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The Last Bath of Agamemnon

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Richard Seaford
Richard Seaford
Affiliation:
University of Exeter
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Extract

Most of the work done on tracing persistent themes and images in the Oresteia has failed to take account of the associations of the theme or image for the original audience. Some of these associations are with certain highly emotional rituals. In evoking the ritual the poet evokes also some at least of the emotion which generally accompanies its performance. I will take here as an example the association of the manner of Agamemnon's death, the fatal bath and the fatal robe, with the ritual of the funeral. This will I hope help to enrich our own emotional reaction to Aeschylus' presentation of this event, as well as to shed light on certain problematic passages.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Classical Quarterly , Volume 34 , Issue 2 , December 1984 , pp. 247 - 254
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 1984

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References

1 E.g. Gantz, T. N. in ‘The Fires of the Oresteia’ (in JHS 97 [1977], 28–38)CrossRefGoogle Scholar virtually ignores the mysteries (cf. Thomson, G., The Oresteiai2 (Prague, 1966), on Ag. 1 (cf. 20–1), 522, Cho. 935–71). Other typical treatments are e.g.Google ScholarPeradotto, J. J., ‘Some Patterns of Nature Imagery’, in AJP 85 (1964), 378–93;Google ScholarLebeck, Anne, The Oresteia (1971)Google ScholarTaplin, O., The Stagecraft of Aeschylus (1977), 314 f.Google Scholar; Macleod, C. W., ‘Clothing in the Oresteia’ inMaia 27 (1975), 201–3Google Scholar.

2 I would like to thank David and Su Braund, Margaret Alexiou, Peter Levi, Ewen Bowie, Pat Easterling, and Oliver Taplin for their comments on this paper.

3 On Ag. 1382; that this is an anachronism in Aesch. is confirmed by Ginouvés, R. in his comprehensive Balaneutike(Paris, 1962), 162 n. 4Google Scholar.

4 Od. 11. 411–5 (and 4. 535); also S. El. 203;Sen, . Ag. 875 ff.Google Scholar; Pausan. 2. 16. 6;Philostr, . Im. 2. 10Google Scholar; Juv. 8. 217.

5 Burkert, W. in GRBS 7 (1966), 116Google Scholar.

6 117: Hyginus was familiar with material from lost epic (Rose's edition, p. ix).

7 Servius auctus on V. Aen. 11. 267, where Ag. is killed prima inter limina: perhaps in V.'s source he was sacrificing there (cf. PI, . Rep. 328c)Google Scholar; and it may be relevant that there is evidence that in 6th and 5th century Attica at least the body was laid out in the porch (cf. Dem. 43. 62; Phot. s.v. πρόθεσις schol. Ar. Lys. 611; cf. Suet. Aug. 100?; Boardman, J. in ASBA 50 [1955], 55–8),Google Scholar as sometimes also, especially after a violent death, in modern Greece(Polites, N. G., Laographika Symmeikta III [1931], 328)Google Scholar.

8 Cf. e.g. E. 1A 675, 1513–8, IT 705.Lucas, D. W. in PCPS 15 (1969), 60–8Google Scholarsees the same allusion in έπισπένδειν νεκρῷ (Ag.'s) at Ag.1395.

9 Ag. 1118, 1297–8, 1433, 1504.

10 E. El. 839–41 (e.g. with το⋯ δ⋯ νεύοντος κάτω cf. e.g.Burkert, in GRBS 7 [1966], 107Google Scholar ), 1143, 1141, 1222 ff. The context of killing in tragic versions of this story tends to be grimly apt: e.g. A. Cho. 904 (cf. 571–6); S. El. 1401, 1495–6.

11 More likely he did not, for the fatal bath is a theme of myth (Pelias, Minos and the daughters of Cocalus). Or was the ‘bath’ originally a coffin(Murray, G., The Rise of the Greek epic4, 210; cf. Deuteronomy 3. 11), or a σϕαγεῖονGoogle Scholar (Duke, in CJ 49 [1953–4], 327Google Scholar)? The origin of the theme is a separate question from Aeschylus' use of it, despite Cho.

