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The Progress of Epiteichismos

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

H.D. Westlake
H.D. Westlake
Affiliation:
St John's College, Cambridge
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Extract

Scholarly interest in epiteichismos has, for various reasons, been centred almost exclusively upon the Athenian occupation of Pylos and the Spartan occupation of Decelea. In occupying Pylos the Athenians were adopting epiteichismos for the first time, as were the Spartans in occupying Decelea. Both enterprises were on a considerable scale and deeply influenced the course of the Peloponnesian war, though neither so decisively as had initially seemed likely. Another source of interest in them is their link with the perennial problem of speeches in Thucydides. The Thucydidean versions of speeches delivered shortly before the outbreak of the Archidamian war include references to the possibility that epiteichismos might be attempted by both sides (1. 122. 1; 142. 3–4), although in fact Athens did not do so until 425, and then partly by accident, and Sparta not until much later. These puzzling references have been thought by some scholars to be anachronistic, while others have disputed this inference, maintaining that even before the war military leaders had in mind the possibility of epiteichismos. A similar if less vexed problem arises from the fact that the occupation of Decelea, vigorously recommended by Alcibiades in the Thucydidean version of his speech at Sparta at the end of 415 and apparently accepted with enthusiasm (6. 93. 1–2), was not implemented until the spring of 413.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Classical Quarterly , Volume 33 , Issue 1 , January 1983 , pp. 12 - 24
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 1983

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References

1 Adcock, F. E., CR 51 (1947). 2–7Google Scholar. provides a brief but basic survey. Garlan, Y.. Recherches de Poliorcétique grecque (Athens, 1974). pp. 33–40Google Scholar, studies epiteichismos rather more widely and gives an admirable summary of its functions, but his discussion, punctuated by translations of relevant passages, is also brief.

2 cf. Croix, G.E.M. de SteOrigins of the Peloponnesian War (London, 1972), pp. 209–10Google Scholar.

3 Adcock, op. cit (above n. I). 5–7; Kagan, D.Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War (Ithaca. 1969), p. 314Google Scholar.

4 Considered briefly but convincingly by Dover, K. J. in Gomme, A. W.. Andrewes, A. and Dover, , Historical Commentary on Thucvdides 4 (1970). p. 367Google Scholar.

5 Towns stated to have been taken by storm (in most cases κατ⋯ κρ⋯τoς or αὐβoε⋯) in the late fifth or early fourth centuries were insignificant or unwalled. as the following selection will show: Astacus (Thuc. 2. 30. 1); Aegitium (3. 97. 2); Galepsus (5. 6. 1); Lampsacus (8. 62. 2. unwalled); Magnesia (Diod. 14. 36. 2–3. unwalled); Caryae (Xen, Hell. 7. 1. 28)Google Scholar; Cromnus (7. 4. 20). Assaults on fortified positions normally involved casualties on a scale which Greek states could not afford.

6 On Greek siegecraft, Gomme. op. cit. (above n. 4) 1 (1945), pp. 16–19; Adcock, F. E.Greek and Macedonian Art of War (Berkeley. 1957). pp. 57–9Google Scholar, who points to some improvement in the fourth century. Aristotle, Pol. 7. 1330 b–1331 a, maintains that a city needed strong walls because of recent improvements in the efficiency of assault weapons.

7 An interesting example of success achieved by this method is the invasion of Acarnania by Agesilaus in 389. His troops were harassed in mountainous districts and failed in attempts, which pressure by his allies imposed upon him, to capture enemy towns, but in the following spring the Acarnanians capitulated in order to save their territory from further plundering (Xen, Hell. 4. 6. 4–7. 1)Google Scholar.

8 This question will be considered below. It may be observed that the abstract nouns ⋯πiτεiχiσμ⋯ς and ⋯πiτε⋯χχiσiς are virtually interchangeable and denote the military process; that ⋯πiτε⋯χiσμα denotes a fortification built in the course of this process; that the verb ⋯πiτεiχ⋯ζεiν is intransitive in Thucydides but elsewhere often has a place-name as its object.

