Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 September 2009
In 1899, Chilean workers discovered the mummified body of a woman in a copper mine in Chuquicamata, in the Atacama Desert. Chile's most prominent archaeologists were called to examine the body and they estimated it had been in the mine for more than four centuries. What most astonished both the public and the scholarly community was that the body had been preserved virtually intact, apparently by nothing but the environmental conditions surrounding it. José Toribio Medina, a central figure in Chilean archaeology at the time, discussed this finding in 1901:
Natural causes account for the mummy of Chuquicamata. The body is that of a female. The depth of the soil where the corpse was found was no more than six to eight feet, and the miner was probably searching the mountain when a sudden collapse buried her. The miner, feeling that the mountain was breaking down, lifted her arms up to protect her head, the position in which her body is preserved. … In some parts of the body, especially the arms, the difference between the injured and the intact parts of the skin can even be distinguished, to the point where it seems almost that blood is flowing from the wounds. In her face, hidden between her arms, her contracted mouth is visible… .1
1 Medina, José Toribio, “La Momia de Chuquicamata,” in Borchert, Juan, ed., Opúsculos varios de J. T. Medina (Santiago: El Globo, 1926 [1901]), 95Google Scholar.
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3 In recent years, scholars have focused on the nationalist campaigns applied by both central states to the territories. Miranda, Sergio González, El dios cautivo: Las ligas patrióticas en la Chilenización compulsiva de Tarapacá (1910–1922) (Santiago: LOM Ediciones, 2004)Google Scholar. Skuban, William E., Lines in the Sand: Nationalism and Identity on the Peruvian-Chilean Frontier (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2007)Google Scholar.
4 This concept is often used in the context of the U.S.-American so-called “Spanish Borderlands.” Gould, Eliga H., “AHR Forum: Entangled Histories, Entangled Worlds: The English-Speaking Atlantic as a Spanish Periphery,” The American Historical Review 3, 112 (2007): 764–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a more general reflection on borders as political constructs, imagined projections of territorial power constantly challenged by human practices, see Baud, Michiel and van Schendel, Willem, “Toward a Comparative History of Borderlands,” Journal of World History 8, 2 (1997): 211–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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6 Kohl, Philip, “Nationalism and Archaeology: On the Constructions of Nations and the Reconstructions of the Remote Past,” Annual Review of Anthropology 27 (1998), 223–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Reid, Donald Malcolm, Whose Pharaohs? Archaeology, Museums, and Egyptian National Identity from Napoleon to World War I (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002)Google Scholar.
7 My focus is on the interactions involving the former Peruvian territories, but I include also select examples from the former Bolivian area.
8 Canales, Pedro P., “Los cementerios indígenas en la costa del Pacífico,” in Congreso Internacional de Americanistas (Buenos Aires: Coni Hermanos, 1910), 273–97, 289Google Scholar.
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11 Philippi, Rudolph A., “Museo Nacional,” Anales de la Universidad de Chile 59 (1881): 320–24Google Scholar. See also the history of the Chilean National Museum by Patience A. Schell, In the Service of the Nation: Santiago's Museo Nacional (2002), www.bbk.ac.uk/ibamuseum (accessed 2008).
12 Parapsky, L., “Das Nationalmuseum in Santiago de Chile,” Verhandlungen des Deutschen Wissenschaftlichen Vereins zu Santiago (1886): 180–94, 192Google Scholar; Philippi, Rudolph A., “Museo Nacional,” Anales de la Universidad de Chile 62 (1882): 509–12, 509Google Scholar. See also Schell, In the Service of the Nation.
13 See, for instance, the parallels with twentieth-century Palestine. Glock, Albert, “Archaeology as Cultural Survival: The Future of the Palestinian Past,” Journal of Palestine Studies 23, 3 (1994): 70–84, 74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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15 All of Philippi's initiatives required the Ministry's explicit approval. Any expedition undertaken by the Museum was thus necessarily congruent with the Ministry's policy. Rudolph A. Philippi, “Letter to the Ministry of Education, Santiago, 30 May,” in National Archive, Section Ministry of Education, vol. 632 (1884).
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18 See the references to donors in Latcham's synthesis of Atacama archaeology, and in Philippi's annual reports, and the example of Francisco San Román: Latcham, Ricardo E., Arqueología de la región Atacameña (Santiago: Prensas de la Universidad de Chile, 1938), 146Google Scholar; Philippi, “Museo Nacional” (1885), 1011; San Román, Desierto y cordilleras, 230.
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23 Philippi, “Museo Nacional” (1882), 509. Huaca is a term used in the Andean countries to denote a pre-Hispanic site.
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26 Gusinde, “El Museo de Etnología,” 32.
27 Alegría, Luis, “Museo y Campo Cultural: Patrimonio indígena en el Museo de Etnología y Antropología de Chile,” Conserva 8 (2004): 57–70, 24Google Scholar.
