¹ Fertility is not used in any biological sense, but refers to the rate at which births actually occur in a particular group of people. Where fertility in the biological sense is meant, fecundity (the ability to bring about a pregnancy) is used.

² Ariès, P., “Attitudes devant la vie et la mort du XVIIe au XIXe siècle”, Population, 3 (1949), 469Google Scholar; C. V. Kiser, “L'enquete d'Indianapolis sur la fecondite”, Ibid.., 5 (1950), 272.

³ For example: Aulus Gellius, NA, 1, 6; Propertius, 2, 7; Pliny, NH 14, 5; Augustus’ laws: Suetonius, Aug., 34 and 89; Dig., 35, 1, 64, 1 (Terentius Clemens); their re-enactment: frag. Vat., 168 and 247; cf. CIL, XI, 6358; and in the third century: D. 50, 5, 2 (Ulpian); CJ 5, 66, 1 (203); these laws were formally annulled by Constantine, C. Th. 8, 16 (320), though something of it lingered cf. C. Th. 9, 42, 9 (380) and 8, 17, 1–3 (396 and 410). Majorian re-enacted penalties for childless women in 458 (N. Maj. 6.) The evidence for small families among the upper class in the Early Empire is legion; I have collected some of the evidence from the later Empire in my unpublished fellowship dissertation, “A demographic profile of the Later Roman aristocracy”, King's College, Cambridge, 1963.

⁴ For this calculation I have used UN model life tables, level 10, with an expectation of life at birth for both sexes of 25 (Methods for Population Projections by Sex and Age, UN Population Studies, 25 (1956), 74–6, ST/SOA/Series A). The median duration of first marriages, with no account taken of divorce, but only of one or both partners’ death, is based for purposes of illustration on a couple married at 15 (female) and 25 (male). Cf. Hopkins, M. K., “The Age of Roman Girls at Marriage”, Population Studies, 18 (1965), 325.Google Scholar

⁵ Seeck, O., Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt, 5 vols. (Stuttgart 4, 1921Google Scholar), 1,269 sq.; cf. also the similar, if much qualified views of Last, H., “Letter to N. H. Baynes”, J.R.S., 37 (1947), 152–6.Google Scholar

⁶ Galton, F., Hereditary Genius (London 1869), 130–140CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fisher's, R. A. elaboration in Genetical Theory of Natural Selection (Oxford 1930)Google Scholar; Hollingsworth, T. H., “A demographic study of the British Ducal Families”, Population Studies, 11 (1957–8), 23–4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷ E.g., “Uxor legitimus debet quasi census amari Nee censum vellem semper amare meum”" (Meyer, Anthologia, 146). For prostitution cf. Herter, H., “Die Soziologie der antiken Prostitution”, Jahrbuch für Antike u. Christentum, 3 (1960), 70 ffGoogle Scholar. (This article is not sociological.)

⁸ Cf. Hähnel, R., “Der künstliche Abortus im Altertum”, Sudhoffs Archiv Gesch. Med., 29 (1936), 224–55Google Scholar; J. H. Waszink, RAC, sv “Abtreibung”.

⁹ Kaser, M., Das römische Privatrecht (Munich, 1959), 2, 143–4Google Scholar, and the literature cited there. I agree, of course that the lower classes also killed or sold their children, though the usual economic causes cited need qualification. For infanticide by the rich, cf., Longus, Pastoralia, 4, 35; Suetonius, Aug. 65, 4; Claudius, 27; Tertullian, Apol., 9; Musonius, apud Stobaeum (ed. Hense), 4, 665; Firmicus Maternus, Math., 7, 2.

¹⁰ Syme, R., “Bastards in the Roman Aristocracy”, Proc. Amer. Phil. Soc, 104, 3 (1960), 324.Google Scholar

¹¹ Two scholars in particular have blazed the trail: Himes, N. B., A Medical History of Contraception (London, 1936), esp. 79–96Google Scholar; he was not a classicist and relied upon translations, which in one or two instances were misleading, and in others incomplete. The other is Diepgen, P., Die Frauenheilkunde der alten Welt (Munich, 1937)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which gives a fuller, but somewhat fragmented account and is concerned with the knowledge rather than with the use of contraceptives.

