^{page 335 note 1} On the meaning of this line, see the sequel. For two slaves again in Aristoph., Mr. Neil quotes Aves 656–7, : probably Mαν⋯δωρε is the slave called Mανης in 1311 and 1329. Here also we seem to have a Lycian and a Phrygian: on Manes see Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. pp. 294, 626. Mr. J. F. White mentions to me Eur. Alc. 675, Λυδ⋯ν Θρ⋯γα ⋯ργυρώ-νητον.

^{page 336 note 1} Sosias a slave name in Athenaeus, xi. p. 469 (Comedy of Philemon), Wescher-Foucart Inscr. rec. à Delphes no 429 (a Galatian slave manumitted) and many others, Plautus Amph. (from a Greek original), Ter. Andria (a freedman). On slave-names, see III.

^{page 336 note 2} Mr. Starkie's apt quotation from Lucian makes the conjecture almost a certainty, as he says.

^{page 336 note 3} This formula is too common to need illustration: it was far commoner in the half-Greek countries than in Greece proper (Böckh on C.I.G. 2090), for it strictly belongs to the bilingual countries (Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. Pt. ii. p. 637 f; St. Paul the Trav. p. 81 ff.). Hence the phrase has a foreign ring, suitable to the general tone of the line. Strictly, it denotes an ‘alternative name’; see II.

^{page 336 note 4} It is probable that Schneider intends his conjecture to mean ‘O Midas, Phrygian slave’; but my concern is to take what seems the least objectionable meaning of which the Greek words are capable, not the meaning which Schneider attributes to them. I know the conjecture only from Mr. Starkie's notes.

^{page 337 note 1} These are often formed from names of cities (Kidramos, Kadoi). Mr. Neil adds Panamyes son of Casbollis in the Lygdamis Inscr. of Halicarnassus, Examyes is given as Thales's father in Diog. Laert. Kretschmer in Einl. in d. Gesch. d. Griech. Sprache, p. 332 takes the affix as -muva, μ⋯ας, -μο⋯ας, -μ⋯ης. Probably Panamyes was Grecized from the native Pounamouas so as to imply ‘the man born in Panamos-month.’ Compare Zeus Panamaros, Grecized into Panêmerios. Should we read Hexamyes, a kosename for ⋯ξαμ⋯νιος?

^{page 337 note 2} On p. 269, 1. 9, in the remarks on the name, the Word ‘perhaps’ has got out of place: it should come five words later, after ‘compare.’

^{page 337 note 3} Dr. Buresch (whose early death is a great sorrow to all who are interested in Asia Minor) has some excellent remarks on the relations of Asianic place and personal names in his just-published Aus Lydien, but at the moment I cannot find the reference.

^{page 338 note 1} See Boeckh on C.I.G. 2090, Reinach Traité d'Épigr. Grecque p. 507, and my Cit. and Bish. i. pt. ii., p. 637 ff.

^{page 338 note 2} ⋯πικλο⋯μενος, and even ⋯ καλο⋯μενος simply, are also used; and ⋯π⋯κλην is also found frequently in Christian inscriptions to indicate the baptismal name, rarely in pagan names (Cit. and Bish. i., pt. ii., pp. 522, 539). The nickname or familiar name, Latin signum, approximates in character to the alternative name, without being exactly the same in nature.

^{page 338 note 3} It is regrettable to see even Prof. Blass stooping to use this misleading title. We want two grammars in the New Testament: the first for the Greek of the Greek cities of Asia and Syria, with Luke and Paul, who use that Greek which they learned in childhood in such cities, the second for the foreigners of Syria and Palestine, who learned Greek as an alien tongue, and are continually influenced by Semitic modes of thought and grammar: these try to catch the Greek of the first class, but use it in a Semiticized style. But it is utterly misleading to quote St. John as proving the possibilities of Lukan grammar.

^{page 339 note 1} Such is, I think, the true sense of this passage; but some may prefer to understand ‘the zone which contains both the Scythian and the Celtic race,’ which is, of course, perfectly correct in construction, though not, so far as I can judge, the thought in Strabo's mind; he is not thinking here of the extent of the zone, but of different terms by which it might be denominated with equal justice.

^{page 339 note 2} See examples quoted by Reinach, S., Traité d'Épigr. Gr. p. 507Google Scholar.

^{page 339 note 3} For examples, see Kästner, , de aeris quae, ab imp. Caes. initium duxerint p. 51 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 340 note 1} M. Waddington conjecturally alters the text to read ⋯ κα⋯ π´, a known but rare way of writing a date (not, however, so bien insolite as M. Waddington says in his note, see Cit. and Bish. of Phryg. Pt. II., p. 459); but there is no ground to change the text, for Hamilton's reading gives an excellent sense.

^{page 340 note 2} Cit. and Bish. of Phryg., pt. i., p. 204, supported by new evidence in an article soon to be published in the Bull, de Corresp. Hellén.

^{page 340 note 3} The word has to be supplied in thought, in order to explain construction and sense; see Waddington's note.

^{page 340 note 4} Prof. Blass does not quote the words, nor give the reference, so that I cannot verify.

^{page 340 note 6} Exception to rule, Wien. Sitzungsber. 1894, p. 8.

^{page 341 note 1} He has since then fully admitted that my use of the term was justifiable; and that is now apparently universally admitted in Germany, though some of the English champions of the North Galatian theory still decline to acknowledge that they were wrong in restricting the name Galatia, e.g. Dr. Cheetham in Classical Review 1894, p. 396.

^{page 341 note 2} 33 Syrians, 28 Thracians, 10 Galatians, 8 Macedonians, 5 Sarmatians, 4 Illyrians, 4 Cappadocians, 4 Armenians (besides a slave Ἀρμ⋯νιος, whose nationality, though not stated, can be gathered from his name, Strabo, p 304), and so on. The numbers are reckoned by Staehelin, Gesch. des kleinas. Galater, p. 57. Most of the inscriptions were published by MM. Wescher and Foucart, Inscr. rec. à Delphes: all are given by Baunack in Collitz's Sammlung der Gr. Dialektinschr ii, pts. 3–5.

^{page 341 note 3} De Gallis in Asia, p. 183. He does not, however, mention the division in parts, but says that they reduced the older population entirely to the condition of coloni.

^{page 342 note 1} See Körte, , Athen. Mittheil. 1897, pp. 16, 39Google Scholar: in Woch. f. Klass. Philol., 1898, p. 3 he accepts my suggestion as to the division of the priesthood.

^{page 342 note 2} See Journ. Hell. Stud. 1898, p. 123, where Мαιφ⋯τει may be either gen. or fem, dative. But Мαικιαν⋯, which is there quoted, is the Latin Maeciana.

^{page 342 note 3} See Herzog, in Philologus lvi., p. 50 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 342 note 4} The slaves were bought from abroad: if born in Greece they were called ⋯νδογεν⋯ς οἰκογεν⋯ς.

^{page 342 note 5} Enome, perhaps a grecized form of Naomi, Libanos of Laban, or the mountain-name.

^{page 342 note 6} Similarly we find in the Delphic lists Menophilos and Mithradates Cappadocian slaves, Ioudaios Jewish, Bithys Thracian, Ana and Ammia Illyrian, and so on.

^{page 342 note 7} Compare Athenais ⋯ κα⋯ Bαζε⋯ς in Cappadocia (Journ. of Philol. xi., 1882, p. 148); Bazis means ‘belonging to the God’ (bagha), see Cit. and Bish. of Phr. i. p. 153.

^{page 343 note 1} The race to which the slaves named Sosias at Delphi belonged is not recorded in any other case, except this Galatian.