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From Pittacus to Byzantium: the history of a Callimachean epigram

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Enrico Livrea
Enrico Livrea
Affiliation:
University of Florence
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Extract

Callimachus, ep. 1 Pfeiffer (= LIV Gow-Page = AP 7.89) relates an anecdote about Pittacus: when consulted by a stranger from Atarneus who was wondering whether to marry a woman of his own social class or one of a higher status, he suggests the question is answered by the cries of the children playing with tops, τν κατ ｃαντν ἔλα. The chequered history of the transmission and interpretation of the poem is beset by a number of unfavourable or patronizing judgements which, I hope to show, have their origin in a series of misunderstandings. The poem seems to lack the sharp point characteristic of epigrams, and indeed Gow-Page go so far as to pronounce that it ‘has no claim to be called an epigram at all’. We now have a number of valuable parallels for the unusual length of the piece, but grave doubts continue to be expressed about the Callimachean authorship of the poem. While Diogenes Laertius (henceforth referred to as ‘D.L.’), who quotes the poem in his life of Pittacus (1.79ff.), explicitly attributes it to καλλμαχοఁ ν τοῖఁ ’Epsilon;πιγρμμαఁιν, in P and PI there is no ascription at all: there our epigram has been mistakenly consigned to the ’ɛπιτμβια simply because AP 7.81 (= Antipater XXXIV Gow-Page), on the Seven Sages, is followed by some fifty epigrams on them and other philosophers, all (save three) derived from D.L. In the Palatine ms. there survive traces of the questions raised by this poem, though—surprisingly—both Pfeiffer and Gow-Page fail to report them.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Classical Quarterly , Volume 45 , Issue 2 , December 1995 , pp. 474 - 480
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 1995

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References

1 Page, A. S. F. Gow-D. L., The Greek Anthology: Hellenistic Epigrams (Cambridge, 1965), ii. 205Google Scholar; their verdict is rightly contested by Luck, G., ‘Witz und Sentiment im griechischen Epigramm’, in Entretiens Hardt XIV, L' Épigramme grecque (Geneva, 1967), 392Google Scholar, who however goes no further than recognize in the poem ‘eine gute Geschichte mit einer Pointe so einfach wie möglich zu erzählen und dabei das Wunder zu wirken, dass sie sich in reine Dichtung verwandelt’. Cf. id., GGA (1967), 30–1. The same simplistic view is taken by Coco, L., Callimaco: Epigrammi (Manduria, Ban, Rome, 1988), 66Google Scholar.

2 Cameron, Alan, The Greek Anthology from Meleager to Planudes (Oxford, 1993), 13Google Scholar cites an unpublished Vienna papyrus containing the opening lines of two epigrams of twenty lines, one of twenty-one, one of forty, and even one of fifty-two. If the ‘Seal’ of Posidippus was an epigram, it contained at least twenty-eight lines: cf. SH 705.

3 The accuracy of Stadtmüller's apparatus to AP 7.89 (Leipzig, 1899, 2.1, pp. 62–3Google Scholar) can be confirmed by checking it against the facsimile of C. Preisendanz (Leiden, 1911).

4 Op. cit. [n. 2], 298–328.

5 Schneider, O., Callimachea i (Leipzig, 1870), 404Google Scholar.

6 The evidence is collected by Gow-Page, , HE ii. 6–7Google Scholar. The note by the corrector C seems in keeping with his observation on AP 7.1: οὗτοఁ ᾽Aλκαῖοఁ οὐκ ἦν Mυτιληναῖοఁ ఁ ἦν ν τοῖఁ χρνοιఁ Πιττακο.

7 On this interesting episode of παιδεα in the first Byzantine Renaissance (the ‘New Church’ was built for the palace in 880, and the school attached to it dates at the latest from the reign of Leo VI, 886–912) see Cameron [n. 2], 110–11, who goes on to suggest ‘that Cephalas was Gregory's junior’.

