¹ I would like to express my gratitude to the anonymous reader of CQ for a number of suggestions and improvements. I am grateful to Melissa Mueller and Ivana Petrovic for discussing this epigram with me. The abbreviations of the epigraphic corpora follow SEG. CEG = Hansen, P.A., Carmina epigraphica Graeca, vols. 1–2 (Berlin, 1983; 1989)Google Scholar; EG = Page, D.L., Epigrammata Graeca (Oxford, 1975)Google Scholar; FGE = Page, D.L., Further Greek Epigrams (Cambridge, 1981)Google Scholar. All references to EG and FGE are limited to the corpus of the epigrams ascribed to Simonides, unless otherwise stated. GVI = Peek, W., Griechische Versinschriften (Berlin, 1955)Google Scholar. Overbeck = Overbeck, J., Die antiken Schriftquellen zur Geschichte der bildenden Künste bei den Griechen (Hildesheim, 1959²)Google Scholar. On ‘signature epigram’, see FGE, 246. On the Simonidea in Bk. 9 of Anth. Pal., see Boas, M., De epigrammatis Simonideis (Groningen, 1905), 141–2; 185–7Google Scholar.

² Identified also in a further epideictic epigram, Anth. Plan. 84, FGE XXXIIIa. For literary sources on Cimon, see Overbeck, nos. 375–9, 67–8; for further information, see G. Lippold, s.v. Kimon (10), RE 11, 454; for a bibliography, see Brill's New Pauly, Cimon [4].

³ FGE, ibid. Page rejects association of Dionysius from the epigram with Dionysius of Colophon (see Overbeck, No. 1136) accepted by Diehl, Budé and Beckby.

⁴ On Dionysius see Plin. HN 35.113: nihil aliud quam homines pinxit, ob id anthropographos cognominatus. The anonymous reader for CQ points out that the epigram may bear witness to an agonistic relationship between Cimon and Dionysius: Page FGE, 246 plausibly argues that epigram XXXIIIa (a signature epigram by Cimon) is a reply to XXXIIa (a boastful signature epigram by Iphion of Corinth), originating from a rivalry in a competition. In this sense it appears attractive to think of the epigram XXXIIIb as originating in a sort of a competitive context as well; its wording would then imply that Cimon and Dionysius both came out of it victorious or, at least, standing both on the right side, as equals. On official competitions between painters in context of sanctuaries, see Onions, J., Classical Art and the Cultures of Greece and Rome (New Haven, CT and London, 1999), 64–70Google Scholar. However, according to Pliny, competitions in painting were instituted at Delphi and Corinth only in the mid fifth century B.C. (Plin. HN 35.58). While this may be a slightly late date for Cimon's participation in such official competition, some sort of a local agonistic context cannot be excluded either.

⁵ Page concisely notes in the apparatus of EG XXXIII: picturae in portis inscr[iptae]. In FGE XXXIIIb, 246 Page points out that the epigram was in all likelihood a graffito.

⁶ Some have thought that the location of the epigram is fictitious:Hauvette, A., De l’ authenticité des épigrammes de Simonide (Paris, 1896)Google Scholar, 142 assumes the poem was a παίγνιον, and argues that the wordplay with the adjective is unsuitable for a real inscription. The reasoning is unassailable.

⁷ Plin. HN 35.154 (XLV) = Overbeck, No. 616: Plastae laudatissimi fuere Damophilus et Gorgasus, iidem pictores, qui Cereris aedem Romae ad circum maximum utroque genere artis suae excoluerunt, versibus inscriptis Graece, quibus significarent ab dextra opera Damophili esse, ab laeva Gorgasi. On Damophilus see also Overbeck, No. 1647.