12 Ag. 1109, 1115, 1126–9, 1382, 1492, 1540, 1580, 1611; Cho. 491–3, 981–4, 1011–3, 1071; Eum. 460–1, 633–5.

13 II. 24. 587–8; Od. 3. 464–5, 4. 49–50, 10. 364–5, etc. For the washing and dressing of the dead Sarpedon and of the dead Patroklos see II. 16. 669, 18. 350.

14 S. Ant. 901, El. 1139, OC 1602–3; E. Pho. 1319, 1667, Tro. 1150–2; PI, . Phd. 115a; Dem. 43. 62; cf. n. 21. For the persistence of this practice into present-day Greece see e.g.Google ScholarduBoulay, J. in Man 17 (1982), 224Google Scholar.

15 El. 157, Or. 367; cf. e.g. Hec. 611.

16 See e.g. Thomson on, A.Cho. 794–9;Google Scholaror with Ag. 1441–2 (see n. 34 below) cf. E. Tro. 445, 313, 357–8.

17 The question mark after τελεῖς may be unnecessary, ⋯ρέγματα Hermann for ⋯ρεγμένα.

18 S. Ant. 900, El. 1138–both expressions in emphatic position; cf. e.g. E. Med. 1034, Su. 175, Hec. 50; S. Aj. 1410.

19 Ant. 898–902; cf. also 73, 99, 524, and n. 35 below. Hence ϕίλαι τε κοὐ ϕίλαι at E. El. 1230–1, and even ϕίλως(deeply ironical)at A. Ag. 1581 (cf. 1491–2). Also cf. ⋯γαπ⋯ν ⋯γαπάζειν of washing and dressing the dead (E. Su. 764,Hel. 937, Pho. 1327 with schol.).

20 Previously unworn? See esp. Od. 2. 97–100; E. Ale. 160;Alexiou, M., The Ritual Lament in Greek Tradition (Cambridge, 1974), 27, 39Google Scholar.

21 PI. Phd. 115a; E. Ale. 159–61; S. OC 1602–3; cf. also HF 332–4, 526, 549, 702, Hec. 432; S. Aj. 654 εἶμι πρ⋯ς τε λουτρ⋯ may well be ambiguous (cf. Ant.1199 f.).

22 See n. 32 below; cf. Bion 1. 35, 41, 66, 75; also E. Cyc. 517–8, Tro. 564–5, Hec. 126–7.

23 Seaford, in CQ 31 (1981), 260–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21 art. cit. n. 23, 258–61; Maenads in the underworld: e.g. Arch. Anz. 1950, 170–1; CIL III 686; headband of the dead (cf. Ba. 833):Kurtz, D.andBoardman, J., Greek Burial Customs (1971), 364Google Scholar.

25 Tarrant, R. J., Seneca Agamemnon (Cambridge, 1976), 11Google Scholar.

26 Alexiou, op. cit. n. 20, 5, 27, 39, 120.

27 Despite the defences by Fraenkel and Denniston–Page. See Thomson ad loc, who suggests μαῖαν (the largest of the crustaceans, which preyed on its own kind, and might be glossed μητέρα). There is much to be said also for μαῖανάδ᾽ (Weil): cf. E, Hec. 1077, A. Cho. 698 βακχείας κακ⋯ς (surely about Clyt.); Maenads occur in Hades (n. 24 above), are known as θυιάες (e.g. A. Sept. 498: cf. θύουσαν here), and might tear apart their own kin. For vase paintings of a Dionysiac Clyt. seeKossatz-Deissmann, A., Dramen des Aischylos auf Westgriechischen Vasen (1978), 91, 99Google Scholar.

28 δροίτη (1540) can mean both: cf. Cho. 999, Eum. 633; Parthen. fr. 44; etc.

29 Similarly Night, from her stock of embroidered robes (κόσμοι), threw a net over Troy (Ag. 355–8).

30 E.g. Fraenkel considers ‘referring ξύνευνος to the use of the garment later for covering Agamemnon's dead body’ as a possible ‘solution of the puzzle’, but rejects this as too far in the future. But the robe is the funerary one (and so ξύνευνος).

31 εùνή (or δροίτη, etc.: n. 28) as ‘bier’: e.g. E. Su. 766; II. 18. 352–3; n. 40 below; Ag. also has a εùνή below: A. Cho. 318; S. El. 436. The body in its robe might be covered by another robe (έπίβλημα), but this distinction plays no part here.

