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Conquering the Past: Post-War Archaeology and Nationalism in the Borderlands of Chile and Peru, c. 1880–1920

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 September 2009

Stefanie Gänger
Affiliation:
History, University of Cambridge

Extract

In 1899, Chilean workers discovered the mummified body of a woman in a copper mine in Chuquicamata, in the Atacama Desert. Chile's most prominent archaeologists were called to examine the body and they estimated it had been in the mine for more than four centuries. What most astonished both the public and the scholarly community was that the body had been preserved virtually intact, apparently by nothing but the environmental conditions surrounding it. José Toribio Medina, a central figure in Chilean archaeology at the time, discussed this finding in 1901:

Natural causes account for the mummy of Chuquicamata. The body is that of a female. The depth of the soil where the corpse was found was no more than six to eight feet, and the miner was probably searching the mountain when a sudden collapse buried her. The miner, feeling that the mountain was breaking down, lifted her arms up to protect her head, the position in which her body is preserved. … In some parts of the body, especially the arms, the difference between the injured and the intact parts of the skin can even be distinguished, to the point where it seems almost that blood is flowing from the wounds. In her face, hidden between her arms, her contracted mouth is visible… .1

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 2009

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References

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3 In recent years, scholars have focused on the nationalist campaigns applied by both central states to the territories. Miranda, Sergio González, El dios cautivo: Las ligas patrióticas en la Chilenización compulsiva de Tarapacá (1910–1922) (Santiago: LOM Ediciones, 2004)Google Scholar. Skuban, William E., Lines in the Sand: Nationalism and Identity on the Peruvian-Chilean Frontier (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2007)Google Scholar.

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30 Alegría, “Museo y campo cultural,” 65.

31 Hinsley, “Collecting Cultures,” 15.

32 For the redefinition of Chilean national identity in the course of Chile's expansionist period see M. Consuelo Figueroa's doctoral thesis: “Representation of Chileaness: The Said and the Silenced in the Creation of the Chilean Nation,” in preparation, Stony Brook University.

33 González Miranda, El Dios Cautivo, 21.

34 Skuban, Lines in the Sand, 76, 62.

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41 Skuban, Lines in the Sand, 6.

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46 Korff, Gottfried, “Culturbilder aus der Provinz. Notizen zur präsentationsabsicht und -ästhetik des heimatmuseums um 1900,” in Eberspächer, Martina, König, Gudrun Marlene, and Tschofen, Bernhard, eds., Museumsdinge. Deponieren—Exponieren (Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2002), 4957Google Scholar; Levine, Philippa, The Amateur and the Professional: Antiquarians, Historians and Archaeologists in Victorian England, 1838–1886 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986)Google Scholar.

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49 Canales, “Los cementerios indígenas,” 286.

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61 Canales, “Los cementerios indígenas,” 196.

62 Medina, “La Momia de Chuquicamata,” 98. Medina was wrong in estimating that the mummy had lived shortly before the conquest. A carbon-14 analysis dated the clothes and body at a.d.550 Scientists have also found that the miner's braids misled nineteenth-century scholars: the mummy was a young man. Fuller, David, “The Production of Copper in 6th-Century Chile's Chuquicamata Mine,” Journal of the Minerals, Metals and Materials Society 56, 11 (2004): 6266, 63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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65 Rivero, Francisco criticized Barrera for his claim that pre-Hispanic mummies were the result of a procedure similar to that applied to Egyptian rulers, in “Antigüedades Peruanas: Memoria sobre los sepulcros o Huacas de los antiguos peruanos,” Memorial de ciencias naturales, y de industria nacional y extranjera; redactado por M. de Rivero y de N. de Piérola 3 (1828): 101–10Google Scholar.