8 Far from being the nugae which Jacobs (18172, iii p. 238) scornfully rejected. The neat implication is that Callimachus was perfectly well aware of the military exploit of Pittacus' youth; Pittacus, and the Seven Sages in general attracted Callimachus' attention: see the diegesis to Iamb 1, p. 165 Pf., and esp. p. 163.15. For another spirited use of the ఁκπων cf.fr. 191.69. With his usual finesse B. Snell seems to have divined that the play on words implicit inτν κατ ఁαυτν ἔλα was part of Callimachus' stock-in-trade: see Leben und Meinungen der Sieben Weisen (Munich, 1938), 121Google Scholar.

9 Thus Gow-Page, , HE ii. 206Google Scholar, who add the qualification ‘though not in the same connexion as to the children or even to Pittacus ‘friend’ to the pedestrian interpretation of Bum, F., Die Epigramme des Kallimachos (Diss. Vienna, 1940), 18Google Scholar, Staiger, E. Howald-E., Kallimachos: Dichtungen (Zurich, 1955), 172Google Scholar, Webster, T. B. L., Hellenistic Poetry and Art (London, 1964), 60Google Scholar; cf. McKay, K. J., ‘Callimachea’, SO 45 (1970), 41–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Capovilla, G., Callimaco (Rome, 1967), ii. 513–14Google Scholar (where he oddly speaks of ‘bambini giocanti con le palline’) actually maintains that Δων in the last line is to be identified with the ξεῖνοఁ ᾽αταρνεηఁ of line 1; such is the force of the assumption that Dion must be tormented by the same problem as the unnamed man from Atarneus.

10 Op. cit. (n. 9) 42. To his credit, McKay has spotted the double entendre of the second ἔλα, comparable with ὑπ᾿ ἄροτρον in ep. 45.3. For λανω = βινω cf. Aristoph. Eccl. 39 τν νχθ´ λην ἤλαυν μ᾽ ν ఁτρώμαఁιν; 109; 1082 ποτραఁ προτραఁ οὖν κατελఁαఁ παλλαγ; peace 711 τఁ ᾽Ωπώραఁ κατελఁαఁ, Plat. com. fr. 3.4 K-A μν λαυνομνη λαθροιఁ ρετμοῖఁ, δ᾿ λανων for the nautical origin of the metaphor see Taillardat, J., Les Images d'Aristophane (Paris, 1965), 101Google Scholar § 180; contra Henderson, J., The Maculate Muse (New York and Oxford, 1991), 162Google Scholar §§260–1. There is of course no reason to think, with Sinko (v. next note), that Callimachus was suggesting by means of this double entendre that Dion was an adulterer, hankering after other men's wives.

11 Sinko, T., ‘Ad Callimachi Epigramma I (de uxore eligenda)’, Eos 20 (1914), 5–12Google Scholar, who compares Apul. Apol. 42, 43 (see Abt, A., ‘Die Apologie des Apuleius von Madaura und die antike Zauberei’, RVV 4.2 (1908), 158–85Google Scholar), LXX Ps. 8.3 κ ఁτματοఁ νηπων κα θηλαζντων κατηρτఁω αἷνον (cf. Mt. 21.15), Aristid. Serm. s. 4.572, Cic. de Div. 1.46 (with Pease 287), Plut. de Is. et Os. 14 (with Gwyn Griffiths 315), Dio Chrys. or. 32.13, Pliny NH 8.185, Ael. NA 11.10, Xen. Eph. 5.4, etc. Cf. also Corp. Herm. 10.15 (= i p. 120 Nock-Festugiere) for the direct link between children and the World Soul. For the priestly functions of children, cf. Call. fr. 194.28–31 Pf., Clem. Al. Strom. 5.8.48.4–5, Iambi. Vit. Pyth. 10.52.

12 Erbse, H., ‘Homerscholien und Hellenistische Glossare bei Apollonios Rhodios’, Hermes 81 (1953), 163–96Google Scholar, remains fundamental for the influence of the D scholia on the Alexandrians' imitatio Homerica.