¹² Drabkin, I. E., “On Medical Education in Greece and Rome”, Bull. Hist. Med., 15 (1944), 350Google Scholar.

¹³ In general, cf. Allbutt, T. C., Greek medicine in Rome (London 1921)Google Scholar, esp. on the public medical service, pp. 443 ff., and Diepgen, P., Geschichte der Medizin (Berlin, 1949), 1, 151Google Scholar. Scribonius Largus laments that anyone can become a doctor (ed. G. Helmreich, Leipzig, 1887, p. 4, 23). On public payment and privileges given to doctors cf. Suetonius, Julius Caesar, 42, 1; Augustus, 42, 3; Dio Cass., 53, 30, 3; D. 27, 1, 6, 2; C. Th. 13, 3; Strabo 4, 1, 5. On public lectures and medical schools — Galen, ed. Kühn, 19, 21 and Oehler, J., “Epigraphische Beiträge zur Geschichte des Ārztestandes”, Janus, 14 (1909), 14–5.Google Scholar

¹⁴ On Ephesus medical association, cf. Friedländer, L., Sittengeschichte Roms (Leipzig, 1921), 1, 192Google Scholar; for others, cf. the epitaphs to tabulario scholae medicorum (Orelli 4226) and set up by a scriba medicorum (CIL, VI, 9566). On the selection of municipal doctors, C. Th. 13, 3, 9 (370).

¹⁵ Some of Vindicianus’ work, including a Gynaecia, survives in fragmentary form (ed. with the works of Theodorus Priscianus by V. Rose, Leipzig, 1894). He was a teacher of Priscianus, and one of his main purposes was to make Greek works available in Latin, so K. Deichgräber, RE, sv Vindicianus, col. 36. Theodorus Priscianus also wrote a Gynaecia, which shows the influence of Soranus, whether direct or indirect. Cf. Deichgräber, RE sv Theodorus (46). The de medicina of Cassius Felix was written in A.D.447, and has in the manuscript (codex Parisianus Latinus 6114) the subtitle … medicinae logicae sectae de graeco in latinum liber translatus. It was based particularly upon Galen. Caelius Aurelianus was also an African; his Gynaecia was first published by M. F. and I. E. Drabkin, Bull. Hist. Med., Suppl. 13 (Baltimore, 1951).

¹⁶ The influence of Soranus may be seen in Oribasius, Coll. 24, 31, ed. J. Raeder, CMG, VI, 2, 1; ed. U. C. Bussemaker and C. Daremberg (Paris, 1851–76), vol. 3, 369–82; cf. Ilberg, J., “Die Ürberlieferung der Gynäkologie des Soranos von Ephesos”, Abh. der phil.-hist. Kl. der kän. sächs. Gesell. der Wiss., 28, 2 (Leipzig, 1916), 27Google Scholar. Soranus is drawn on by Tertullian, de anima 6, 6 and praised by Augustine, Contra Julianum 5, 14, 51, PL 44, 813. Aëtius was physician at the court of Justinian 1 at Constantinopole; he was strongly influenced by Soranus, cf. his de re medica liber XVI, ed. S. Zervos (Leipzig, 1901). Mustio translated and adapted Soranus’ Gynaecia; his work was edited by V. Rose under the title Sorani Gynaeciorum vetus translatio Latina (Leipzig, 1883); it had been retranslated into Greek and attributed to Moschion (ed. F. O. Dewez, Vienna, 1793), who was long thought to be a different man; but their identity is shown by Ilberg, op. cit., 6, 9. 74 sq., 102 sq. A brief account of the influence of Soranus on later gynaecology is given by Temkin, O., Soranus’ Gynecology (Baltimore, 1956)Google Scholar, xliv ff.

¹⁷ Cassiodorus, de inst. div. lift. 31; Marcellus Empiricus or Burdigalensis (ed. G. Helmreich, Leipzig, 1889, and M. Niedermann, Berlin, 1916, CML, 5) wrote in a letter, addressed to the sons of the emperor Theodosius, of his Latin sources (Helmreich, 1; Niedermann, 3); also cf. E. Kind, RE sv Marcellus (58).

