^{page 105 note 1} C.I.L. XIV. 70.

^{page 105 note 2} Ditt.³, IIII ₁₅

^{page 105 note 3} πατ⋯ρ συν⋯δου, Minns, Scythians and Greeks, p. 655, inscr. 534.

^{page 105 note 4} IG Rom. I. 604.

^{page 105 note 5} Dess. 4316; cf. 4296.

^{page 105 note 6} References are given by De Ruggiero, Diz. Ep. III. 216.

^{page 105 note 7} Minns, Scythians and Greeks, p. 656, inscr. 586; cf.p. 521₂₀.

^{page 105 note 8} Minns, , op. cit., p. 624.Google Scholar

^{page 105 note 9} Waltzing, Corp. Rom. III., n. 296.

^{page 105 note 10} Waltzing, , Diz. Ep. II., p. 367.Google Scholar

^{page 105 note 11} Waltzing, , Corp. Rom. IV., p. 484.Google Scholar

^{page 105 note 12} XLVII. 22. 4.

^{page 105 note 13} As Ditt.₃ 1117–1120; cf. M.N. Tod., B.S.A. XIII. 336₃, Poland, Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens, p. 503.

^{page 105 note 14} D. Comparetti, Ausonia, I. 14.

^{page 105 note 15} Published by Paribeni and Romanelli, Mon. Antichi XXIII. (1914), n. 113, p. 160.

^{page 105 note 16} Schürer, , Sitz ber. Berlin, 1897, p. 200—, summarised by Minns, op. cit., p. 621.Google Scholar

^{page 105 note 17} Cumont, , Comptes Rendus Acad. Inscr., 1906, 63—.Google Scholar

^{page 105 note 18} Poland, op. cit., p. 196.

^{page 105 note 19} Schubart, Amtliche Berichte aus den Königlichen Kunstsammlungen, XXXVIII. (1916–7), p. 189–; Einführung in die Papyruskunde1, P. 352.

^{page 105 note 20} For these cf. O. Kern, Orphica, p. 143, and, to give a magical example, P. Parthey I. 64 (where for ἱερ⋯ν read ἱερ⋯ν; φ⋯λον is corrupted to φ⋯λων, 1. 88).

^{page 105 note 21} Such as that described by Callixenus Rhodius ap. Athenae. 196 A.

^{page 106 note 1} P. Gurob I. Well discussed by M. Tiernay, Class. Quart., 1922, p. 77, and reproduced, with notes, by O. Kern, Orphica, n. 31, p. 101.

^{page 106 note 2} Kern, op. cit., p. 105.

^{page 106 note 3} Dieterich, Kleine Schriften, p. 86—; Kern, Genethliakon Robert, p. 89—.

^{page 106 note 4} Cf. Münzer, , Römische Adelsparteien und Adelsfamilien, p. 201.Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 5} Cichorius, , Römische Studien (1922), p. 22—.Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 6} So Kornemann, P.W. IV., p. 405.

^{page 106 note 7} Suet. Jul. 42. The Jews were privileged. Cf. P. W. IV. 408.

^{page 106 note 8} For which cf. Waltzing, Diz. Ep. II., P. 352.

^{page 106 note 9} Kornemann, loc. cit., p. 410.

^{page 106 note 10} Ulpian in Dig. XLVII., 11. 2; Kornemann, loc. cit., p. 411.

^{page 106 note 11} D. Mallardo, Memorie Napoli II. ii., p. 149, published with commentary by A. Maiuri, Studi Romani I., p. 21.

^{page 106 note 12} The Basilica is in the gardens of the Statilii, (Fornari, Notizie degli Scavi, 1918, p. 51). Lanciani has disputed this identification (Bulletino Communale, XLVI., p. 69) on grounds which I am not fully competent to weigh. I have the high authority of Dr. Ashby in favour of accepting it.

^{page 106 note 13} As he has argued, Rev. Arch., VIII. (1918), PP. 52–73.

^{page 106 note 14} Like that of the Ostian Mithraeum.

^{page 106 note 15} Ann. XII. 59.