13 The classic treatment is Grasberger, L., Erziehung und Unterricht im klassischen Altertum (Würzburg, 1864), i. 77Google Scholar; see also the evidence collected by Daremberg-Saglio, s.v. turbo (v. 541–2)Google Scholar, and add the red-figure lekythos reproduced in Schröder, B., Der Sport im Altertum (Berlin, 1927), 83Google Scholar and Taf. 37a, Watzinger, C., Vasen in Tübingen 78Google Scholar, Taf. 25, and the vase of Hegesibulus in RE 7 col. 2608.29. It is difficult to attribute a non-religious significance to the statue at Olympia of a boy with a top, opposite the statue of a victor, Paus. 6.1.7. For the influence of this epigram on Virgil, Aen. 7.378ff. see now Salvatore, A., ‘La similitudine della trottola in Callimaco e Virgilio’, Studi G. Monaco ii (Palermo, 1991), 395–400Google Scholar.

14 See Desrousseaux, on AP 7.89 (p. 94)Google Scholar, Beckby p. 574. Even if we do not accept Sinko's hypothesis, that the original phrase wasτν κατ ఁαυτν ἄγε, which has been adapted to give a message about marriage (cf. Aesch. PV 887–93 ἦ ఁοφఁ, ἦ ఁοφఁ ἦν ὃఁ/ πρτοఁ ν γνώμα τδ᾿ βఁε κα γλώఁ-/ ఁα διεμυθοληఁεν,/ ὡఁ τ κηδεఁαι καθ᾽ αυτν ριఁτεὐει μακρῷ, / κα μτε τν πλοτω διαθρυπτομνων / μτε γννα γνων / ντα χερνταν ραcαι γμων), it seems clear that Callimachus is alluding to a proverbial saying which counselled against overstepping the limits laid down for humankind, in accordance with the teaching of Delphi: see Zanetto, G., Ferrari, P., callimaco: Epigrammi (Milan, 1992), 934Google Scholar. Cf. also Phot. Lex. 2. p. 212Google Scholar Naber, τν κατ cαυτν ἔλατοτο ο μν Πυθικν εἱπεῖν cυμBουλευμνῳ τιν, εἰ πλοιτο γμον Cleobulus of Lindos, cited by Demetrius of Phalerum in his Tν πτ cοφθγματα (D. L. 1.92 = p. 96.19 Snell) γαμεῖν κ τν μοᾇων ν γρ κ τν κρειττνων λBῃ, φηc, δεcπταc κτcῃ τοὺc cυγγεναc, Plut. de lib. educ. 13f.

15 See Leutsch-Schneidewin on Apostol. 16.5 (ii 674–5), Diogen. 8.4.6 (i 314).

16 For the moral outlook exemplified by ఁωφροఁνη ఁτν τ τ αυτο πρττειν, see Raubitschek, A. E., ‘Ein neues Pittakeion’, WS 71 (1958), 170–1Google Scholar.

17 Prittwitz-Gaffron, E. von, Das Sprichwort im griechischen Epigramm, (Giessen, 1912), 23–4Google Scholar neatly renders this as ‘lebe nicht über deine Verhältnisse’, ‘im Stil des βουλευτικν’.

18 Cercidas must have related, in keeping with the Cynic principle of παραχαρττειν τ νμιఁμα, the story of the two successful καλλπυγοι from Syracuse who were far from content with their own station in life, cf. Athen. 12.554c-e. The connection with the injunction τἠν κατ ఁαυτν ἒλα was explored by Gerhard, , Phoinix von Colophon (Leipzig, Berlin, 1909)Google Scholar, with his usual acumen; he mentions the treatment of the same theme by one ᾽Aρχλαοఁ ν τοῖఁ ᾽μβοιఁ (= SH 131, p. 46), on whom see Fraser, , Ptol. Alex, i 778–9, ii 1086–9Google Scholar. Perhaps one might suggest that here Callimachus is investing Pittacus with Cynic features; though again Pittacus also recalls Heraclitus, who preferred playing with children in the temple of Artemis to politicking with his fellow citizens. I suspect this provocative stance on Heraclitus’ part could lead us to the correct understanding of the hitherto unexplained of 22 DK 52 (= fr. 93 Marcovich): αἰὠνπαῖఁ ఁτι παζων, πεఁఁεων παιδఁ βαఁιληη. For the part played by children in Heraclitus, see Kassel, R., Quomodo quibus locis apud veteres scriptores Graecos infantes atque parvuli pueri inducantur describantur commemorentur (Würzburg, 1954), 33Google Scholar; Herter, H., ‘Das Kind im Zeitalter des Hellenismus’, BJ 132 (1927), 256ff.Google Scholar, ‘Das Leben ein Kinderspiel’, BJ 161 (1967), 73–84Google Scholar (= Kleine Schriften 584–97), ‘Das unschuldige Kind’, JAC 4 (1961), 146–62 (= K. Schr. 598–619).)