¹⁸ Aristotle, Hist. Anim., 583a, recommends that a woman who does not want to conceive should before intercourse smear her genitals with cedar oil, white lead or frankincense. [Hippocrates], Nat. Mul. 98 (ed. E. Littré, 7, 414) and Mul, 1, 76 (Littré, 8, 170) recommends that the woman should drink misy, which is possibly copper sulphate. In Genit., 5 (Littré, 7, 476), the author mentions the practice of women who do not want to conceive, but the wording is so vague that it is difficult to know what is meant; it seems to be either coitus interruptus or some method of getting the semen out of the vagina after coitus; such methods are often found elsewhere (cf., Himes, op. cit., 26, 82): ‘, , , . “When the woman has intercourse, if she does not intend to conceive, the semen from both customarily falls outside, when the woman wishes it.” Cf., Nat. Puer., 13 (Littré, 7, 490).

¹⁹ Certainly if it is there at all in Pliny it is distorted. Pliny, NH 24, 11, 18 (Loeb translation): “Gossip records a miracle: that to rub it (cedar gum) all over the male part before coition prevents conception.” Cf. below, p. 138 and n. 39. Not only is it a distortion of Aristotle's prescription, it is also unlikely to be effective. There are many other references to contraceptives in Pliny's Natural History, but most of them are cautionary; e.g., fern, or asplenon, is good for such and such, but is should not be taken by women because it causes sterility or abortion (27, 55, 80; 27, 17, 34; and similarly: 20: 44, 114; 51, 142–3; 53, 147). He also positively recommended some antaphrodisiacs and medicines designed to cause impotence (for use against third parties?); these are purely magical (28, 32, 122; 28, 77, 256) and herbal (22, 45, 91). In another passage Pliny states his attitude towards the use of contraceptives (29, 27, 85): “There is also a third type of phalangium, a hairy spider with an enormous head. When this is cut open, there are said to be found inside two little worms, which tied in deer skin as an amulet on women before sunrise, act as a contraceptive (ne concipiant), as Caecilius has told us in his Commentaries. They retain this property for a year. Of all such preventives (atocio) this only would it be right for me to mention, to help those women who are so prolific that they stand in need of such respite.” Cf. Tosephta, Yebamot 8,4.

²⁰ Pedanius Dioscorides came from Cilicia, and served in the Roman army. He wrote one of the most important ancient pharmacological and botanical treatises. It had great influence in later times and after the invention of printing went through 70 editions in many European countries (cf. Himes, op. cit., 85–6). There survives from antiquity a sixth century manuscript of it with fine drawings of many plants; these have been published by R. T. Gunther (Oxford, 1934 and New York, 1959). The references here are to the text by M. Wellman (Berlin 1907–14), 3 vols; his enumeration differs slightly from Gunther's. I have not been able to consult T. Fischer, Die Gyna'kologie bei Dioscorides u. Plinius, Diss. Vienna, 1927, nor to translate J. Lachs, Ginekologia u Dioscoridesa (Krakow, 1949). Dioscorides has at least 20 prescriptions for childlessness: a) only four of these are cautionary (2, 179, 2; 4, 20; 4, 185; 5, 146); b) three are magical (e.g. asparagus as an amulet and its decoction drunk, 2, 125, considered spurious by Wellman; and also 2, 79; 3, 134); c) seven are ineffectual potions (e.g.: willow leaves with water, 1, 104; and also: 1, 81; 2, 19; 2, 75; 4, 19; 5, 80 (2); d) two are ineffectual pessaries (to be applied to the genitals) one after coitus (2: 75, 159); e) only the last four are possibly effective; they consist of pessaries or sticky substances to be applied to the genitals before coitus (peppermint(?) ┼ honey ┼ water, 3, 34; cedar(?) gum, 1, 77, 2; axe-weed with honey, 3, 130; alum, 5, 106, 6).

²¹ Himes, op. cit., 88; Soranus, Gynaecia, 2, 44; Suidas, Lexicon (ed. Adler) sv Soranos.

