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Tisias and Corax and the Invention of Rhetoric
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
Extract
A Lasting tradition among the ancients marked Sicily as the birthplace and Tisias and Corax as inventors of the art of rhetoric: and in this tradition, legendary though it became, there is a stricter truth than in most of the stories related about the foundation of invented arts. We, with more elaborate historical views, shall still say of rhetoric that it was created at a certain epoch; and can still point to the Sicilians Tisias and Corax as its authors. Oratory, to be sure, has existed almost as long as speech. Its beginnings are prehistoric, and must in any case be imperceptible; and if by rhetorician we meant no more than one who uses speech with more than common effect, we might set the origin of rhetoric as far back as we chose, and could hardly bring it lower than the beginning of recorded literature. Indeed we are told that under the Antonine Emperors the eminent scholar Telephus of Pergamum wrote a book on Rhetoric in Homer, in which he illustrated from the Poet the whole contemporary system of the art down to the thirteen constitutions of Minucian; and in the same spirit the Venerable Bede, resenting the claim of the Greeks to have invented tropes and figures of speech, wrote a short work to show that they could all be found in Holy Scripture. But such inquiries, even when conducted less foolishly than by Telephus and less incompetently than by Bede, are irrelevant to the proper history of rhetoric. Let the practice of oratory have begun when it may, the first attempts known to us in Classical Antiquity to formulate a series of principles for the art of speech were made in the fifth century before Christ. These earliest systems were naturally very imperfect: they could not immediately be either comprehensive or well organized. But they were something that had not existed at all before: methodical principles for speaking. At the moment when these were first set out the art of rhetoric began.
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References
1 Prolegomenon Sylloge (ed. Rabe), p. 189Google Scholar = Rhet. Grace, vii. 5Google Scholar (Walz): see also Wendel in R. E.
2 Rhetores Latini Minores (Halm), p. 607.Google Scholar
3 Diog. Laert. via. 57.
4 Fr. 137 Rose apud Cic. Brut. 46.Google Scholar
1 Prol. Syll. 189Google Scholar = vii. 5 (W.); cf. Syrian, , iv. 575Google Scholar (Walz) = ii. 127 (Rabe).
2 See Hamberger, P., Die rednerische Disposition in der alten τέχνη ητορική (Rhetorische Studien 2), Paderbom, 1914, pp. 9 ff.Google Scholar; and Stegeman in R.E. v a, 142.
3 Fullest account in iv. II– W.=269– R, and Doxapater vi. 12– =25 R. Cf. Troilus vi. 48=52 R.; Max. Plan. v. 215=67 R.; Prol. vii.Google Scholar 5=189 R.
1 Thomson at 272 E interprets τέχνη ητορική to mean ‘not only in the practice of the courts but also in that of the assembly’. I take it rather to mean ‘at whatever cost’.
1 Cf. Solmsen, F., Antiphonstudien (Neue philologische Untersuchungen, viii), Berlin, 1931, pp. 5 ff.Google Scholar
2 Cf. Süss, W., Ethos, pp. 2 ff.Google Scholar
3 Barwick, K., Hermes, lvii (1922), 1–.Google Scholar
1 Cf. Gercke, , Hermes, xxxii. 344.Google Scholar
1 The sense of this passage is in all our texts obscured by the words ἥμαρτε γὰρ ἡ Μήδεια περὶ τὴν ἀποστολὴν τν παίδων, which appear to be an interpolation.
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