28 Ibid.: 64.
29 Note the growing importance of “national” indigenous artifacts within the Museum by the 1880s, compared to their open neglect before that: Philippi, Rudolph A., “Historia del Museo Nacional de Chile,” Boletín del Museo Nacional de Chile 1 (1908): 3–30Google Scholar; Philippi, Rudolph A., “Museo Nacional,” Anales de la Universidad de Chile 28 (1866): 545–52Google Scholar. See also the complaints of the Archaeological Society in 1880 about the lack of state support for their project: de Santiago, Sociedad Arqueológica, “Sesión Preparatoria,” Revista de la Sociedad Arqueolójica 1, 1 (1880): 14–18, 14Google Scholar.
30 Alegría, “Museo y campo cultural,” 65.
31 Hinsley, “Collecting Cultures,” 15.
32 For the redefinition of Chilean national identity in the course of Chile's expansionist period see M. Consuelo Figueroa's doctoral thesis: “Representation of Chileaness: The Said and the Silenced in the Creation of the Chilean Nation,” in preparation, Stony Brook University.
33 González Miranda, El Dios Cautivo, 21.
34 Skuban, Lines in the Sand, 76, 62.
35 See, for instance, Maúrtua, Víctor M., La cuestión del Pacífico (Lima: Imprenta Americana, 1919)Google Scholar.
36 Uhle, Max, “Los Aborígenes de Arica,” Publicaciones del Museo de Etnología y Antropología de Chile 1, 4 (1917): 175–52Google Scholar.
37 Uhle, Max, “Los aborígenes de Arica,” Revista histórica: Órgano del Instituto Histórico del Perú 6 (1918): 5–24Google Scholar.
38 González Miranda, El Dios Cautivo, 19.
39 Toribio Mejía Xesspe, “Algunos datos históricos sobre la colección arqueológica de don Enrique Brüning y sobre el Museo Brüning de Lambayeque,” in Collection T. Mejía Xesspe, Archive of the Riva-Agüero Institute, doc. 504, Riva-Aguero Institute, Lima.
40 Cúneo-Vidal, Rómulo, “El cacicazgo de Tacna,” Revista histórica: Órgano del Instituto Histórico del Perú 6 (1919): 309–24, 310Google Scholar. See also his “History of Peruvian Civilization,” in which he includes the provinces of Tacna and Arica: Historia de la civilización Peruana contemplada en sus tres etapas clásicas de Tiahuanaco, Hattun Colla y el Cuzco precedida de un ensayo de determinación de “La Ley de Translación” de las civilizaciones americanas (Barcelona: Casa Editorial Maucci, 1924).
41 Skuban, Lines in the Sand, 6.
42 Castro, Luis, Regionalismo y desarrollo regional: Debate público, proyectos económicos y actores locales (Tarapacá 1880–1930) (Viña del Mar: CEIP Ediciones, 2005), 38Google Scholar.
43 This paper is based on an understanding of frontiers as socially charged places, where innovative cultural constructs are created and transformed: Lightfoot, Kent G. and Martinez, Antoinette, “Frontiers and Boundaries in Archaeological Perspective,” Annual Review of Anthropology 24 (1995): 471–92, 472CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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45 See, for instance, F. Neolitzky's comments on the price and quality of Arica mummies: “Einige Beobachungen von der Westküste Americas,” Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte (1902). The City Council dealt in the period with numerous cases of “treasure hunters” carrying out excavations in the area: City Council Tarapacá, “Letter to Edmundo Moya, Eduardo Villa, Guillermo Clayton, et al., Iquique, 20 Feb. 1918,” vol. 5, fol. 79; Andrés Godoy, “Letter to City Council of Tarapacá,” n.d. 1914, vol. 9, fol. 11, both in Regional Archive of Tarapacá, Iquique.
46 Korff, Gottfried, “Culturbilder aus der Provinz. Notizen zur präsentationsabsicht und -ästhetik des heimatmuseums um 1900,” in Eberspächer, Martina, König, Gudrun Marlene, and Tschofen, Bernhard, eds., Museumsdinge. Deponieren—Exponieren (Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2002), 49–57Google Scholar; Levine, Philippa, The Amateur and the Professional: Antiquarians, Historians and Archaeologists in Victorian England, 1838–1886 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986)Google Scholar.
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49 Canales, “Los cementerios indígenas,” 286.
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53 Johnson, Benjamin, “Engendering Nation and Race in the Borderlands,” Latin American Research Review 37, 1 (2002): 259–71Google Scholar.
54 González Miranda, El Dios Cautivo, 27.
55 Ibid., 19.
56 de Bezé, Francisco, Tarapacá en sus aspectos físico, social y económico (Santiago: Imprenta y Litografía Universo, 1920), 131Google Scholar.
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58 See, for instance, Latcham, Ricardo E., “Costumbres mortuorias de los Indios de Chile y otras partes de América,” Anales de la Universidad de Chile 127–130 (1915–1916): 443–93, 1–32, 77–524, 819–80, 85–144, 273–326Google Scholar.
59 It is now commonly assumed that the majority of Peruvian mummies are a product of dryness, cold, or the absence of air, or of the intentional exploitation of these natural processes: Vreeland, James, “Mummies of Peru,” in Cockburn, Aidan, Cockburn, Eve, and Reyman, Theodore A., eds., Mummies, Disease and Ancient Cultures (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 154–89, 154–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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61 Canales, “Los cementerios indígenas,” 196.