²² Oribasius, Euporiston 4, 116 (Bussemaker and Daremberg, 5, 777–8; Latin; 6, 623) gave essentially the same advice as Dioscorides in three prescriptions, of which only one is possibly useful (a pessary of axe-weed to be applied before coitus), added a further useless pessary (of cabbage) to be applied after intercourse, and converted what was to Dioscorides an ingredient in a possibly effective prescription into a sole and useless ointment for the male genitals (peppermint(?). Caelius Aurelianus Gynaecia (ed. Drabkin, p. 29; 1, 83) follows Soranus and except for recommending that the woman should hold her breath on receiving the semen, proposes possibly effective methods.Āetius at his best closely follows Soranus; he added brine and vinegar (which occur in Knowlton, 1832), but he added also magical recipes (de re medica, 16, 16–17).

²³ Teubner and the Corpus of Greek and Latin medical writers.

²⁴ Galen, CMG 5, 10, 1, 221 sq.; The exact references to contraception in these 11 authors are given elsewhere infra, except for Paulus Aegineta 7, 3 and Ps. Apuleius Platonicus, CML, 4, 293.

²⁵ Soranus, Gynaecia, 1, 60.

²⁶ Gynaecia, 1, 61; translated by Temkin, O., Soranus’ Gynecology (Baltimore, 1956),63–4Google Scholar. The passage by Aëtius is similar, 16, 16–17.

²⁷ Gynaecia, 1, 36: “when urge and appetite for intercourse are present”, at the time after menstruation. This idea was still current among Western doctors in the nineteenth century, e.g. Knowlton, C., Fruits of Philosophy (London, 1841), 16Google Scholar.

²⁸ “Positive and Negative Control of Contraception in its Various Technical Aspects”, Journal of State Medicine, 39 (1931) 359Google Scholar; “Class Differences in the Employment of Contraceptive Measures”, Human Fertility, 12 (1947), 97–101Google Scholar; Stopes, M. C., Contraception, Its Theory, History and Practice (London, 1927), 119–21, 124–5Google Scholar; Himes, op. cit., 96. Noonan, J. T., the typescript of whose book Contraception. A History of its Treatment by the Catholic Theologians and Canonists (Harvard, 1965)Google Scholar I have been privileged to see, cites some recent research which suggests that some potions used by primitive peoples do have a temporary contraceptive effect; these researches do not tell us whether any specific ancient medicines were effective, only that some potions may be effective or partially effective. Cf. de Laszlo, H. and Henshaw, P. S., “Plant Material Used by primitive peoples to affect fertility”, Science, 119 (1954), 626CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Jackson, H., “Antifertility Substances”, Pharmacological Reviews, 11 (June 1959), 135 sq.Google ScholarPubMed

²⁹ Ed. E. Howald and H. E. Sigerist (Leipzig, 1927), CML 4. T h e work dates from the fourth or fifth century A.D.

³⁰ Aëtius, 16, 17. T o the contraceptive methods noted there may perhaps be added the first intimations of a condom: see t he curious story in Antoninus Liberalis, Metamorphoses 41 (ed. E. Martin, Leipzig, 1896, in Mythographi Graeci, 2, p. 124–5). A kind of condom made from a goat's bladder is described, but its use seems to have been less contraceptive than prophylactic. Cf. Richter, P., “Beitrage zur Geschichte des Kondoms”, in Zeitschrift für Bekämpfung der Geschlechtskrankheiten, 12 (1912), 35; and Himes, op. cit., 187–8.Google Scholar

³¹ Juvenal, 6, 595–7: “So powerful are her arts and medicines that she makes women sterile and brings about the killing of humans in the womb.” (Tantum artes huius, tantum medicamina possunt, /quae steriles facit atque homines in ventre necandos/conducit.) Steriles may refer to contraceptives, but it may also refer to abortion. The desire for childlessness is again mentioned by Juvenal together with the means to achieve it, Juv., 6, 366–8: Sunt quas eunuchi inbelles ac mollia semper/oscula delectent.../et quod abortivo non est opus. But this use of eunuchs cannot have been very common, although the same accusation is found in the fifth century, Cyril of Alexandria, Sermo contra Eunuchos, PG 77, 1108–9.