9 At an earlier stage, in the eighth and seventh centuries, members of a defeated faction forced to leave their native city would normally initiate or join colonial enterprises overseas.

10 Examples of this civil warfare which occurred during the Peloponnesian war are classed by scholars as epiteichismos, cf. Adcock op. cit. (above n. 1), 7, and Garlan, op. cit. (above n. 1). 33.

11 cf. ibid. 153. 2 on Geloan exiles at Mactorium. which was not far from Gela, many years earlier.

12 The case of Anaea (see below p. 15) is comparable.

13 cf. ibid. 4, where both sides are stated to have won victories.

14 Gomme, , op. cit (above n. 4), 1 (1945), p. 301Google Scholar, justifiably considers Ithome to have been a palisaded camp and not a walled town. The term πoλioρκ⋯α used here by Thucydides (1. 102. 2) is very elastic; cf. 7. 28. 3, πoλoρκoυμ⋯νoυς ⋯πiτεiχiσμ⋯ ὺπ⋯ Πελoπoννησ⋯ων, which refers to Decelea.

15 cf. Forrest, W. G., History of Sparta, 950–192 B.C. 2 (London, 1980), p. 102Google Scholar.

16 Will, E., Rev. eĺ. anc. 71 (1969). 318Google Scholar. Nor does Thucydides attest that the coast around Anaea was hitherto a peraia controlled from Samos, as the authors of A.T.L. 3 (1950), p. 196Google Scholar, suggest.

17 These oligarchs are almost certainly to be identified with, or at least included in their number, the Megarian exiles settled temporarily at Plataea in 427 but removed a year later (Thuc. 3. 68. 3).

18 Hammond, N. G. L., Studies in Greek History (Oxford, 1973). p. 439Google Scholar.

19 The complex and obscure stasis at Colophon and Notium from 430 to 427 (Thuc. 3. 34) is regarded by Adcock, op. cit. (above n. 1)6, and Garlan, op. cit. (above n. 1) 33, as epiteichismos, but there is no mention of attacks by exiles.

20 Examples are: Antandrus in 424 (Thuc. 4. 52. 3; 75. 1); Phyle in 404 (Xen, Hell 2 4. 2–7)Google Scholar; Phigalea and Phlius about 375 (Diod. 15. 40. 2 and 5); Zacynthus in 374 (Xen, Hell. 6 2. 2–3Google Scholar; Diod. 15. 45. 2–4).

21 Delbrück, H., Die Strategie des Perikles (Berlin, 1890). p. 121Google Scholar, who points out advantages to be gained therefrom.

22 Kagan, D., Archidamian War (Ithaca, 1974), pp. 72–6Google Scholar; de Ste. Croix, op. cit. (above n. 2), 209.

23 Busolt, G., Gr. Gesch. 3. 2 (Gotha, 1904), 1114–16Google Scholar; Adcock, op. cit. (above n. 1), 6; Garlan, op. cit. (above n. 1), 33.

24 cf. my Individuals in Thucydides (Cambridge, 1968). pp. 89–90Google Scholar.

25 Gomme, op. cit. (above n. 4) 3 (1956), p. 494; Kagan, op. cit. (above n. 22), 252–4.

26 Halieis also probably submitted at this time, cf. Kagan, op. cit. (above n. 22), 306 n. 8.

27 cf. Huxley, G. L. in Coldstream, J. N. and Huxley, , Kythera (London, 1972), p. 38Google Scholar, whose reconstruction of this operation is based on examination of the terrain.

28 Thucydides notes (53. 2) the benefits hitherto enjoyed by the Spartans through possessing Cythera, which were now lost.

29 Pritchett, W. K., Studies in Ancient Greek Topography 2 (Berkeley, 1969), pp. 24–36Google Scholar, cf. 3 (1980), pp. 295–7, locates it at Dilesi.