32 See above, and n. 22; Thomson on Cho. 935–71; etc.

33 See e.g. S. Ant. 891, 1224–5, 1236–41 (cf. A. Ag. 1440–2, Cho. 976!); AP 507a (attributed to Simonides); Bion 1. 70–3; etc. (seeAlexiou, M. and Dronke, P. in Studi Medievali 12. 2 [1971], 825–41);Google Scholarfor the present day seeDanforth, L. M., The Death Rituals of Modern Greece (1982), 74–91.Google ScholarFor similar syntax cf. e.g. Ach. Tat. 1. 13 ταφος μέν σοι τοκνον ό θάλαμος (marriage-chamber).

34 Ag. 1441–2; cf. Cho. 976; E. Tro. 445; S. Ant. 1240–1. And of course the bath was common to wedding and funeral.

35 E. Tro 377–8(cf. 390); cf. E. El. 1230–1 and n. 19 above; for the comforting prospect of this kind of attention see E. Hec. 430 ζ⋯ι καί θανούσης őμμα συγκλήσει τò σóν.

36 The robe is called πέπλος(here, Eum. 635)and ϕ⋯ρος(Cho. 1011–3, Eum. 634). πέπλος in Aesch. and Soph, (and also perhaps in Homer)refers only to barbarian, female, ceremonial, or solemn robes; in Eur. it is the regular word for the attire of the dead, besides being used for ordinary male and female dress. ϕ⋯ρος is a broad cloak worn by the living and the dead.

37 inPCPhS 21 (1975), 82–95Google Scholar. Burkert, W.in GRBS 7 [1966], 120Google Scholar) refers to the bronze-age Vaphio cup, and to the possibility of Ag.'s death being connected with a ritual βονϕονία.

38 Cf. E. Ale. 74–6, Med. 1110 f.; Phrynich. fr. 3; A. fr. 255N2, S. Aj. 854, Phil. 797; Aesop, Fab. 90H;Kaibel, , Epigr. Gr. 89. 4Google Scholar; SEG 1. 454. 2; etc.; cf II. 16. 853, Od. 11. 134–6.

39 E.g. Od. 3. 467; II. 24. 588. In Aesch. ⋯μϕιβάλλειν occurs elsewhere only of ζύγον (Pers. 50, 72) and in fr. 153 λεπτ⋯ς δ⋯ σινζὼν ⋯μϕιβαλλέσθω Χροί- probably of the dead Patroklos (cf. S. fr. 210. 67 οινζών of shroud). Cf. E. El. 1231–2 ϕάρεα τάζ᾽ άμϕιβάλλομεν on the dead Clyt.; Kaibel, Epigr. Gr. 89. 4 “Αιδης οἱ σκοτίας ⋯μϕέβαλεν πτέρυγας; Fr. Trag. Adesp. 127 (Hades) ό δ᾽ άμϕιβάλλει ταχύπους ταχύπους Ëρπων σκοτιαν.

40 Cf. Ar. Ph. 207a2 ἂπειρος δακτύλιος A. PV 1078 εỉς ⋯πέραντον δίκτυον ἃτης Ibycus fr. 287 PMG ⋯ς ἂπειρα δίκτυα Κύπριδος; and of the same robe: A. fr. 375 άμήχανον τέχνημα καί δυσέκδυτον, Eum. 634 άτέρμονι; E. Or. 25 ẚπẚτπ περιβαλοûσ' ύϕάσματι. For the later tradition of a χιτών χιτώάχηλοςsee Fraenkel, on A. Ag. 1392, alsoGoogle ScholarBeazley, , ARV 2, 1652Google Scholar(Vermeule, in AJA 70 [1966], 1–22)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

41 E.g. Clay Ekphora, Kurtz–Boardman, op. cit. n. 24, plate 16, also plate 37;Beazley, , ABV, 346, 7–8Google Scholar; Vermeule, E., Aspects of Death in Early Greek Art and Poetry (1979), fig. 8 a (New York 27, 228)Google Scholar; cf. Sokolowski, , Lois sacrέes des cites grecques (1969), n. 97Google Scholar; κρύπτειν in E. Held. 561, Tro. 627, Hipp. 1456; E. Hec. 432; S. El. 1468–9.

