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The Ideal Benefactor and the Father Analogy in Greek and Roman Thought

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

T. R. Stevenson
T. R. Stevenson
Affiliation:
University of Auckland
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Extract

When Cicero uncovered and suppressed the Catilinarian Conspiracy as consul in 63 B.c., supporters hailed him ‘father of his country’ (pater patriae) and proposed that he be awarded the oak crown normally given to a soldier who had saved the life of a comrade in battle (corona civica). Our sources connect these honours with earlier heroes such as Romulus, Camillus and Marius, but the Elder Pliny writes as if Cicero was the first before Caesar and the Emperors to be given the title pater patriae. Pliny's point may revolve around Senatorial initiative, and assuming this to be the case he really should have stressed that Cicero received the informal support of a limited number of Senators only, whereas Caesar and the Emperors were honoured by formal vote of the entire Senate. Perhaps Pliny was fooled by the prominence of those who spoke on Cicero's behalf, such as Cato, Catulus and Gellius Publicola. Opponents, on the other hand, angrily rejected calls that Cicero be recognised as the saviour of the state. In their eyes his execution of the Catilinarians marked him as a cruel tyrant. Metellus Nepos proposed Pompey's recall from the East in order to free Rome from Cicero's tyranny. Aside from echoes of patria potestas, it seems obvious that the Romans were thinking in terms of the conventional Greek antithesis between the good king who is like a father to his people and the selfish tyrant who treats his subjects as slaves. The Younger Pliny employs the same basic ideas in his Panegyricus: the cruel tyrant Domitian suppressed freedom (libertas) and desired honour as a god (deus, numen); the gentle Trajan is a citizen and father not a tyrant and master (dominus). Tacitus has this basic distinction in mind too. Nevertheless, as is well known, Pliny regularly addresses Trajan not as ‘father’ but as ‘master’ (domine) in Book 10 of his Letters. This was plainly an acceptable practice on the social plane, if not quite yet on the political. Augustus, Tiberius and Claudius indicated their opposition to dominus as a title for themselves, evidently for its connotations of autocracy and servitude. Domitian, damned as a tyrant, was accused of demanding to be addressed as dominus et deus. The title dominus existed from at least the first century A.d. as a common form of polite address between inferiors and superiors of free birth, not only between masters and slaves. It gradually gained acceptance as an official title of the Emperor through the second century and was advertised widely by the Severi. And yet its tone throughout this period could also be critical when understood in terms of the good king/tyrant antithesis.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Classical Quarterly , Volume 42 , Issue 2 , December 1992 , pp. 421 - 436
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 1992

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References

1 See Weinstock, S., Divus Julius (Oxford, 1971), pp. 200ffGoogle Scholar. for full discussion and references. The standard work in this field is Alföldi, A., Der Vater des Vaterlandes im romischen Denken (Darmstadt, 1971)Google Scholar, reprinting a series of articles first published in Museum Helveticum 7–11, 1950–4; cf. Skard, E., ‘Pater patriae: zum Ursprung einer religiöspolitischen Idee’, Festskrift til Halvdan Koht (Oslo, 1933), pp. 42–70Google Scholar. Weinstock's harsh criticism of Alföldi for failure to achieve synthesis (p. 200 n. 4) merely points to the limitations of his own handbook-style work. For Alföldi's muted response, see his review of Weinstock, in Gnomon 47 (1975), 166.Google Scholar

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3 Plut. Cic. 23.2; cf. Broughton, , MRR ii. 174–5Google Scholar for full refs. (including Cato's opposition to Nepos and activities as tribune).

4 Ordinary Romans would have been quite familiar with this antithesis from the stage: see Dunkle, J., ‘The Greek Tyrant and Roman Political Invective of the Late Republic’, TAPA 98 (1967), 151–71Google Scholar. Kloft, H., Liberalitas Principis (Koln, 1970)Google Scholar, repeatedly mentions the influence of Xenophon's Cyropaedia in this regard.

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6 Note, for example, Tacitus' explicit damning of Tiberius as a tyrant: Ann. 6.6.2.

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20 See my article (n. 12 above).

21 Horn. Od. 7.28, 7.48, 18.122, 20.199.

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36 E.g. Xen. Oec. 7.12, cf. 7.18–19, 7.30–1; Simonides or Simias in the Pal. Anth. 7.647; Eur. Andr. 24–8; Lucr. 4.1254–6.

37 Soph. O.C. 441–9; Eur. I.A. 1220–30, Suppl. 1098–1103, Phoen. 834–7, Hec. 277–81, H.F. 1419–21; cf. Sen. Ira 3.16.3–4, and Plut. Mul. Virt. 263a–b, for fathers' requests that one of several sons be spared from military service as a comfort for the fathers' old age; Plut. Frat. Amor. 480a–c.

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47 Plat. Crito 50d–51c.

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55 Cic. Top. 29; cf. Cic. Leg. 2.55, Cincius ap. Fest. 83 L.

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93 Ibid., p. 26.

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95 O. Murray (above n. 91), p. 677.

96 E. Goodenough (above n. 89).

97 O. Murray (above n. 88), pp. 247ff.

98 A. Wallace-Hadrill (above n. 13), p. 46.

99 Aug. RG 35.1; Ov. F. 2.127ff.; Suet. Aug. 58; CIL i (2), 133.

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