^{page 136 note 1} Vansina, Jan, Oral Tradition: A Study in Historical Methodology (London, 1965), p. 99.Google Scholar

^{page 137 note 1} ‘Las explicaciones de tipo psicológico… por si solas sirven poco para entender los procesos de la conducta.’ Américo Castro, Origen, ser y existir de los espanoles (Madrid, 1959), p. 110.Google Scholar

^{page 137 note 2} Castro, Américo, The Structure of Spanish History (Princeton, 1954), p. 42.Google Scholar

^{page 138 note 1} In reality, a number of distinct Christian and Islamic cultures and subcultures. This point is elaborated in a later section of this paper.

^{page 139 note 1} Tylor, E. B., Primitive Culture (Boston, 1871), p. 1.Google Scholar

^{page 139 note 2} See, for instance, Alfred L. Kroeber's presentation of culture as ‘superorganic’, irreducible to strictly biological or psychological influences; although both human biology and psychology are necessary foundations for culture. Kroeber, A. L., The Nature of Culture (Chicago, 1952), pp. 22–51.Google Scholar

^{page 140 note 1} In some cultures, boundary-maintaining mechanisms are sufficiently weak, and the cultures themselves so internally receptive, that the designation ‘open culture’ appears to be in order. Most contact in Polynesia, as the journals of exploration detail, fits this category. In contrast, other cultures can be regarded as ‘closed’, modern Zuni being a well-known case. The degree of ‘aperture’, if we may so term it, tends to vary for different facets of cultural life. The Japanese, for instance, engaged in very selective borrowing—mainly technological and industrial—from the time of the first massive impact of the West in mid-nineteenth century.

^{page 140 note 2} The term ‘acculturation’ appears with increasing frequency in anthropological literature from the mid-1930s on, although a recognition of the significance of culture contact and culture change can be traced to the studies of Franz Boas at the turn of the century. Those who wish to explore the theoretical background of acculturation should consult Redfield, Robert, Linton, Ralph, and Herskovits, Melville J., ‘Memorandum for the Study of Acculturation’, American Anthropologist, 38 (1936), 149–52;CrossRefGoogle ScholarLinton, R., ed., Acculturation in Seven American Indian Tribes (New York, 1949);Google ScholarKeesing, F. M., Culture Change (Stanford, 1953);Google ScholarBeals, Ralph, ‘Acculturation’, in Anthropology Today (Chicago, 1953);Google Scholar and Broom, Leonard, Siegel, Bernard J., Vogt, Evon Z., and Watson, James B., ‘Acculturation: An Exploratory Formulation’, American Anthropologist, 56 (1954), 973–1000.Google Scholar The term ‘transculturation’ was proposed by Ortiz, Fernando, Contrapunteo del tabaco v el azücar (Havana, 1940). It has not found wide usage, probably because the older term is too well established.Google Scholar

^{page 141 note 1} While the usual pattern is for subordinate cultural groups to become assimilated, the experience of the Norman invaders in England and of various conquerors of China (Mongols, Manchus, etc.) illustrate that the reverse is also possible.

^{page 141 note 2} It is worth remembering that acculturation theory is mainly the product of American anthropology, and that American cultural anthropologists of pre-World War II vintage generally won their professional spurs working among reservation Indians. This early exposure to what were for the most part cultures in an advanced stage of decay impressed itself strongly on field workers. In contrast, it is only since the war that much attention has been directed to the study of more resilient groups such as peasant peoples and non-Western high cultures. Looking back on the receding tide of imperialism, it is clear that colonial contacts and colonial pressures have proved less damaging to many native cultures than the predictions of thirty or forty years ago would seem to warrant.

^{page 142 note 1} Since in the dynamics of the Muslim-Christian confrontation in Spain accretions of political power were quickly translated into gains of territory, it follows that at any given time during the period 711–1492 the geographic holdings of each bloc give a graphic approximation of the relative cultural force of each at that moment. Maps illustrating the changing political and cultural frontiers of medieval Iberia can be found in Vives, J. Vicens, Atlás de historia de España, 5th ed. (Barcelona, 1965), especially maps 28 (Islamic ascendancy; the frontier between Christian and Islamic territories during the reign of Alfonso III, 866–910), 30 and 31 (equilibrium; disintegration of the Caliphate and epoch of the Party Kingdoms), and 37 (Christian ascendancy; the reconquest of the thirteenth century).Google Scholar

^{page 141 note 2} Isidro de las Cagigas was the first modern Spanish scholar to stress the importance of institutional structuring of enclave culture (‘Problemas de minoria y el caso de nuestro medioevo’, Hispania, 10 [1950], 522Google Scholar). Cagigas' knowledge of Islamic institutions makes his work extremely valuable, even though it is marred by a typical Spanish confusion between race and culture (e.g. ‘la sociedad racial … es el màs verdadero exponente de los impulsos humanos’, op. cit., p. 537).Google Scholar