³² Taeuber, I. B., The Population of Japan (Princeton, 1958), 272Google Scholar; Ariés, , “Sur les origines de la contraception en France”, Population, 8 (1953), 469Google Scholar; Dandekar, K., “Family Planning Studies …”, in Research in Family Planning, ed. C. V. Kiser (Princeton, 1962), 8Google Scholar; Peel, J., “Contraception and the medical profession”, Population Studies, 18 (1964), 136Google Scholar.

³³ Soranus, Gynaecia, 1, 60, trans. O. Temkin; cf. Aëtius, de re medica, 16, 16.

³⁴ St. John Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Rom., 24, 4 (PG 60, 626). Cf. also, In Matth., 28 (PG 57, 357) which may refer to abortion, but probably refers to contraception.

³⁵ Some were in fact abortifacients; P. Diepgen, op. cit., 301. Perhaps in the same confusion the lawyer Marcian wrote; “By senatorial decree a woman is to be exiled if, without malice, but setting a bad example, she gives a medicine (ad conceptionem) (?against) for conception, from which the recipient dies.” D. 48, 8, 3, 2. Noonan, op. cit., Chap. 1, thinks this ad conceptionem might refer to contraception, rather than conception. Certainly an abortifacient seems more likely to kill; but contra Mommsen, T., Romisches Strafrecht (Leipzig, 1899), 637Google Scholar.

³⁶ Gynaecia, 1, 63.

³⁷ de materia medica, 2, 159, 3.

³⁸ Ibid.., 4, 185; it is the nymphaea (pteris) of Pliny, NH 25, 37, 75 and cf. also 27, 55, 80 and 20, 51, 142–3.

³⁹ Another interesting passage, which to my mind is only explicable in terms of a confusion between abortion and contraception, is to be found in the German translation of an Arabic text of Galen, CMG 5, 10, 1, 221.

⁴⁰ E.g., cf., Soranus, Gynaecia, 1, 44; Caelius Aurelianus, Gynaecia, p. 18, 445 sq The difficulties of diagnosing pregnancy must also have been increased by the prevalence of amenorrhea; I think it must have been prevalent because of the very large number of remedies given for it. Aulus Gellius, NA, 3, 10, 8 and 3, 16; the discussion of the seven month child has a long history, stretching back to Aristotle and Hippocrates. Oribasius (Coll. Med., 22, 5; Bussemaker and Daremberg, 3, 63–5) cites Aristotle who held that 8 month babies do survive though they are smaller than 7 or 9 month babies and that Greeks only think that they do not exist from a preconception that it is impossible.

⁴¹ ne concipiat Pliny, NH 29, 27, 85 where he uses the Greek atocium also; ut non concipiat, Placitus, loc. cit., n. 30; inhibeatur conceptio, Caelius Aurelianus, Gynaecia, 1, 83 (ed. Drabkin, p. 29).

⁴² For this same syndrome, Hasanat, A., Controlled Parenthood (Dacca, India, 1945), 111Google Scholar. Several passages of the book seem aimed at readers not much different from those envisaged by ancient doctors, e.g., pp. 106–111; the same amulets are decribed as by Soranus.

⁴³ de nuptiis et concupiscentia, 1, 17 (CSEL, 42, 229–30). Ambrose's two accusations against the rich: “in/utero proprios negant fetus et parricidalibus sucis in ipso genitali alvo pignera sui ventris extinguunt”, Hexameron, 5, 18, 58 (CSEL, 32, 1, 184) probably both refer to abortion.

⁴⁴ Ep., 22, 13.

⁴⁵ Sermones (ed. G. Morin, Turnholt, 1953), 44, 2.

⁴⁶ Confessions, 4, 2; echoed perhaps by Caesarius, Sermones, 42, 4 and 44, 3.

⁴⁷ de moribus Manichaeorum, PL 32, 1373; and contra Faustum, 15, 7 (CSEL, 25, 1, 430). Soranus, Gynaecia, 1, 36; Caelius Aurelianus, Gynaecia, 1, 46; Mustio, Gynaecia, 1, 33; Oribasius, Coll. Med., 22, 3 (Bussemaker and Daremberg, 3, 54) citing Galen; also before menstruation suitable, but rarely, Ibid.., 22, 7 on p. 69.