42 Cf. Pearson ad loc., Easterling ad S. Trach. 674 τόν ένδυτ⋯ρα πέπλον. The robe in which the corpse was wrapped might be called an ἓνδυμα(Prott-Ziehen, Leges Graecorum Sacrae, n. 97a).

43 Ag. 1492, 1580 (παγαῖς Nauck); cf. e.g. Penelope weaving the shroud for her father-in-law, andSen, . Ag. 882–3Google Scholar(quoted above).

44 καλύμματα of funerary coverings: S. El. 1468.

45 998–9. δροίτη can mean bath or bier (n. 28 above). And cf. Ag. 1540, Eum. 633–5…δροίτηι περ⋯ντι χουτρά κάπί τέρματιϕ⋯ρος παρεσκήνωσεν, έν δ άτέρμονικόπτει πεδήσασ' ἃ νδρα δσιδάλωι δσιδάλωι

46 See II. 42 above.

47 It may be intended to suggest ποδοστράβη, a kind of hunting net: Thomson cites Xen. Cyn. 11. 11. And cf. Ba. 833.

48 Ag.1548–54 (the textual problem does not concern us here).

49 For the distinction between lamentations over the body and at the tomb see Alexiou, op. cit. n. 20, 5–8.

50 See Thomson on Ag. 1475, Cho. 1014.

51 Praise over the body: II. 22. 749, 767; S. Aj. 923–4; Bion 1.71; Alexiou, op. cit. n. 20, 34, 40, 122, 175, 182.

52 Ag. 329, fr. 138. Although lamentation tended to be female, it did not exclude male close kin: Alexiou, op. cit. no. 20, 6.

53 II. 24. 725, cf. 748, 762; 23. 19; E. Tro. 1167; Alexiou, op. cit. n. 20, 106,109 f., 140, 174–6, 182–4, etc.

54 Cf. also 997 τί νιν προσείπω κτλ of the robe; such hesitancy expressed in the form of a question is characteristic of the lament: cf. e.g. Ag. 1489–91, and numerous examples in Alexiou, op. cit. n. 20, 161 ff.,Thomson, G. in JHS 73 (1953), 812Google Scholar. Cf. also the inversion of this device at E. El. 907 ff., where it is used by Elektra to express her hatred over the corpse of Aigisthos.

55 S. Ant. 849, 888, 891, 920.

56 808 νεάταν ⋯δόν,892, 920; cf. S. Trach. 874 τήν πανυστάτην όδ⋯ν; Anth. Pal. 7. 203; etc.

57 Stressed at 811, 821, 851, 888, 921. Both Kassandra (Ag. 1322–3) and Clytemnestra (Cho. 926) θρηνοȗαι for themselves (in a sense).

58 817, reading οϋκουν (not ούκοȗν),Knox', case for which (The Heroic Temper, 176 f.Google Scholar) is supported by the point being made here- that had Antigone died in any normal way she would have had a funeral Ëπαινος.

59 Winnington-Ingram, R. P., Sophocles, , an Interpretation (Cambridge, 1980), 139Google Scholar.

60 Cf. e.g. Ba. 1302–29, Kadmos' praise of Pentheus, where, as at E. El. 907 ff., the commentators fail to mention the convention of praise over the dead body (cf. n. 50 above).

61 Ag. 966–7. Thomson puts these lines after 971.

62 See e.g.Cairns, F., Generic Composition in Greek and Roman Poetry (1972), 22, 25–7Google Scholar.

63 II. 18. 55–7; Alexiou, op. cit. n. 20, 198–201. This does not mean of course that it cannot be employed on the living (e.g. Od. 6. 162 f.).

64 Alexiou, 198, 204.

65 II. 14. 414–5; S. El. 764–5; cf. 3rd cent. A.D. inscription from Amorgos (BCH for 1891, 586–9); all from Alexiou 198–201.

66 It should be added here that most of the images applied άπενθήτωι ϕρενί(895) by Clyt. to Ag. at the climax of her welcoming speech are found also in the modern lament: see esp. Alexiou 91–A, 123, 153, 188, 203. For the lament for the man still alive see II. 6. 500, 18. 51, 24. 328.

67 Thomson, art. cit. n. 54, and in The First Philosophers 2 (1961), 133–4; cf. e.g. the chorus' greeting at Ag. 785 ff. with their lament at 1490 ff.