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Aspects of Social Mobility in China, 1368–1911
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 June 2009
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Social mobility in traditional China, particularly during the last two dynasties, Ming (1368–1644) and Ch'ing (1644–1911), for which ample data are available, deserves systematic study by both Chinese and Western historians and social scientists. It is remarkable to observe that in a meticulously “regulated” society such as traditional China's, there was probably a greater amount of vertical mobility, both upward and downward, than is usually found in pre-modern and modern societies of the West. What makes this more striking is the fact that it occurred in a society which for twenty-five centuries believed in the inequality of men. For this reason alone the question of social mobility in traditional China should be of more than usual interest to theoretical sociologists with a comparative approach to their subject. Owing to the author's limited knowledge of Western sociology and also because of limitations of space, this article deals mainly with China, although brief comparisons with pre-modern and modern Western societies will be attempted at certain points.
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- Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1959
References
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page 332 note 2 For an authoritative discussion of the full significance of the civil-service examination system during and after Empress Wu, cf. Ch'en Yin-ch'üch, , T'ang-tai cheng-chih-shih lüehlun- kao (Chungking, 1942).Google Scholar
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page 335 note 7 Statistics will be presented in my projected book.
page 335 note 8 Many of the recent findings on social mobility are summarized in an excellent synthesis, Barber, Bernard, Social Stratification, A Comparative Analysis of Structure and Process (New York, 1956)Google Scholar, from which I have drawn generalizations on Western societies for comparison with the Chinese.
page 336 note 9 Cf. my Studies on the Population of China, 1368–1953, ch. 1. The manuscript is in the Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
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page 338 note 13 For concrete illustrations, cf. my “Salt Merchants”.
page 339 note * The numbers within the brackets under the years are total numbers of candidates of all statuses.
page 339 note 1 Several categories of soldiers combined.
page 339 note 2 Two categories of salt-makers combined.
page 339 note 3 Thousands of rich families were forced to reside in the metropolitan area at the beginnings of the Ming period. Although most of them gradually lost their wealth in a few generations, family status remained unchanged.
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page 343 note * The total numbers of chin-shih are those whose family histories are given. For textual reasons certain numbers of chin-shih have to be excluded from each list.
page 344 note ** For this year information is available for only two preceding generations.
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page 349 note * Yin, a hereditary privilege, was generally regarded as an “orthodox” entrance into the ruling class. The yin of the 6th and 7th generations of the Chi family was especially conferred by imperial grace on descendants of those who died in civil war.
page 351 note 21 Cited in Ch'en, Ch'i-yüan, Yung-hsien-chai pi-chi (preface dated 1874), ch. 1, pp. 5a-5b.Google Scholar Ch'en was a member of the Ch'en clan of Hai-ning.
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page 352 note 24 Tawney, op. cit. (see note 16).
page 352 note 25 Cf. my “Salt Merchants” (note 5).
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page 356 note 30 This learned commentary on the special examination of 1692 is in Chang Chü-sheng hsien-sheng ch'i-shih sheng-jih chi-nien lun-wen-chi (Shanghai, 1935).Google Scholar
page 356 note 31 Chin-shih, Google Scholar lists of 18th century are extremely rare. We have a list of specially selected kung-sheng, Google Scholar for the entire country for the year 1789. Out of a total of 1,149 successful candidates only 190, or 16.6 per cent, fall into our category A. A few other 18th century lists extant are all of chü-jen and kung-sheng, on a provincial scale. They are too fragmentary for a study of general trend.
page 357 note 32 For a systematic critique of various types of population data of the Ming and Ch'ing periods, cf. my Population, chs. 1–5.
page 358 note 33 For detailed discussion of various economic and institutional factors in Ming and Ch'ing times, cf. my Population, chs. 6–10 (in press, see note 9).
page 359 note 34 The percentages of chin-shih from non-official families in Sung times, as shown in two lists extant which are carefully analyzed in Kracke, , “Family vs. Merit in Chinese Civil Service Examinations under the Empire,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, vol. 10, pp. 103–123, 1947CrossRefGoogle Scholar, are quite comparable to our Ming category A figures. However, the only two surviving Sung lists give scantier information on candidates’ family histories. Besides, since in Sung times there were no formal academic degrees lower than chin-shih, it is likely that portions of Sung chin-shih from non-official families are not strictly comparable to our category A candidates in family background. Although most of the channels of social mobility existed in Sung times, they were much more widely extended in the Ming period.
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