¹ Fragmenta Poetarum Latinorum (Leipzig, 1927), 130.Google Scholar

² Matthaei Parisiensis Monachi Sancti Albani chronica Maiora, ed. Luard, H. R. (Rolls series), i (London, 1872), 59.Google Scholar

³ Op. cit. i, pp. xli, lvi.Google Scholar

⁴ Ber. Sächs. Ges. Wiss., Philol.-histor. Klasse, Ixxviii (Heft 2) (1926), 5.Google Scholar

⁵ This is unnecessary, for the quotation, is far as it has been preserved, is in accordance with Lucan's metrical practice. There are 35 lines in the Bell. Ciu. which lack a ;aesura in the third foot. In all of these there s a word-ending after the second arsis and before the third (Fortmann, A., Quaestiones in Lucanum Metricae, Diss. Greifswald [Gryphiae, 1909], 49)Google Scholar. Of these lines 14 have a pondaic third foot, and widi one exception (8. 747) the word containing this foot is an idjective or participle of three syllables.

⁶ It is presumably a medieval corruption: ‘Brennius’ appears to be the only form used by the ‘compiler’ in his narrative and occurs ;n Geoffrey of Monmouth also; there is no mention of the form in Niese's article Brennos (R.E. iii. 829 f.). For the names ‘Brenia’ and ‘Brinnius’ see Schulze, W., Zur Gesch. lateinischer Eigennamen (= Abh. königl. Ges. zu Göttingen, Philol.-histor. Klasse, N.F. 7. 5 [Berlin, 1933]), 367.Google Scholar

⁷ Luard, , op. cit. i, p. xxxii.Google Scholar

⁸ Cf. Ker, N. R., Medieval Libraries of Great Britain: a list of surviving books (Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks, [io. 3 [London, 1941]), pp. xi, 93 ff.Google Scholar

¹ For a close parallel to the use of frangere in the quotation we must turn to one of the additamenta to the Chronica of Prosper Aquitanus which are to be found in a manuscript of the late sixth or the seventh century (Vaticanus Reginae n. 2077): ‘Aquileia fracta est’ (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auctorum Antiquissimorum Tomus IX [Chronicorum Minorum Saec. IV. V. VI. VII., Vol. i], ed. Th. Mommsen [Berlin, 1892], pp. 482, 492). Cf. Ampelius 18. 11: ‘Scipio Hispaniam fregit’. The absence of parallels close to Lucan's own time may not be used as an argument against his authorship, for the usage is perfectly natural. In general see Thes. Ling. Lat., vi. 1, col. 1247. 81–1248. 3 and cf. Stat. Theb. 9. 556: ‘effractamque aperit uictoribus urbem’.

² If some such word as Morel’s saeuus is inserted in fr. 12, the position of Tarpeiam corresponds exactly to that of Tarpeias.

³ J.ie.5.xliii(1953),77f.

⁴ ‘Tarpeia sede perusta |Gallorum facibus’ was misunderstood by such early commentators as Omnibonus, Sulpitius, Badius, Beroaldus and Farnabius. The problem posed by the expression was in general ignored by subsequent commentators; Bourgery, the Budé editor, was apparently the first to point out (ad loc.) that the passage implies the fall of the Capitol. I take this opportunity of discussing Varro on the subject of the Gallic attack. A quotation from the de uita populi Romani occurs in Nonius p. 498. 23 M. (800 L.): ‘ut noster exercitus ita sit fugatus, ut Galli Romae Capitoli sintpotiti neque inde ante sex menses cesserint’. All the manuscripts read ‘Romae Capitolii’, but with the exception of Lindsay all editors of Nonius or of the fragments of the de uita alter this to bring it into harmony with the traditional account of the Gallic attack (e.g. ‘Romae nisi Capitolii’, Popma). In view of Skutsch’s article it is tempting to follow Lindsay in accepting the reading of the manuscripts, but this is inadvisable. In another fragment of the same work Varro speaks of the ransom received by the Gauls. If the Gauls were in control of every part of the city, who paid them die ransom ? If any Romans continued to live in the occupied city, they would have been in no position to offer gold in return for evacuation since all their wealdi would already have been taken from them. The Romans at Veii might have paid the ransom, but this seems an unlikely explanation. The fragment of Varro which refers to the ransom occurs in Nonius p. 228. I3M. (338 L.).

¹ Livy tells us that after the departure of the Gauls there was a proposal that the people of Rome should abandon their ruined city and migrate to Veii (5. 49. 8, 50. 8). It is interesting that the author of a couplet quoted in the life of Nero by Suetonius (39) saw in the building by Nero of the domus aurea after the fire a disaster which like the burning of the city by the Gauls might appropriately call forth the advice that Romans should move to Veii: ‘Roma domus fiet: Veios migrate, Quirites, | si non et Veios occupat ista domus’.

² Since Statius refers to Lucan as a writer of prose as well as of verse (21 f.) and all the other writings mentioned in 52 ff. are poems, it seems reasonable to suppose that 60 f. represent him as a writer of prose.

³ Marx, R.E. i. 2229.

⁴ Vollmer, ad loc, takes the words as indicating only that Statius laid the blame on Nero.

⁵ See Hosius's third edition of the Bell. Ciu., p. 333. 5 f.