19 Cf. Athen. 14.619b δ εἰఁ ᾽Aπλλωνα ῲδ φιληλιఁ, ὡఁ Tελఁιλλα παρఁτηఁι (fr. 718 Page). That a top was kept in English parishes down to the time of Shakespeare (Twelfth Night 1.3.39–40 ‘turn o' th' toe like a parish-top’) may lend force to the possibility that ‘originally it was a sacred object analogous to the wheels which were used in ceremonies to represent the chariot of the Sun’ (Less. univ. Ital. 23, p. 455); see the texts collected by Kern, on Orph. fr. 43, p. 110–11Google Scholar. If this is so, the oracular function of the top may not be Callimachus' fanciful invention after all.

20 I hope to treat this subject more fully elsewhere; cf. for the present Grimth, R. Drew, Griffith, G. D'Ambrogio, ‘II gioco della “chelichelone”’, Maia 43 (1991), 83–7Google Scholar, who are unfortunately unaware of Livrea, E., Studi cercidei (Bonn, 1986), 90–3Google Scholar, on the marriage symbolism of the tortoise. Here I wish simply to stress that in each of the four iambic trimeters there is a strong flavour of the popular refrain, together with riddling questions and the secret lore of a mystical wisdom which finds its expression through the purity of children and the changeless and unselfconscious ritual of the game. The same factors seem to be present in the τν κατ ఁαυτν ἔλα of Callimachus.

21 See the reference to the χλυννα in SH 401.16, and cf. Pomeroy, S., ‘Supplementary Notes on Erinna’, ZPE 32 (1978), 17–22Google Scholar.

22 As well as Pittacus' assigning of the oracular response to the children (see n. 18 above) one might mention at least: (i) κληδών (line 14) used as a technical term for the oracular response, cf. Plut. De Is. et Os. 14.356e κληδఁι παιζντων ν εροఁ. (ii) the τροδοఁ of line 10: this is no gratuitous detail, but indicatesthe site par excellence for significant encounters, see Livrea, on Nonnus, , Par. 18.98, pp. 157–8Google Scholar.

23 This was intuitively perceived by Serrao, G., Problemi di poesia alessandrina. I: Studi su Teocrito (Rome, 1971), 53–5Google Scholar; he acutely observed the connection between τν κατ ఁαυτν ἔλα and Theoc. Id. 22.222—3 οἶ' αὺτα παρχουఁι κα ώఁ μఁ οἶκοఁ ὑπρχει/ τοῖα φῖρω, cf. also Id. 7.40–8. To the two possible ellipses ((βῖμβικα or νμπην Callimachus elegantly and allusively adds a third, δν, as Coppola had already postulated (cited in n. 10 above; Serrao misses this), referring to the Prologue to the Telchines. At the close of our epigram δఁ must be taken as ‘style, literary-critical stance’. On the road metaphor in Callimachus, see the classic excursus by Wimmel, W., Kallimachos in Rom (Wiesbaden, 1960), 103ff.Google Scholar, and add now Harder, A., ‘Untrodden Paths: where do they lead?’, HSCP 93 (1990), 287–304Google Scholar.

24 This has of course survived only in the scholia Londiniensia, correctly interpreted by Pohlenz, M., ‘Kallimachos' Aitia’, Hermes 68 (1933), 322–3Google Scholar; see Livrea, E., ‘Callimaco fr. 114 Pf., il Somnium, ed il Prologo degli Aitia’, Hermes 123 (1995), 47–62Google Scholar and ‘Callimaco e gli asini’, ZPE forthcoming, for the complex of problems raised by the image of the asses in the Prologue to the Telchines.

25 Harder, A., ‘Some Thoughts about Callimachus, SH 239 and 253’, ZPE 67 (1989), 26Google Scholar.