30 Early in 421 Sparta announced preparations for epiteichismos (Thuc. 5. 17. 2) but only to make Athens more favourably disposed towards the conclusion of peace.

31 cf. Garlan, op. cit. (above n. 1), 36–8.

32 Boardman, J., BSA 51 (1956), 41–54Google Scholar, provides a valuable report on excavations conducted there.

33 See above p. 17.

34 According to Plut. Alcib. 35. 2, he was castigated by his enemies for having failed to capture the city. The accounts of Xenophon and Diodorus suggest rather that initially he had no intention of capturing it but that the Athenian victory led him to improvise a brief attack in the hope that it might be surrendered to him.

35 cf. Sauciuc, T., Andros (Vienna, 1914), pp. 65–9Google Scholar.

36 In this section references naming neither the author nor the work are to Xenophon, Hellenica.

37 On the topography see Strabo 8. 3. 24; Paus. 3. 8. 5. Meyer, E., Neue pelop. Wanderungen (Bern, 1957), pp. 49–50, 60–1Google Scholar, locates Epitalium on a plateau above Agulinitsa.

38 The difficulties are judiciously discussed by Momigliano, A., Riv. Fit. 14 (1936), 51–4Google Scholar.

39 Xenophon uses both ⋯πiτεiχ⋯ζεiν and πoλioρκεȋν in his account of this operation: as noted above (n. 14), the latter is a wide term, not necessarily denoting siege or circumvallation. The site of this fortified base is not specified, but it was probably on the north coast so as to be easily accessible from Attica, since the Athenians did not enjoy undisputed command of the sea. A possibility is Souvala, some five miles from the capital, with an anchorage and conveniently situated for plundering fertile areas in the north west of the island.

40 Zahrnt, M., Olynth und die Chalkidier (Munich, 1971), p. 95Google Scholar. It was for this reason that the Peloponnesians had previously to operate from bases far from Olynthus.

41 Schmidt, B., Korkyraeische Studien (Leipzig, 1890), pp. 50–6Google Scholar, discusses the topography of ‘this episode, but his conclusions do not seem wholly convincing.

42 Anderson, J. K., Military Theory and Practice in the Age of Xenophon (Berkeley, 1970), pp. 55–6Google Scholar.

43 The tone of this excursus is not unlike that of a Victorian adventure story for boys. Diod. 15. 75. 3 is very brief.

44 The most recent study of the topography is that of Pritchett, op. cit. (above n. 29), 2. 103–5 (Tricaranum) and 107 (Thyamia).

45 In their plea to Chares for collaboration in attacking Thyamia the Phliasians are stated to have told him τoȋς πoλεμ⋯oiς ⋯πiτετεiχiκὼς ἔςη (7. 2. 20).

46 A fragment of Athanis (FGrHisl 562 F 3, quoted by Plut. Timol. 37.9) refers to the base at Mylae, and the evidence of this contemporary historian is more likely to be accurate than a statement by Plutarch (ibid. 34. 4) that Timoleon blockaded Messana by land and sea; cf. my Timoleon and his Relations with Tyrants (Manchester, 1952), p. 51Google Scholar.

47 Griffith, G. T. in Hammond, N. G. L. and Griffith, , History of Macedonia 2 (Oxford, 1979), pp. 444–9Google Scholar.

48 In this section I use ‘the term’ to embrace the nouns and the verb referred to above n. 8. Hereafter the verb is by far the commonest. In Hell. 3. 2. 1 Xenophon uses the verb in a non-specialised but still military sense.

49 cf. Aeschin. 2. 76. Later writers continue to apply the term to the occupation of Decelea; cf. Plut. Alcib. 23. 2, Paus. 3. 8. 6 and Polyaen. 1. 40. 6, though Strabo 9. 1. 17 uses ⋯ρμητ⋯ρioν.

50 Potidaea was in fact outside Macedonia.

51 When making precisely the same point in 19. 219 and 326, Demosthenes uses the non-technical word ⋯ρμητ⋯ρiα.