^{page 106 note 16} This dating is universally accepted.

^{page 106 note 17} Loc. cit.

^{page 107 note 1} Or intended to be carried on, if the building was never actually used.

^{page 107 note 2} Acda disputationis S. Achatii, p. 119, 31, Gebh.

^{page 107 note 3} Cf. passages quoted by Gruppe, Roscher, III. 1103.

^{page 107 note 4} Gruppe, loc. cit., 1050. Cf. his connexion with alchemy (Kern, Orphica, p. 332).

^{page 107 note 5} Fornari suggests an Oriental or mystic cult, comparing the urn showing Heracles' initiation found in the tomb of the Statilii (now in Museo delle Terme). He is mistaken in arguing from the cognomen Mystes, borne by a freedman of the Statilii (C.I.L. VI. 6632) and his son; it was an ordinary Greek name (cf. Pape-Benseler, s.v.), used by Roman freedmen (De Vit, Onomasticon, s.v.).

Bagnani is quite unjustified in saying that ‘remains of the inaugural sacrifice show that the building was dedicated to the infernal deities’ (J.R.S. IX., p. 82), and referring to Fornari (loc. cit., p. 47) as supporting his statement. Fornari correctly explained the remains in question as pointing to a preliminary sacrifice in propitiation of chthonic powers which had to be performed before the Basilica could be used for its proper purpose. Hubaux' suggestion (Musée Beige, 1923, p. 59–) that the Basilica was devoted to the worship of Cotytto is unreasonable; in Roman literature she is but a literary allusion.

^{page 107 note 6} Mélanges Rome XXXIX., p. 165—. This brilliant article did not come into my hands till this article was substantially completed.

^{page 107 note 7} Cf. Kern in P.W., s.v. lakchos. They are distinguished by Artemidorus (cf. Oneirocritica II. 37, p. 140. 25 Hercher.and II. 38, p. 144. 25).

^{page 107 note 8} I Br. Mus. III., 595. 22.

^{page 107 note 9} Ditt.³ IIO9₁₂₄.

^{page 107 note 10} I certainly prefer this view, which is that of Mrs. Strong, to Curtis', A.J.A., 1920, p. 144, supported by Hubaux, J., Musée Belge, 1923, P. 13.Google Scholar

^{page 107 note 11} As Rep. 363 C, Phaedo 69 C.

^{page 107 note 12} Published by Keil, J., Jahreshefte XVII. (1914), p. 133—Google Scholar. This is possibly the meaning of the contrasted figures on the obscure Torre Nova sarcophagus, Rōm. Mitth. 1910, p. 89—, and probably that of the groups at the mutilated end of the relief on the grave of the Rhodian schoolmaster Hieronymus, figured and discussed by Hiller von Gärtringen and Robert, Hermes XXXVII. (1902), p. 122— (cf. esp. P. 134).

^{page 107 note 13} Discussed by Jahn, O., Sächs. Ber., 1856, p. 275—Google Scholar (Darstellungen der Unterwelt auf römischen Sar cophagen, and figured Taf. III.D.). Here the Danaids (cf. Plato Gorg. 493 B., Pausanias, x. 31. 9, etc.) are contrasted with a Bacchic thiasos of the blessed, including Heracles (himself μ⋯στης, cf. Lycophron, Alex. 1328, and Jahn, l.c., p. 278).

^{page 107 note 14} Cf. J. A. Hild, Dar. S., IV., p. 257—.

^{page 107 note 15} Reinach, Rép. Rel., III., p. 183.

^{page 107 note 16} Helbig, , Wandgemälde, n. 572Google Scholar; Reinach, Rép. Peint., p. 117.

^{page 108 note 1} II. 2.7.

^{page 108 note 2} Altmann, , Die römischen Grabaltäre der Kaiserzeit, p. 267.; Macchioro, Memorie Napoli, I., p. 84.Google Scholar

^{page 108 note 3} As the sarcophagi figured by Rizzo, Memorie Napoli, III., p. 43. Fig. 3; p. 44, Fig. 5.