62 Medina, “La Momia de Chuquicamata,” 98. Medina was wrong in estimating that the mummy had lived shortly before the conquest. A carbon-14 analysis dated the clothes and body at a.d.550 Scientists have also found that the miner's braids misled nineteenth-century scholars: the mummy was a young man. Fuller, David, “The Production of Copper in 6th-Century Chile's Chuquicamata Mine,” Journal of the Minerals, Metals and Materials Society 56, 11 (2004): 62–66, 63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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65 Rivero, Francisco criticized Barrera for his claim that pre-Hispanic mummies were the result of a procedure similar to that applied to Egyptian rulers, in “Antigüedades Peruanas: Memoria sobre los sepulcros o Huacas de los antiguos peruanos,” Memorial de ciencias naturales, y de industria nacional y extranjera; redactado por M. de Rivero y de N. de Piérola 3 (1828): 101–10Google Scholar.
66 Philippi, “Algo sobre las momias Peruanas.”
67 A focus on institutionalized and state-based forms of scholarship has induced historians of Peruvian archaeology to claim that interest in the pre-Hispanic past faded after the years around independence and reemerged only around 1900: Earle, Rebecca, “Monumentos y museos: La nacionalización del pasado precolombino durante el siglo XIX,” in Gónzalez-Stephan, Beatriz and Andermann, Jens, eds., Galerías del Progreso: Museos, exposiciones y cultura visual en América Latina, Estudios Culturales (Rosario: Beatriz Viterbo, 2006), 27–64, 32Google Scholar.
68 See, in particular, the second part of Antigüedades Peruanas, on the prehistory of Peru's southern area: de Rivero y Ustariz, Mariano Eduardo and De Tschudi, J. J., Antigüedades Peruanas (Viena: Imprenta Imperial de la Corte y del Estado, 1851)Google Scholar.
69 Franch, José Alcina, Arqueólogos o anticuarios: Historia antigua de la arqueología en la América Espanola (Barcelona: Ediciones de Serbal, 1995)Google Scholar. An example of a nineteenth-century traveler is Bollaert, W., “Observations on the History of the Incas of Peru, on the Indians of South Peru, and on some Indian Remains in the Province of Tarapacá,” Journal of the Ethnological Society of London (1848–1856) 3 (1854): 132–64, 164CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The Peruvian scholar José Mariano Macedo also collected and studied artifacts from the area around Arica. See Eisleb, Dieter, Altperuanische Kulturen, Völkerkunde, Museum für, ed., 4 vols., vol. 1, Neue Folge 31 (Berlin: Museum für Völkerkunde, 1975), 115Google Scholar.
70 The classical works are Galindo, Alberto Flores, Buscando un Inca: Identidad y utopía en los Andes, 3d ed. (Lima: Editorial Horizonte, 1988)Google Scholar; Rowe, John Howland, “Movimiento nacional Inca,” Revista Universitaria de Cuzco 107, 2 (1955): 17–47Google Scholar.
71 Rivero was among the promoters of regionalist policies countering Lima hegemony: see Espinoza, Javier Flores, “La añoranza del pasado: Justo Sahuaraura Inca y sus recuerdos de la monarquía Peruana,” in Recuerdos de la monarquía Peruana o Bosquejo de la historia de los Incas (Lima: Ediciones de Umbral, 2001), 13–46, 29Google Scholar.
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73 Little is known about these scholars. García, Elvira García y, “Ana María Zenteno,” in La mujer Peruana a través de los siglos (Lima: Imprenta Americana, 1924)Google Scholar; Gil, Armando Guevara, “La contribución de José Lucas Caparó Muñiz a la formación del Museo Arqueológico de la Universidad del Cuzco,” Boletín del Instituto Riva-Agüero 24 (1997): 167–226Google Scholar. Few authors of histories of archaeology mention their role on the margins, in their function as collectors. Díaz-Andreu, World History of Nineteenth-Century Archaeology, 183.
74 See, for instance, the almost complete absence of prehistory in the Chilean representation at the Universal Exposition of 1873, or the Congress of the Americanists in 1881. Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Lista de los objetos que comprende la Exposición Americanista (Madrid: M. Romero, 1881)Google Scholar; Welt-Ausstellung, , Officieller General-Catalog (Vienna: Verlag der General-Direction, 1873)Google Scholar.
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76 The Mapuche, or “Araucanos,” did at times play a crucial part in the formation of the national imagery. The archaeological remains left by this ethnic group, however, became interesting only gradually, in conjunction with both the advent of evolutionist archaeology and the gradual conquest of Mapuche territories concluded in 1883. For a survey of the relations between Mapuches and the Chilean central state, see Casanueva, Fernando, “Indios malos en tierras buenas: Visión y concepción del Mapuche según las elites chilenas,” in Boccara, Guillaume, ed., Colonización, resistencia y mestizaje en las Américas (siglos XVI–XX) (Quito: Ediciones Abya-Yala, 2002), 291–327Google Scholar.
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