⁸ The accusative object is often a deictic, sometimes a personal pronoun: the earliest attestation is the one of Exekias from CEG 1, Nos. 436–7, 242–3; cf. Ἐχσεκίας ἔγραϕσε κἀπόεσε ἐμέ; Ἐχσεκίας ἔγραϕσε κἀποίεσ’ ἐμέ. See also FGE XXXIIa: Ἰϕίων τόδ’ ἔγραψε and XXXIIb Ἰϕίων ἔγραψεν ἑᾶι χερί. On artists' signatures in verse, see Wachter, R., ‘The origin of epigrams on “speaking objects”’, in Baumbach, M., Petrovic, A. and Petrovic, I., Archaic and Classical Greek Epigram (Cambridge and New York, 2010), 254–6Google Scholar. For a list of epigrams of pre-Hellenistic artists' signatures in the literary record, see Gutzwiller, K., ‘Art's echo: the tradition of Hellenistic ecphrastic epigram’, in Harder, M.A., Regtuit, R.F. and Wakker, G.C. (edd.), Hellenistic Epigrams (Leuven, 2002), 85–112Google Scholar, at 90 with n. 9. For versified ἔγραψε signatures in the funerary context, see e.g. GVI 1482.3; 1895.12; 2035.16. For reflections on art in the Simonidean epigrams, see Bravi, L., Gli epigrammi di Simonide e le vie della tradizone (Roma, 2006), 120–4Google Scholar; at 124 Bravi stresses that Simonidean epigrams dealing with art objects often include technical vocabulary: ‘Sul piano della lingua va registrata la presenza di un lessico specialistico’ and lists ἀρχέτυπον (FGE LXVI.2), ἀσκητός (FGE LXIII.2), ἔγραψεν (FGE XXXIIIb.1), διηκρίβωσεν (FGE LXVI.1), and ξέσε (FGE LVII.1) as his examples.

⁹ FGE, 246; H. Lloyd-Jones, review of D.L. Page, Further Greek Epigrams: Epigrams before A.D. 50 from the Greek Anthology and other sources not included in ‘Hellenistic Epigrams’ or ‘The Garland of Philip’, CR 32 (1982), 139–44, at 141.

¹⁰ See LSJ s.v. ἀριστερός, 4. However, CQ's anonymous reader insightfully remarks that playful dexi-assonance (τὴν δεξιάν, | τὴν δ’ ἐξιόντων δεξιὰν) also prepares the viewer for ‘another word featuring Delta in a prominent position: namely the name of the artist Dionysius’. Furthermore, τὴν δεξιάν, | τὴν δ’ ἐξιόντων ‘creates a kind of pseudo-anadiplosis, which seems … somewhat humorous’.

¹¹ In a forthcoming paper, Elizabeth Kosmetatou analyses pertinent idioms in the context of inventory lists; she kindly commented by email: ‘the phrase is usually δεξιᾶς / ἀριστερᾶς εἰσιόντι or δεξιᾶς / ἀριστερᾶς εἰσιόντων, but there are variations as well’. Topographic labels of Delian and (some) Athenian temple inventory lists, including ‘on the left / right entering the temple’, have been collected by Hamilton, R., A Treasure Map: a Guide to the Delian Inventories (Ann Arbor, 2000), 413–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² Cf. e.g. IDélos 442 B 36–9: δεξιᾶς εἰσιόντι εἰς τὸν νεὼ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος· ϕιάλαι ἀργυραῖ ἐμ πλινθείοις , ὧν μία ἐν τῶι ναῶι ἐστίν· καὶ πῖλος ἀργυροῦς· στέϕανος χρυσοῦς ἐπὶ προκομίου καὶ ἡ ἀνατεθεῖσα ϕιάλη ἐπ’ ἄρχοντος Tηλεμνήστου ὑπὸ τῆς πόλεως τῆς Κώιων, ἀρχιθεώρου Ἀλθαιμένου, καὶ ἡ ἀνατεθεῖσα ϕιάλη ἐϕ’ ἱεροποιῶν Ὀρθοκλέους καὶ Πολυβούλου, ἀνάθεμα Mενεστράτου Ἀθηναίου· ἄλλη ϕιάλη, δεξιᾶς εἰσιόντι εἰς τὸν νεώ, Ἱπποκρίτου Κώιου. See also IG II² 1456.25–26 (partly restored); 1487.42 and 47 (partly restored); 1489.8 (partly restored); IG II² 1534.49.

¹³ Cf. e.g. IDélos 442 B 36, 39, 61.

¹⁴ ἐπ’ Εὐβολίδο ἄρχοντο[ς] |ἀπὸ τõ σημέο ἀρξάμε|νον μέχρι τõ μετώπ|ο τῶν πυλῶν τῶν κατὰ|τὸ Ἀϕροδίσιον ἐπὶ δεξ|ιὰ ἐξιόντι. See also: δεξ[ι]ᾶ[ς παρεξιόντι], SEG 21 562.27.