^{page 108 note 4} Stephani, C.R., Petersburg, 1869, PI. II. III.

^{page 108 note 5} Stephani, l.c, PI. I., 7, 8, 9.

^{page 108 note 6} As in the examples quoted by Cumont, Etudes Syriennes, p. 861.

^{page 108 note 7} As in painting, cf. Reinach, Rép. Peint., p. 14.

^{page 108 note 8} No. 373 in Paribeni's catalogue.

^{page 108 note 9} For which cf. Lebas.Waddington, Inscr. Asie Mineure, 1854 c; Ramsay, C.B. II., p. 652; Minns, op. cit., p. 622; Notizie, 1921, p. 359.

^{page 108 note 10} So Cumont has well set forth, Rev. Arch., 1916, IV., p. 1. The Dionysiac associations of the next world are illustrated by such phraseology as Orph. Hymn, 1. 3: (Ἐκ⋯την) . On the other hand, the apotheosis of the dead man as Dionysus (briefly discussed by Farnell, Greek Hero Cults, p. 395: cf. Stat. Siluae, II. 7,124) is, I think, different: is it not a sort of extension to private individuals of the apotheosis of living kings as ν⋯οι ▵ι⋯νυσοι? In the same way the use of the eagle on sarcophagi was extended from royalty to commoners (cf. Cumont, Ét. Syr., p. 85).

^{page 108 note 11} Victories as a symbol of immortality continued in use on Christian sarcophagi, as Kaufmann, Handb. chr. Arch ³., p. 259, abb. 119, p. 293, abb. 144. The crown is due to the idea of life as an ⋯γών (see for this, Hermes ap. Stob. i. 49–49, p. 417, 18 W.; cf. p. 274. 17; Kroll, de Orac. Chald., p. 52); so one of a series of iambic precepts inscribed on a column near a sarcophagus at Olympus, in Lycia, runs thus: . (Lebas, 1339₁₆)

The crown naturally continued in use in Christian art (cf. Kaufmann³, p. 293) and language: the soul's crown is as much at home in Mart. S. Polycarpi, ch. 17, p. 8, 28 Gebh., Euseb. Hist. Eccl. V. r, C.l.L. VIII. 17386, as in Vettius Valens, VI. 2, p. 248, 28 ed. Kroll [Lebas, 2405, is probably Christian (so Franz and Waddington, ad loc.)]

^{page 108 note 12} Cf. Reinach, Rép. Rel., III. 33, 228, 258, 379.

^{page 108 note 13} Thus the figures of Attis recognised by Cumont would be doubly relevant. On the one hand, they are connected in Imperial art with the notion of immortality (cf. Cumont, T.M., II., p. 437—, 526; E. Strong, J.R.S., I. 17). On the other hand, the identification of Demeter with Rhea, which is as old as the fifth century B.C. (O. Kern, P.W. IV. 2755), led ultimately to an identification of Dionysos with Attis in speculation (Cumont, P.W. II. 2250), and speculation was often based on cult: some fusion is attested by Orph. Hymn XLII.

^{page 108 note 14} Cf. M. Tiernay, Class. Quart., 1922, 77⁴, 5.

^{page 108 note 15} They probably belong to this period (cf. Wünsch, P. W. IX. 171). Hauck's attempt (Brest, phil. Abh., 43) to date them in the late fifth century of our era is absurd.

^{page 109 note 1} Cumont, T.M. II., p. 154; inscr. 425.

^{page 109 note 2} Zagreus, 1921, p. 60.

^{page 109 note 3} Mitteis- Wilcken I. ii., n. 94, p. 123.

^{page 109 note 4} The above was written before Bendinelli's article (Bulletino Communale, XLIX. 1922, p. 85—) came into my hands. Bendinelli maintains that the basilica was intended to be a mausoleum, which would be not inconsistent with the performance of sacrifices there (p. 121). He has urged this with skill and learning, but I cling to the view expressed above. I should wish, in closing, to express my thanks to Mrs. Strong for the help she kindly gave me when I was studying the basilica.