66 Philippi, “Algo sobre las momias Peruanas.”

67 A focus on institutionalized and state-based forms of scholarship has induced historians of Peruvian archaeology to claim that interest in the pre-Hispanic past faded after the years around independence and reemerged only around 1900: Earle, Rebecca, “Monumentos y museos: La nacionalización del pasado precolombino durante el siglo XIX,” in Gónzalez-Stephan, Beatriz and Andermann, Jens, eds., Galerías del Progreso: Museos, exposiciones y cultura visual en América Latina, Estudios Culturales (Rosario: Beatriz Viterbo, 2006), 2764, 32Google Scholar.

68 See, in particular, the second part of Antigüedades Peruanas, on the prehistory of Peru's southern area: de Rivero y Ustariz, Mariano Eduardo and De Tschudi, J. J., Antigüedades Peruanas (Viena: Imprenta Imperial de la Corte y del Estado, 1851)Google Scholar.

69 Franch, José Alcina, Arqueólogos o anticuarios: Historia antigua de la arqueología en la América Espanola (Barcelona: Ediciones de Serbal, 1995)Google Scholar. An example of a nineteenth-century traveler is Bollaert, W., “Observations on the History of the Incas of Peru, on the Indians of South Peru, and on some Indian Remains in the Province of Tarapacá,” Journal of the Ethnological Society of London (1848–1856) 3 (1854): 132–64, 164CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The Peruvian scholar José Mariano Macedo also collected and studied artifacts from the area around Arica. See Eisleb, Dieter, Altperuanische Kulturen, Völkerkunde, Museum für, ed., 4 vols., vol. 1, Neue Folge 31 (Berlin: Museum für Völkerkunde, 1975), 115Google Scholar.

70 The classical works are Galindo, Alberto Flores, Buscando un Inca: Identidad y utopía en los Andes, 3d ed. (Lima: Editorial Horizonte, 1988)Google Scholar; Rowe, John Howland, “Movimiento nacional Inca,” Revista Universitaria de Cuzco 107, 2 (1955): 1747Google Scholar.

71 Rivero was among the promoters of regionalist policies countering Lima hegemony: see Espinoza, Javier Flores, “La añoranza del pasado: Justo Sahuaraura Inca y sus recuerdos de la monarquía Peruana,” in Recuerdos de la monarquía Peruana o Bosquejo de la historia de los Incas (Lima: Ediciones de Umbral, 2001), 1346, 29Google Scholar.

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74 See, for instance, the almost complete absence of prehistory in the Chilean representation at the Universal Exposition of 1873, or the Congress of the Americanists in 1881. Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Lista de los objetos que comprende la Exposición Americanista (Madrid: M. Romero, 1881)Google Scholar; Welt-Ausstellung, , Officieller General-Catalog (Vienna: Verlag der General-Direction, 1873)Google Scholar.

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76 The Mapuche, or “Araucanos,” did at times play a crucial part in the formation of the national imagery. The archaeological remains left by this ethnic group, however, became interesting only gradually, in conjunction with both the advent of evolutionist archaeology and the gradual conquest of Mapuche territories concluded in 1883. For a survey of the relations between Mapuches and the Chilean central state, see Casanueva, Fernando, “Indios malos en tierras buenas: Visión y concepción del Mapuche según las elites chilenas,” in Boccara, Guillaume, ed., Colonización, resistencia y mestizaje en las Américas (siglos XVI–XX) (Quito: Ediciones Abya-Yala, 2002), 291327Google Scholar.

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95 For a detailed study of the early phase in the Congresses of the Americanists, see Rebok, Sandra, “La constitución de la investigación antropológica alemana a finales del siglo XIX: Actores y lugares del saber Americanista,” in López-Ocón, Leoncio and Chaumeil, Jean-Pierre, eds., Los Americanistas del siglo XIX: La construcción de una comunidad científica internacional (Frankfurt/M.: Iberoamericana, 2005)Google Scholar.

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97 For studies on Max Uhle, see Gänger, Stefanie, “La mirada imperialista? Los alemanes y la arqueología Peruana,” Revista histórica 3, 2 (2006): 6990Google Scholar; Kaulicke, Peter, ed., Max Uhle y el Perú Antiguo (Lima: PUCP Fondo Editorial, 1998)Google Scholar.

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