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On Attalos and Atalante

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Waldemar Heckel
Waldemar Heckel
Affiliation:
University of Calgary
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Extract

Among the most prominent supporters of Perdikkas, son of Orontes, were his brother Alketas and Attalos, son of Andromenes, their brother-in-law. That the latter was an unwavering supporter of Perdikkas has not been challenged, nor that his career was advanced by the prestige of the ‘chiliarchos’ at the time of Alexander's death. Crucial to the discussion of the career of Attalos, therefore, is the date of his marriage to Atalante, for which we have only the ambiguous testimony of Diodoros (above). And, while modern scholars claim that the marriage cannot be dated, they have had a tendency to assume that it was contracted during Alexander's lifetime. There is, however, a case to be made for a later date, one that will give us cause to reconsider Attalos' role in the last years of Alexander's reign and in the struggle for power that followed the King's death.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Classical Quarterly , Volume 28 , Issue 2 , December 1978 , pp. 377 - 382
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 1978

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References

1 For details see Berve, H., Das Alexanderreich auf prosopograpbischer Grundlage, vol. 2, Munich, 1926 (henceforth Serve 2), nos. 45, 181, 627Google Scholar, s.vv. . Cf. also Kaerst, J., RE i (1894) 1514–15Google Scholar, s.v. ‘Alketas’ (5); RE ii (1896) 2158, s.v. ‘Attalos’ (5); Geyer, F., RE xix.1 (1937), 604–14Google Scholar, s.v. ‘Perdikkas’ (4).

2 Note particularly Berve 2.93 ‘[Attalosl blieb im Hoflage Al.s, wo seine Stellung durch das hohe Ansehen, welches nach Hephaistions Tode Perdikkas, sein Schwager... vor alien anderen genoss, sich anscheinend hob.’

3 See Berve 2.90, no. 177,s.v. ‘ cf. Kaerst, , RE ii (1896), 1894–5Google Scholar, s.v. ‘Atalante’ (5); also Hoffman, O., Die Makedonen: ibre Sprache and ihr Volkstum (Gottingen, 1906), p.157 n.60.Google Scholar

4 Thus we have Welles, C. Bradford (Alexander and the Hellenistic World, Toronto, 1970, p.15)Google Scholar implying, and Green, P. (Alexander of Macedon, Harmondsworth, 1974, 108)Google Scholar stating, that he was Perdikkas' brother-in-law at the time of Philip's death (336). Badian, E., ‘The Death of Parmenio’, TAPA 91 (1960), 335Google Scholar, suspects that the relationship between Perdikkas and Attalos may have influenced the trial of the sons of Andromenes, after the Philotas affair; I have myself echoed these suspicions in ‘Amyntas, Son of Andromenes’, GRBS 16 (1975), 393 n.5.Google Scholar

5 Welles, , Diodorus of Sicily, vol. 8, Loeb Classical Library (Cambrige, Mass., 1963), p.101 n.2.Google Scholar Leonnatos was in fact not Orestid, as Welles (following Serve 2.232, no. 466, s.v. ) suggests, but rather Lynkestian, through his relationship to Eurydike, the mother of Philip II, so Geyer, F., RE xii.2 (1925), 2035Google Scholar, and Makedonien bis zur Thronbesteigung Philipps II. (Munich and Berlin, 1930), p.83Google Scholar; cf. also Fox, R. Lane, Alexander the Great (London, 1973), p.505.Google Scholar As for Attalos, his identity is far from certain. For the problem of these somatophylakes see my ‘The Somatophylakes of Alexander the Great: Some Thoughts’, in Historia 27 (1978), 224–8.