^{page 143 note 1} Neuvonen, Eero K., Los arabismos del espaHol en el siglo XIII (Helsinki, 1941), p. 29,Google Scholar

^{page 144 note 1} La España del Cid, 5th ed. (Madrid, 1956), p. 7Google Scholar

^{page 145 note 1} Origenes deljusticia de Aragón, pp. 207, 250, 272.Google Scholar Ribera's theory is similar to (though independent of) that of Tarde, G., Les lois de l'imitation (Paris, 1895).Google Scholar

^{page 145 note 2} Origenes deljusticia de Aragón, pp. 300 f.Google Scholar

^{page 145 note 3} Ibid., pp. 274 f. On the concept of resistance to diffusion, see Kroeber, A. L., Anthropology, section 172; on differential receptivity to cultural stimuli,Google Scholarsee Foster, George M., Culture and Conquest (Chicago, 1960), Chapter Two.Google Scholar

^{page 145 note 4} Origenes deljusticia de Aragón, p. 201.Google Scholar

^{page 146 note 1} Castro's magnum opus has appeared in several editions, each of which represents a further elaboration of his theory: España en su historia (Mexico, 1948);Google ScholarThe Structure of Spanish History (Princeton, 1954);Google ScholarLa realidad histórica de España (Mexico, 1954;Google Scholaredición renovada, 1962).Google Scholar

^{page 146 note 2} See Russell's, P. E. perceptive remarks on the polemic, ‘The Nessus-shirt of Spanish History’, Bulletin of Hispanic Studies, 36 (1959), 219–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 146 note 3} La realidad histórica de España, ed. renov., pp. 8, 179.Google Scholar

^{page 146 note 4} Ibid., pp. 18, 148 f.

^{page 147 note 1} La reatidad histórica de España, ed. renov., p. 192.Google Scholar

^{page 148 note 1} For pre-Roman cultural substrata, vulgar Latin dialects and romanization, and the Visigothic element in the Spanish language, see Lapesa, Rafael, Historia de la lengua espanola (Madrid, 1955), pp. 1–92.Google Scholar Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz discusses the ‘Hispano-Gothic heritage received by the Muslims of Al-Andalus’ in ‘Espagne préislamique et Espagne musulmane’, Revue Historique, 237 (1967), 295–338;Google Scholar in numerous other articles he discusses the Germanic imprint on the institutions of the Christian kingdoms.

^{page 148 note 2} See Lacarra, J. M. et al. , La reconquista espanola y la repoblacidn del pais (Zaragoza, 1951).Google Scholar

^{page 148 note 3} Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., I, art.Google Scholar‘Al-Andalus’ (iv), Population, pp. 490 f., and refs.Google Scholar

^{page 148 note 4} Ibid., I, pp. 501–3, art. ‘Al-Andalus’ (x), Spanish Arabic; Dozy, R.. Supplement aux dictionnaires arabes, 2 vols., 2nd ed. (Leiden, 1927) is designed to supplement classical Arabic dictionaries deficient in Hispano-Arabic vocabulary.Google Scholar

^{page 148 note 5} On place names, see the excellent systematic treatment by Lautensach, Hermann, Maurische Züge im geographischen Bild der Iberischen Halbinsel (Bonn, 1960),Google Scholar and also Miguel Asfn Palacios, Contribucidn a la toponimia drabe de Espana (Madrid, 1944). Professor Juan Vernet of the University of Barcelona is directing a series of studies of the geographic distribution of Arabic personal names; see his article, ‘Antropónimos árabes conservados en apellidos del levante espanol’, Oriens, 16 (1963), 145–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 148 note 6} Baroja, Julio Caro, ‘Norias, azudas, aceñas’, Revista de dialectologia y tradiciones populates (Madrid), 10 (1954), 29–160,Google Scholar and ‘Sobre la historia de la noria de tiro’, ibid., 11(1955), 15–79; Dias, Jorge and Galhano, Fernando, Aparelhos de elevar a dgua de rega (Oporto, 1953).Google Scholar

^{page 148 note 7} Asin, Jaime Oliver, Historia del nombre ‘Madrid’ (Madrid, 1959);Google ScholarHumlum, J., ‘Under-jordiske vandingskanaler: Kareze, qanat, foggara’, Kultwgeografi, 90 (1965), 106–8,Google Scholar and map; Goblot, Henri, ‘Dans l'ancien Iran, les techniques de l'eau et la grande histoire’, Annates, 18 (1963), 513, and map.Google Scholar

