracero History Archive (braceroarchive.org) holds 737 transcribed interviews. Nearly all responded negatively to structured inquiries about employer abuses or discrimination. Contrast that with Mize, Ronald L., The Invisible Workers of the U.S.-Mexican Bracero Program: Obreros Olvidados (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2016)Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Belshaw, Michael, A Village Economy: Land and People of Huecorio (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 130–33Google Scholar, 346–48; Hahamovitch, No Man’s Land, 149–50.

¹⁰⁴ Binford, Leigh, “Migrant Remittances and (Under)development in Mexico,” Critique of Anthropology 23, 3 (2003): 305–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cohen, Jeffrey, Jones, Richard, and Conway, Dennis, “Why Remittances Shouldn’t be Blamed for Rural Underdevelopment in Mexico: A Collective Response to Leigh Binford,” Critique of Anthropology 25, 1 (2005): 87–96 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Reichert, Joshua S., “The Migrant Syndrome: Seasonal U.S. Wage Labor and Rural Development in Central Mexico,” Human Organization 40, 1 (1981): 56–66 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Paul Friedrich, The Princes of Naranja: An Essay in Anthrohistorical Method (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987); Maria Herrera-Sobek, The Bracero Experience: Elitelore vs Folklore (Los Angeles: University of California at Los Angeles, 1979), 122–25; synthesis of the ethnographies in Snodgrass, “The Bracero Program” (98–101); case studies from Los Altos and Valles regions of Jalisco in Snodgrass, “Patronage and Progress” (256–61).

¹⁰⁷ Diffusion of innovation in Saldaña, Tomás Martínez and Mendoza, Leticia Gándara, Política y sociedad en México: el caso de los altos de Jalisco (Mexico: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 1976)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Grindle, Merilee, Searching for Rural Development: Labor Migration and Employment in Mexico (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988), 38.Google Scholar For hometown associations and examples of productive investment, see Fitzgerald, David, A Nation of Emigrants: How Mexico Manages Its Migration (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ The “House of History” now displays the motorbike awarded to the one millionth gastarbeiter, Armando Rodrigues de Sá, who passed away in Portugal in 1979.

¹¹⁰ Reichert, Joshua S. and Massey, Douglas S., “Guestworker Programs: Evidence from Europe and the United States and some Implications for U.S. Policy,” Population Research and Policy Review 1, 1 (1982): 1–17 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹¹ OECD, “Interrelations between Public Policies, Migration and Development” (Paris: OECD Publishing, 2017); Pritchett, Lant, Let Their People Come: Breaking the Gridlock on International Labor Mobility (Washington, D.C.: Center for Global Development, 2006), 1Google Scholar.

¹¹² The Other Side of Immigration, Roy Germano, director (New Paltz, NY: Team Love, 2009).

¹¹³ Hahamovitch, “Creating Perfect Immigrants,” 89–94; Rodriguez, Migrants for Export, ch. 6; Leigh Binford examines the Mexico-Canada program in Tomorrow We’re All Going to the Harvest: Temporary Foreign Worker Programs and Neoliberal Political Economy (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2013).