6 Curt. 6.7.15; 6.11.37–38. See my discussion, GRBS 16 (1975), 393 n.5Google Scholar, and 394–5, following Badian, 's suggestion, TAPA 91 (1960), 334 n.30.Google Scholar

7 See Berve 2.322, no. 644, s.v. for his flight Arr. 3.27.2–3; Curt. 7.1.10; 7.2.1.

8 Berve 2.92–3, no. 181, S.V. Berve must be wrong, however, to identify the Attalos of Curt. 8.13.21 with the son of Andromenes. This Attalos, described by Curtius as ‘aequalem sibi [sc. Alexandrol et haud disparem habitu oris et corporis’, is not the famous taxiarch (cf. the mistaken identification of H. Bardon in his Budè, text, Quinte-Curce: Histoires, vol. 2, p.366 n.2).Google Scholar Apart from the fact that it is historically impossible that Attalos, the taxiarch, remained in camp disguised as Alexander (as Schubert, R., ‘Die Porus-Schlacht’, Rh. Mus. 56 (1901), 467–8Google Scholar, recognized), the description of him by Epit. Metz 58 as ‘Attalum quendam’ suggests that this was a certain person who looked like Alexander and happened to be called Attalos.

9 For his mission see Diod. 17.49.1; Curt. 4.6.30; his absence from Gaugamela, Curt. 4.13.28 and Arr. 3.11.9 (with a textual corruption, see Bosworth, A. B., ‘Errors in Arrian’, CQ N.S. 26 (1976), 125).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10 See Berve 2.353–4, no. 704, s.v. , who does not comment on his mysterious disappearance.

11 Arr. 4.16.1.

12 Berve 2.325–6, no. 654, s.v. ; Hoffmann, , op. cit. (n.3), p.156 n.59.Google Scholar

13 Arr. 4.22.1; for the news of the Pages' conspiracy, Plut. Alex. 55.6.

14 With Alketas, Arr. 4.27.5; with Koinos, Arr. 4.24.1; Meleagros, Arr. 4.16.1; 5.12.1; 6.17.3 Krateros, Arr. 4.16.1 (implied by 4.17.1); 4.22.1; 5.12.1; 6.17.3; Polyperchon Arr. 4.16.1; 4.22.1; implied by Justin 12.10.1 (to be taken with Arr. 6.17.3, cf. Bosworth, CQ N.S. 26 (1976), 129, n.65). For their opposition to Alexander's policies see Plut. Alex. 47.9–10 (Krateros); Curt. 8.5.22 ff. (Polyperchon); Curt. 8.13.17–18 (Meleagros); and Curt. 9.3.3–16; 9.3.20; Arr. 5.27.2–28.1 (Koinos). Altmakedonisch gesinnt: the expression is Schachermeyr's.

15 Arr. 6.17.3. For Polyperchon see Justin 12.10.1; see also n.14 above.

16 See Schubert, R., Die Quellen zur Geschichte der Diadocbenzeit (Leipzig, 1914), p.115Google Scholar; Schachermeyr, F., Alexander in Bablyon and die Reichsordnung nach seinem Tode (Vienna, 1970), pp. 120 ff.Google Scholar

17 The fullest account is given by Curt. 10.7.1ff.; see also Justin 13.2.6ff.; Diod. 18.2–4; Arr. Succ. 1. For modern views see Schachermeyr, op. cit. n.16 above, Errington, R. M., ‘From Bablyon to Triparadeisos: 323–320 B.C.’,JHS 90 (1970), 49–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wirth, G., ‘Zur Politik des Perdikkas 323’, Helikon 7 (1967), 281–322Google Scholar; for a survey of the extensive bibliography on the succesion see Seibert, J., Alexander der Grosse (Erträge der Forscbung) (Darmstadt, 1972), pp.175–7.Google Scholar See also Berve 2.385–6, no. 781, s.v. .