^{page 148 note 8} For the impact of the Arabic language on Spanish culture and language see Castro, , op. cit.;Google ScholarNeuvonen, , op. cit.;Google ScholarSteiger, Arnald, Contribución a la fonética del hispano-árabe (Madrid, 1932);Google ScholarDozy, R. and Engelmann, W. H., Glossaire des mots espagnols et portugais derives de t'arabe (Leiden, 1869).Google Scholar

^{page 148 note 9} Among the many pertinent works of Vallicrosa, J. M. Millas see Nuevas aportaciones para el estudio de la transmisión de la ciencia a Europa a través de España (Madrid, 1943).Google Scholar

^{page 149 note 1} Cf. Lapeyre, Henri, ‘Deux interpretations de l'histoire d'Espagne’, Annates, 20 (1965), 1016: ‘La thèse essentielle de Castro, c'est que l'histoire d'Espagne est avant tout religieuse’. Such an interpretation is an extension of the medieval habit of characterizing culture qua religion.Google Scholar

^{page 149 note 2} On the mozárabes, see Colbert, E. P., The Martyrs of Cordoba (850–859) (Washington, 1962);Google Scholarde las Cagigas, Isidro, Los moz´rabes (Madrid 1947-1948).Google Scholar On the mudéjares, Cagigas, , Los mudéjares (Madrid, 1948-1949). The morisco literature is extensive.Google Scholar Particularly important are Baroja, J. Caro, Los moriscos del Reino de Granada (Madrid, 1957),Google ScholarReglá, Juan, Estudios sobre los moriscos (Valencia, 1964),Google Scholar various articles by Harvey, L. P. on morisco language and literature, and the works cited in notes 2–4 on p. 148, above.Google Scholar

^{page 149 note 3} See Broom, , Siegel, et al. , op. cit., pp. 975–7 (cultural systems).Google Scholar

^{page 150 note 1} Vernet, Juan, Los musulmanes españoles (Barcelona, 1961), p. 59.Google Scholar

^{page 150 note 2} Fuster, Joan, Poetes, moriscos i capellans (Valencia, 1962), pp. 97, 110–13.Google Scholar

^{page 150 note 3} Ibid., pp. 91–100.

^{page 150 note 4} Lapeyre, Henri, Géographie de l'Espagne morisque (Paris, 1959);Google ScholarDonghi, Tulio Halperin, ‘Les morisques du royaume de Valence au XVIe siècle’, Annates, II (1956), 154–82;Google ScholarBataller, Adelina Bataller, ‘La expulsión de los moriscos: su repercusión en la propiedad y la población en la zona de los riegos de Vernisa’, Saitabi (Valencia), 10 (1960), 81–100.Google Scholar

^{page 151 note 1} Andalucia musulmana (Madrid, 1950).Google Scholar

^{page 151 note 2} Vives, Jaime Vicens, Aproximacidn a la historia de España, 2nd ed. (Barcelona, 1960), p. 232.Google Scholar

^{page 151 note 3} See Broom, , Siegel, et al. , op. cit., pp. 980–4 (conjunctive relations).Google Scholar

^{page 151 note 4} Foster, , Culture and Conquest, p. 12.Google Scholar

^{page 151 note 5} Chabás, Roque, Distribución de las aguas en 1244 y donaciones del término de Gandia por D. Jaime I (Valencia, 1898).Google Scholar

^{page 152 note 1} Castro, , Structure, pp. 202–18;Google ScholarRealidad histórica, ed. renov., pp. 407–19.Google Scholar

^{page 152 note 2} O'Callaghan, J., ‘The affiliation of the Order of Calatrava with the Order of Citeux’, Analecta Sacra Ordinis Cisterciensis (Rome), 15 (1959), 161ff.Google Scholar

^{page 152 note 3} Kroeber, A. L., ‘Stimulus diffusion’, American Anthropologist, 42 (1940), 1–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 153 note 1} See Broom, , Siegel, et al. , op. cit., pp. 987–90 (progressive adjustment).Google Scholar

^{page 153 note 2} See note 2, on p. 148, above; in the same article, p. 522, Cagigas observes that the primary institutional difference between mudéjares and moriscos was that the latter lacked the constitu tional guarantees granted by statute to the former.

^{page 153 note 3} Seventy-one per cent of the arabisms discussed by Neuvonen entered the Castilian language in the thirteenth century (op. cit., p. 305).Google Scholar

^{page 153 note 4} For a specific example of one such transitive period, see Burns, R. Ignatius, ‘Journey from Islam: Incipient Cultural Transition in the Conquered Kingdom of Valencia (1240–1280)’, Speculum, 35 (1960), 337–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 154 note 1} The Marranos of Spain, from the Late XlVth to the Early XVIth Century (New York, 1966).Google Scholar For a discussion of the anthropological significance of this work, see review by Glick, T. F., Speculum, 42 (1967), 401–3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar