^{page 365 note 1} See Mr. Rouse's remarks in Folk-Lore vii. 147 and in his Gk. Votive Offerings p. 50, n. 1.

^{page 366 note 1} Both, to speak the truth, have suffered somewhat in the second edition. The mistletoe was more effective as originally issued, without a framework of horizontal lines. And the autotype of Turner's picture is poor in comparison with the former impression, the plate presumably being worn.

^{page 367 note 1} These passages are not quite conclusive, as Dr. Frazer remarks in vol. i. p. 5. n. 2. But they are strongly supported by the fact that at Lanuvium Aug. 13 was the ‘natalis Dianae’ (C.I.L. xiv. 2112 i. 5, ii. 12): see Wissowa op. cit. p. 201 n. 1. Cp. too Prof. J. Rendel Harris on Aug. 13 as the date of the festival of S. Hippolytus : see below.

^{page 368 note 1} Wallis, G. H., Illustrated Catalogue of the Nottingham Art Museum, nos. 633–4, p. 35.Google Scholar

^{page 368 note 2} Id. ib. nos. 602–4, p. 31, and photographic plate. I am indebted to Mr. G. H. Wallis for the illustration here given.

^{page 369 note 1} Correct the quotation from Stat. silv. iii. 1. 52 in G.B. i. p. 5 n. 2. Instead of ‘tempus erat, caelicum ardentissimus axis’ etc. read ‘torrentissimus’ for an obvious reason.

^{page 369 note 2} In fairness to Dr. Frazer it must be said that these discoveries of Prof. J. Rendel Harris have been made since the appearance of the second edition of the G.B.

^{page 369 note 3} G. H. Wallis op. cit. p. 11. Mr. Wallis informs me that the bas-relief in question is not in the Nottingham Museum; ‘I have always,’ he says, ‘understood that the bas-relief was taken to Russia, but so far its whereabouts has not been traced.’

^{page 370 note 1} Fest. p. 145 Müller ‘et Ariciae genus panni fieri; quod manici appelletur.’

^{page 372 note 1} One wonders that Dr. Frazer did not press into his service the epithet Dianus applied to Jupiter in an inscription from Aquileia: C.I.L. v. 783 Iovi Dianó etc. See Birt in Roscher Lex. i. 1003, 49 ff.

^{page 372 note 2} Dr. Postgate suggests lacu Ariciae.

^{page 373 note 1} Verg. Aen. 7. 778 ff. and Ov. fasti 3. 263 ff. ‘vallis Aricinae silva praecinctus opaca | est lacus, antiqua religione sacer. | hic latet Hippolytus furiis direptus equorum, | unde nemus nullis illud aditur equis.’

^{page 373 note 2} The fish forms are not inappropriate to a companion of Artemis. The xoanon of Artemis-Eurynome at Phigaleia had a fish tail (Paus. viii 41. 6). An archaic jar from Thebes, now in the National Museum at Athens, shows a standing female figure with outstretched arms resembling flippers or wings and a robe adorned with a large fish: this peculiar being is probably the Boeotian , and as such would have affinities with Diana Nemorensis (see above). The fish of the fountain Arethusa were sacred to Artemis (Diod. Sic. 5. 3), whose head appears on a Syracusan coin surrounded by fish (Dar.-Sagl. ii. 135, n. 120). In Anth. Pal. vi. 105 a fisherman offers a mullet to Artemis Λιμενῖτις (cp. Cornut. N.D. 34, p. 233). Aphaia, the Aeginetan goddess identified with Artemis (Hesych. s.v. 'Αφαία), was brought from Crete to Aegina by a fisherman (Anton. Lib. 40). Diktynna, her prototype in western Crete, was also the divinity of fisher-folk (see Roscher Lex. i. 825, 23 ff., Farnell Cults of the Gk. States ii. 476 ff.).

^{page 373 note 3} Mr. G. H. Wallis Illustr. Cat. p. 33 regards the herm ‘as personification of the lakes of Albano and Nemi.’

^{page 373 note 4} So Mr. Andrew Lang Magic and Religion p. 210: ‘Given a female tree-spirit, we should rather expect a Queen of the Wood.’ In Sen. Phaedr. 414 ‘regina nemoram’ is Diana herself. When we recall the theme of Seneca's play and its connexion with the legend of Aricia, it seems possible that the phrase ‘regina nemorum’ was consciously or unconsciously suggested by the title ‘rex Nemorensis.’

^{page 374 note 1} Serv. in Aen. 6. 136 Thilo latet arbore opaca aureus licet de hoc ramo hi qui de sacris Proserpinae scripsisse dicuntur, quiddam esse mysticum adfirment, publica tamen opinio hoc habet. Orestes post occisum regem Thoantera in regione Taurica cum sorore Iphigenia, ut supra 〈ii 116〉 diximus, fugit et Dianae simulacrum inde sublatum haud longe ab Aricia collocavit. in huius templo post mutatum ritum sacrificiorum fuit arbor quaedam, de qua infringi ramum non licebat. dabatur autem fugitivis potestas, ut si quis exinde ramum potuisset auferre, monomachia cum fugitivo templi sacerdote dimicaret: nam fugitivus illic erat sacerdos ad priscae imaginem fugae. dimicandi autem dabatur facultas quasi ad pristini sacrifieii reparationem. nunc ergo istum inde sumpsit colorem. ramus enim necesse erat ut et unius causa esset interitus: unde et statim mortem subiungit Miseni: et ad sacra Proserpinae accedere nisi sublato ramo non poterat. inferos autem subire hoc dicit, sacra celebrare Proserpinae. de reditu autem animae hoc est: novimus Pythagoram Samium vitam humanam divisisse in modum Y litterae, scilicet quod prima aetas incerta sit, quippe quae adhuc se nec vitiis nec virtutibus dedit: bivium autem Y litterae a iuventute incipere, quo tempore homines aut vitia, id est partem sinistram, aut virtutes, id est dexteram partem sequuntur: unde ait Persius 〈 v 35 〉 traducit trepidas ramosa in compita mentes. ergo per ramum virtutes dicit esse sectandas, qui est Y litterae imitatio : quem ideo in silvis dicit latere, quia re vera in huius vitae confusione et maiore parte vitiorum virtus et integritas latet. alii dicunt ideo ramo aureo inferos peti, quod divitiis facile mortales intereunt. Tiberianus aurum, quo pretio reserantur limina Ditis.

^{page 376 note 1} In proof of his claim to be Apollo he exhibited his golden thigh and took from Abaris (Iambl, vit. Pyth. 140 f.). The golden arrow which showed the way can hardly be other than the arrow with which Apollo is represented as divining on the coins of Syria (e.g. Head Coins of the Ancients, pl. 38). At Ixiai in Rhodes Apollo was worshipped as ': the place itself was so called ἀπά ἰξοῦ (Steph. Byz. s.v. 'Ιξίαι), and the title of the god may have some relation to his character as a diviner.

^{page 376 note 2} Since writing the above I find that Miss A. W. Buckland, Anthropological Studies, p. 146, cites from Tyndale's Sardinia the suggestion that the Pythagorean λ ‘might perhaps also be considered an analogous character’ to ‘the bifurcated stick.’

^{page 376 note 3} Lord Savile himself oddly took it to be ‘a circular sacrificial altar, with a gutter for carrying away the blood’ (Illustr. Cat., p. 9). But the base (of which a photo-mozzotype is given ib. p. 10) -is obviously a stylobate, consisting of three concentric steps and ‘showing 'traces of having been paved in mosaic.’ The gutter is nothing more gruesome than a rainwater drain. The position of the supposed altar, ‘at the N.E. angle of the rear of the Temple, and not in front of it’ (ib. p. 9) would alone suffice to prove that it was not, as the excavators imagined, ‘the external altar of the Artemision.’

^{page 376 note 4} Aristotle Pol. H (Z) 8. 1322b 28 mentions certain magistrates who . This is best illustrated by an inscription from Mytilene : Cauer² 431, 45 ff. .

^{page 376 note 5} See also the Rev. J. Roscoe, Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda, p. 51.

^{page 377 note 1} In the honour attaching to the spolia opima we may perhaps trace another relic of the same principle. Romulus, when he had slain the king of the Caeninenses with his own hand in battle, deposited his spoils ‘ad quercum pastoribus sacram’ and there marked out the bounds of a temple to Jupiter Feretrius (Liv. i. 10. 5). The circumstances suggest comparison with Nemi. A further vestige of the same barbaric custom may, as Dr. Frazer surmises (G.B. ii. 67), underlie the annual regifugium at Rome (Marquardt, Röm. Staatsverw. iii.² 323 f.) ; though again there is no need to assume any inherent divinity in the rex.

^{page 378 note 1} Dr. Postgate reminds me of Stat. Theb. 4. 425 ff. ‘nec caret umbra deo; nemori Latonia cultrix | additur. hanc piceae cedrique et robore in omni | effictam sanctis occultat silua tenebris.’

^{page 378 note 2} Mr. G. H. Wallis kindly supplied me with the photograph from which the above illustration of these fragments was made.

^{page 378 note 3} The ‘Manius heres’ of Pers. 6. 56 is, as Conington says, ‘one of the aristocracy of Aricia’—a beggar. Persius probably chose this phrase deliberately to suit its context, the passage about pedigrees. Manius was a name which had come down in the world : it was common in the gens Aemilia and the gens Sergia (Egbert Lat. Inscrr. p. 85), but had come to he used even of slaves (Cato de re rust. 141).

^{page 378 note 4} Prof. Furtwängler die antiken Gemmen iii. 231 holds that we have a representation of Diana Nemorensis in a series of gems, which exhibit a draped female figure standing by an altar with a branch in one hand and a cup (sometimes full of fruit) in the other ; near her is placed a stag (ib. pl. xx. 66, xxii. 18, 26, 30, 32). A similarly posed male figure holding a sacrificial knife (ib. pl. xxii. 19) is regarded by him as Virbius. If these identifications were certain, we could be sure that the sacred tree at Nemi was not an oak : for in pl. xxii. 18 at least the branch has round fruit on it, probably apples.

^{page 379 note 1} Cp. Serv. on Aen. 6. 136 ‘dabatur autem fugitivis potestas, ut si quis exinde ramum potuisset auferre,’ etc.

^{page 379 note 2} Cp. the θαλλοφόροι at the Panathenaic festival.

^{page 379 note 3} J. T. Wood, Discoveries at Ephesus, p. 9.

^{page 379 note 4} Etym. mag. 383, 30 . See J.H.S. xv. 12 and Herwerden Lex. Gr. suppl., s.v. ἒσσην. Strabo xiv. 1. 3 (633c) states on the authority of Pherekydes that the descendants of Androklos, founder of Ephesus, . But, as Dittenberger has pointed out (Syll, ² i. 279, no. 175, 4 n.), it is doubtful whether these βασιλεῶς or βαιλίδαι (Suid. s.v. ) can be identified with the ἐσσῆνες.

^{page 380 note 1} Wissowa op. cit. p. 199, n. 3 well observes: ‘Auch die um das Heiligtum sich gruppierende Niederlassung heisst mit Eigennamen Nemus (Νέμος Strab. v. 239, App. b.c. v. 24), heute Nemi, ebenso wie rich, aus dem lucus Angitiae im Marserlande…die Gemeinde der Lucenses, heute Lnco, entwickelte (Mommsen C.I.L. ix. p. 367).’ Similarly at Teuthea in Achaea Artemis bore the cult-title of Νεμιδέα (Strab. viii. 3. 11, 342 c), which was presumably derived from a neighbouring νέμος. Thus Artemis Νεμιδία would be an exact parallel to Diana Nemorensis.

^{page 380 note 2} Roby Lat. Gram. i. 300, section 815, Stolz Hist. Gram. d. Lat. Spr. i. 540 f.

^{page 380 note 3} If the rex sacrorum was thus strictly parallel to the rex Nemorensis, it is tempting to ask whether certain points in the story of the early kings of Rome do not gain a fresh significance. Servius Tullius was born a slave (Dion. Hal. 4. 1). And the singular legend about his birth preserved by Plut. de fort. Rom. 10 and Dion. Hal. 4. 1–2 implies a close, indeed a vital, connexion between him and the royal hearth. Again, he was in a sense the champion of Diana: we have seen that he established her cult on the Aventine, and sacrificed a phenomenal cow in her honour. He lived near an ancient Dianium on the Virbius clivus (Liv. i. 48. 6, Solin. 1. 25), a hill leading up to the Fagutal of the Esquiline (Kiepert-Hülsen, map i. Eo). Finally, he was attacked in person by his successor L. Tarquinius, the son of Egerius (Dion. Hal. 4. 64), and put to the sword by his orders (Dion. Hal. 4. 39, Liv. i. 48. 4). Is this conjuncture of circumstances (slave yet king, connected with hearth, devoted to Diana, murdered by successor) and names (Dianium, Virbius, Egerius) purely accidental, or have we here scattered hints of a state of affairs really corresponding to the situation at Nemi? In view of variants on the reading Virbium in Liv. i. 48. 6 and Solin. i. 25 it would be rash to insist on the latter possibility. In Liv. i. 48. 6 Virbium clivum is the reading of the libri recentiores: Urbium is supported by codd. A C H I Voss. II. ; uerbium stands in Lips., uibium in the frag. Flamersheimense. In Solin. 1. 25 too the best attested reading is clivum Urbium : cod. Sangallensis has orbium, and cod. Angelomontanus olbium. Nevertheless it is quite possible that the slope of the Esquiline was originally called ‘clivus Virbius,’ like the hill at Aricia (Pers. 6. 56 clivumque ad Virbi). For, when the neighbouring Dianium disappeared (Liv. i. 48. 6 ubi Dianium nuper fuit), the name ‘Virbius’ would almost inevitably suffer corruption. It would naturally pass into ‘Verbius’ (in Pers. loc. cit. cod. C has verbi, and in Verg. Aen. 7. 762 cod. R has Verbius), or ‘Urbius’ from ‘Urbs’ = Rome, or ‘Vibius’ from the well-known gens, or ‘Orbius’ ( cod. Vat. in Dion. Hal. 4. 39) to suit the tradition that Tullia there drove her chariot-wheels (‘orbes’) over her father's corpse (Fest. p. 182 Müller suggests derivation from the ‘flexuosi orbes’ of the hill), or ‘Olbius’ to form a contrast with the later name of the road, ‘Vicus Sceleratus’ (Dion. Hal. 4. 39 ).