⁴⁸ Hippolytus, Refutatio, 9, 12, 25: ; again these medicines of childlessness might refer to abortion and/or to contraception — but given the Greek (contraceptive) Hippolytus may have had contraceptives in mind.

⁴⁹ Epiphanius, Panarion 26, 5, 2 (GCS 1, 281); Augustine, Contra Faustum 22, 30 (CSEL 25, 624); De Haeresibus 46 (Pi, 42,36); cf. Titus, Adversus Manichaeos 2, 33 (PG, 18, 1197).

⁵⁰ Methodius, Symposium 4, 3 (GCS, 48–9).

⁵¹ “asunlēpton, to motion en kosmōi”, in Papyri Osloenses, Fasc. 1 Magical Papyri ed. S. Eitrem (Oslo, 1925), 1, 321 sq This is probably aimed beyond the upper classes, and so is in a way outside my scope, as are contraceptive precautions taken by prostitutes — but even these are mentioned very seldom; cf. Lucretius, 4, 1274–5; Augustine, Contra Secundinum 21 (CSEL, 25, 938–9).

⁵² Musonius, frg. 15a (ed. O. Hense, Leipzig, 1907, p. 77); apud Stobaeum, ed. C. Wachsmuth and O. Hense (Berlin, 1909) 4,605. Hopkins, M. K., “A Textual Emendation in a Fragment of Musonius Rufus”, CQ, 15 (1965), 72–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar: the impossible in the manuscript has been converted in the standard texts to an awkward , I suggest moving the accent to read .

⁵³ Clemens Alex., Paedagogus 2, 10, 91, 1 sq. (GCS, 1, 212); Lactantius, Div. Inst., 6, 20, 18 sq. (CSEL, 19, 558–9).

⁵⁴ Musonius, loc. cit.; Hopkins, op. cit.; n. 35 supra; Tacitus, Germania, 19.

⁵⁵ Soranus, Gynaecia, 1, 60.

⁵⁶ I have in this section followed Himes, op. cit., 71–3; Noonan, op. cit., has a fuller treatment.

⁵⁷ Tosephta Niddah, 2, 6, 642.

⁵⁸ Noonan cites Epiphanius (fourth century) as the first important father to interpret the story of Onan in terms of condemning coitus interruptus: Panarion 26, 11, 11 (GCS, 1, 290); but in the immediate context the contraceptive purpose of coitus interruptus is not mentioned. He also cites Augustine, de adulterinis coniugiis, 2, 12, 12 (CSEL, 41, 396); in contrast he cites several passages in which one would expect, but does not find this interpretation.

⁵⁹ Niddah 31a (third century); Yebamot, 34b; cf. R. Meir (AD 150), Tosephta Niddah 2, 6, 642.

⁶⁰ Hippocrates, Genit. 5 (Littré 7, 476) and Nat. Puer., 13 (Littré 7, 490); cf. n. 18 supra; Lucretius (4, 1268 ff.) does not seem to be referring to coitus interruptus. The phrase coitus interruptus is not of classical origin.

⁶¹ These references I owe to Noonan, although my interpretation of them is different. For Epiphanius and Augustine cf. n. 49 supra and Augustine, de adulterinis coniugiis, 2, 12, 12 (CSEL, 41, 396). Noonan, op. cit., Chap. IV has shown that most Christian references to Onan in these times do not mention coitus interruptus — so little, perhaps, did it matter to them.

⁶² French historical demographers at least seem agreed that coitus interruptus was primarily responsible for the fall in the birth rate in the 18th and 19th centuries; cf. Ariés, P., Histoire des populations francaises et de leur attitudes devant la vie depuis le xviiie siécle (Paris, 1948), 496–7Google Scholar. The comparative and varied effectiveness of coitus interruptus may be seen from the table below.