18 Berve 2.249–50, no. 494, s. v. . For references see n.17 above.

19 Serve 2.92–3 does not go beyond Alexander's death in his discussion of Attalos.

20 Wirth, , Helikon 7 (1967), 291 n.37.Google Scholar

21 Schachermeyr, , Alexander in Babylon (n.16 above), p.125.Google Scholar

22 Ibid.

23 For Koinos' marriage to Parmenion's daughter see Curt. 6.9.30, supported by Arr. 1.24.1; 1.29.4. See also W. Dittenberger, Syll.3 332, where the son, Perdikkas, is named, and Berve 2.215–18, no. 439, s.v. , and 312–13, no. 626, s.v.

24 Diod. 18.23; Justin 13.6.4–7; Arr. Succ. 1.21, 26. See also Seibert, J., Historische Beiträge zu den dynastischen Verbindungen in hellenistischer Zeit (Historia Einzelschriften, Heft 10) (Wiesbaden, 1967), pp. 13–16, 19–24Google Scholar, and Briant, P., Antigone le Borgne: Les Débuts de sa carrière et les problèmes de l'assemblèe macédonienne (Centre de Recherches d'Histoire Ancienne, vol. 10) (Paris, 1973), pp. 145 ff.Google Scholar

25 Justin 13.6.16: ‘Cilicia Philotae adempta Philoxeno datur’; cf. Arr. Succ. fr. 24.8–12; see also Berve 2.397–8, no. 804, s.v. . He must be identical with the taxiarch, Berve no. 803.

26 See n.14 above.

27 Arr. Succ. fr. 24.1 ff.; cf. Succ. 1.25, where Polemon alone is mentioned. See Badian, , ‘A King's Notebooks’, HSCP 72 (1967), 189 n.34.Google Scholar

25 Curt. 10.8.5 says that the soldiers were angry with Meleagros because he instigated the attempted murder of Perdikkas. This would argue against Justin's (13.3.7) claim that Attalos was responsible, but it does not alter the fundamental fact that Attalos was nevertheless a supporter of the phalanx against the leaders of the cavalry. Niese, B., Geschichte der griecbiscben und makedonischen Staaten seit der Schlacht bei Cbaeronea (Gotha, 1893)Google Scholar, is probably wrong to believe that Attalos instigated the murder, but he does draw attention to the fact that ‘Attalos mit Meleagros eng verbunden war und sicherlich neben ihm ein hohes Amt bekleidete’ (1.194 n.1). Attalos may well have read the changing mood of the army and exploited this bad feeling towards Meleagros. For the mood of the army see Curt. 10.8.9; for their deliberation on a course of action 10.8.12. Curt. 10.8.12 surely exaggerates the conditions in Babylon (‘itaque inopia primum, deinde fames esse coepit’), after only a brief siege by the cavalry.

29 Berve 2.25, 306–7, 317, nos. 53, 608, 630, s.vv. Amissos, .

30 For Meleagros' death see Diod. 18.4.7; Arr. Succ. la.4; Justin 13.4.7–8; Curt. 10.9.7–21, esp. 20–1.

31 According to Plut. Eum. 3.1, it was Eumenes who proved particularly effective in reconciling the feuding factions, and, as a Greek, he may have acted as an impartial go-between (though he clearly favoured the cause of the cavalry; Arr. Succ. la.2 names him as one of the leading cavalry-officers). Perhaps it was through Eumenes that Perdikkas won the support of Attalos.

32 Diod. 18.37.2. She was murdered by Perdikkas’ political enemies. For Attalos and the fleet see Briant (n.24), pp. 212–13.

33 For this episode see Arr. Succ. 1.33, 39; cf. also Diod. 18.37.3–4. Errington, R. M., JHS 90 (1970), 67 n.131Google Scholar, and Briant (n.24), p.278 n.6, rightly identify the Attalos of Arr. Succ. 1.33 as the son of Andromenes, against Berve 2.95, no. 184, s.v. .

34 The defeat of Alketas and Attalos by Antigonos: Diod. 18.44 ff.; 18.50.1. Alketas' death: Diod. 18.46.7; Justin 15.1.1; Attalos' death: Diod. 19.16.