^{paege 67 note 1} το πλοῖον το⋯ϒο seems a little surprising, as it is not mentioned earlier. We must not, how- ever, forget that the judges had heard about it at the άν⋯κρισις.

^{paege 67 note 2} Another point in his favour is that he went to Athens voluntarily to defend himself. If he had committed murder, he would, to my mind, not have risked so great a danger. On the other hand he must have thought his opponents' posi tion weak, as they wavered in their assertions as to how the murder actually happened, § 29.

^{page 68 note 1} On the word χωροφιλεῖν see Donum Natalicium Schrijnen 1929 pp. 656 ff.

^{page 68 note 2} τέλη καϒαϒἰθηοιν, he pays the rent on the land, which had been confiscated by the Athenians after the suppression of the revolt, cf. Boeckh, Staatstumshaltung I³ p. 586Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 3} The cleruchs probably were the soldiers who had suppressed the rebellion, see Ed. Meyer, , Geschichte des Altertums IV p. 347Google Scholar: ‘Die Ansiedler blieben jedoch in den Städten als Garnison concentrirt.’

^{page 68 note 4} Its name appears in several tribute lists, see Index of I.G.I²

^{page 68 note 5} CfHerod. VII 58 and Strabo frg. 52 p. 331 (Kramer II p. 88).

^{page 68 note 6} Probably Herodes was drowned by accident under the influence of too much wine, § 26 μεθύ οντος το⋯ άνδρ⋯ς.

^{page 68 note 7} Cf. Aristot.' A. II. 3. 6 ή ϒάρ αἲρεσις τ⋯ν άρχ⋯νων άριστίνδην κα⋯ πλουτίνδην ἦν έξ ὦν οἱ' Αρεοπϒῖταν καθίσταντο and Philoch.frg. 58 FHG (quoted by Sandys ad l.) οὐ παντ⋯ς άνδρος ἦν είς τήν έξ ' Αρείου πάϒου βουλήν τελεῖν άλλ οί παρ' ΑθηναίΟις πρω τεύοντες ἓν τΕ ϒένει κα⋯ πλούτΨ κα⋯ βίΨ χρηστῷ.

^{page 68 note 8} Cf. §10 ἓπειτα τίμησίν μοι έποίησαν.

^{page 68 note 9} Cf. Neil, ad Aristoph. Equ. 347Google Scholar (metics) and 839/40, and Aristoph. Pac. 639/40 (Maetzner, ad Antiph. VI 43)Google Scholar:

τ⋯ν δέ σομμάχων ἔσειον τούς παχεῖς καі πλουσіους

αіϒіας ἂν π ροστιθέντες, ώς Φρονεῖ τά Βρασіδου.

^{page 68 note 10} Compare the much more outspoken challenge of the defendant in VI 43, who is an Athenian himself.

^{page 69 note 1} The uncertainty of the text referred to above does not affect the argument. On the other hand the interpretation here given seems to support Reiske's, not Blass's, insertion of τούς δέ, see Thalheim's app. crit.

^{page 69 note 2} Stallbaum, Maetzner quotes, ad Plat. Charm. 157e (158a)Google Scholar. See also Herod. I 96, 148, 171; Xen, . Hell. Ill 1. 5Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 3} Cp. Ed. Meyer, IV p. 555, and see also note 5 on this page. heading.

^{page 69 note 4} Hostilities, of course, even after peace had been formally concluded, never quite ceased, but their scene was the mainland of Greece, not the Aegaean or the coast of Asia Minor.

^{page 69 note 5} Moreover from § 81, άσΦαλ⋯ς διαπράσσεθε, it has already been deduced that the oration must be anterior to the expedition to Sicily.

^{page 69 note 6} IV 52.3 these are called Ακταῖαι πόλεις, cf. I. G. I² 64. 91. where Antandros, Rhoiteion and other towns are mentioned under the same heading.

^{page 70 note 1} In the same way the description of the weather in the oration §§ 21 (storm) and 22 (rain) seems to imply that the journey took place in the early spring.

^{page 70 note 2} If we assume this date as being correct, the words in § 81 άσΦ⋯ς &διαπράσσεσθε are indeed in agreement with the circumstances, as owing to the capture of the Spartan soldiers on Sphacteria no Peloponnesian troops were on Attic territory and the battle of Delion did not take place till later in the year (November according to Ed. Meyer, IV p. 395).

^{page 70 note 3} He did not want to remind his judges of the cruel way the revolt had been quelled, and even less of the much worse cruelty which had been prevented in the nick of time, cp. the beginning of § 77.