Based on Tietze, C., “The Use-Effectiveness of Contraceptive Methods” in Research in Family Planning, ed. C. V. Kiser (Princeton, 1962), 365Google Scholar; and on S. J. Poti et al., “Reliability of data relating to contraceptive practices”, Ibid., 64. The extent of the consistent and successful use of coitus interruptus may be seen in England (1946–7, nation-wide sample). Of married couples with any contraceptive experience, 43% used coitus interruptus only, and this figure rose to 61% among unskilled manual workers. The pregnancy rates per 100 years of exposure were 12 in the first 5 years of marriage, 9 in the second 5 years and 5 in the third. Coitus interruptus was slightly less efficient than appliance methods in the first ten years. See Lewis-Faning, H., “Family Limitation adand its Influence on Human Fertility in the last Fifty Years”, Royal Commission on Population (London, 1949)Google Scholar, table 91.

⁶³ Many writers have assumed that the knowledge of coitus interruptus is elementary, and have therefore guessed at its existence among most tribes (e.g. Himes, op. cit., 183–4). Nag, M., Factors affecting human fertility in non-industrial societies: a cross cultural study (= Yale Univ. Publications in Anthropology) (New Haven, 1956)Google Scholar tabulates the following information. In 19 out of 47 simple societies, coitus interruptus was practised; it was however frequently practised in only 3 of these societies and in only one practised commonly by the married outstide the post-partum period, (pp. 130–1, table 70, pp. 214–8). Its most general use is pre-maritally and post-partum. In 11 out of 41 simple societies there was frequent recourse to abortion; in 3 out of these 11 there was no practice of coitus interruptus recorded, and in a further one almost none (table 73, pp. 219–222). The accuracy of such data is, however, doubtful.

⁶⁴ Oandekar, K., “Family planning studies conducted by the Gokkala Institute of Politics and Economics, Poona”, in Research in Family Planning, ed. by C. V. Kiser (Princeton, 1962), p. 8Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ K. K. Mathen, “Preliminary lessons learned from the rural population control study of Singur”, Ibid., 41.

⁶⁶ Hasanat, A., Controlled Parenthood (Dacca, 1945), 125Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Knowlton, C., Fruits of Philosophy, or The private companion of young married people (London, 1841), esp. p. 33Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Owen, R. D., Moral Physiology (New York, 1831), 61 ff. and esp. p. 64Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Carlile, R., Every Woman's Book or What is Love? (London, 1838), 40–42Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Stopes, M., Contraception, Its Theory, History and Practice (London, 1927), 325Google Scholar.

⁷¹ British Museum, Place Collection, vol. 68, 103 (manuscript); Stopes, op. tit., 321.

⁷² C. Knowlton, op. cit., 18.

⁷³ R. Carlfle, op. cit., 41.

⁷⁴ Ariés, , Histoire des populations frangaises et de leur attitudes devant la vie depuis le XVIII^e siècle (Paris, 1948), 495–8, 514–21Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ M. Nag, op. cit., 214–8.

⁷⁶ P. Aries, op. cit., pp. 495–9, and “Sur les origines de la contraception en France”, Population (1953), 465Google Scholar: “On admet sans discussion que les procédés contraceptifs n'étaient pas pratiqués dans les sociétés occidentales du Moyen Age jusqu'au xviie siécle.”.

⁷⁷ 77 On dissection, see Vindicianus, pp. 429–30. The elimination of contraceptive knowledge in the Middle Ages can be traced in the transmission of Dioscorides’ herbal. Paulus Aegineta in the seventh century leant heavily upon Dioscorides, mentioning many of the same herbs; but he cited only one as contraceptive, as against over 20 cited by Dioscorides. In the 14th-century herbal of Rufinus (cited by Macer, 16th century), which also depends heavily upon Dioscorides, there is again only one contraceptive recipe, The Herbal of Rufinus, ed. L. Thorndike (Chicago, 1946), 187 and 404. Add to these the omission by Theodoras Priscianus and Mustio (or by their copyists) of the contraceptive passages in their adaptations of Soranus’ Gynaecology, and we have at least some evidence of the decline of contraceptive knowledge in and after the fourth century A.D.

⁷⁸ Elias, N., ïber den Prozess der Zivilisation, 2 vols. (Basel, 1939)Google Scholar, a brilliant treatment of the growth of modern rationality and self control.