¹ Τόν τε “Ομηρον ἔφασκεν ἂξιον έκ άγώνων έκβάλλεσθαι κα 'Αρχίλοχον όμοίως (12 B 42 DK).

² Heraclitus used only the name of the poet, but means, of course, poems composed by him.

³ Perhaps Heraclitus had in mind those of Archilochus' pieces which deal with epic subjects. This seems to be indicated by his linking of Archilochus' compositions with Homer's. See Will's remarks on the reasons for Heraclitus' criticism of both poets, Will, F., Archilochus (New York, 1969), p. 65Google Scholar. His opinion is that the censure ‘is prompted by hatred of myth, by a metaphysician's impatience with narrative means of explaining what is the quarrel between mythos and logos'. It is now difficult to say in which metre Archilochus' poems dealing with epic myths were composed. About this part of the Parian's literary output only fragmentary information can be found in later authors' works, see frr. 286–9 W. and Notopoulos, J. A., ‘Archilochus The Aoidos’, TAPA 97 (1966), 311–15Google Scholar, who argues that Archilochus' poems connected with mythological stories were purely epic poems in hexameters.

⁴ Aristophanes, Frogs 370ff., composed earlier than texts analysed here, is also relevant to the problem of the presentation of iambi, but demands a fuller study which will appear elsewhere.

⁵ For this problem see Dover, K. J., ‘The Poetry of Archilochus’, Entretiens sur l'Antiquite Classique, 10 (1963), 183ff.Google Scholar

⁶ Modern scholars' opinions about the extent to which literary iambus was independent of its ritual form differ. See, e.g. Carey, C., ‘Archilochus and Lycambes’, CQ 36 (1986), 65CrossRefGoogle Scholar: ‘I do not doubt that archaic iambos had its origin in the aischrologia of fertility ritual. This origin had a vital role in shaping the properties of the genre (…). But already for Archilochus iambos had broken free of its connections with ritual to become an independent poetic genre’ and West, M. L., Studies in Greek Elegy and Iambus (Berlin–New York, 1974), p. 27CrossRefGoogle Scholar, concluding that individuals who figured in iambi were ‘not living contemporaries of Archilochus but stock characters in a traditional entertainment with some (…) ritual basis’–which may imply a connection between literary and ritual iambus stronger than Carey is inclined to accept.

⁷ For the coexistence of both religious and laic elements of social occasions, when lyric poetry was performed, especially of symposia, see Adrados, F. R., Festival, Comedy, Tragedy. The Greek Origins of Theatre, transl. by Holme, C. (Leiden, 1975), p. 279Google Scholar: ‘the symposium–a derivative of common meal in the festival. It possesses the quality of a closed society with agonal and sporting elements, as well as religious elements of the type offering libation and purification by means of obscenity and satire’ and Calame, C., ‘Morfologia e funzione della festa nell'antichita’, A.I.O.N. 4–5 (1982–1983), 9–10Google Scholar: ‘Nell'antichità non esiste (…) unafesta chi si possa, a rigore di termini, definire profana. Varia soltanto il rilievo attribuito alia partecipazione della divinità, che può essere al centro della manifestazione (…) come Dioniso che regna sul banchetto e sul baccanale che gli fa seguito. Ma in entrambi i casi, la scelta del dio convocato alia festa è determinata dal campo d'azione che gli è proprio, sicché gli attribuiti del dio che presiede alla festa conferiscono alla cerimonia uno dei suoi valori semantici essenziali.’

⁸ Aristotle's text is quoted from Dreizehnter, A.'s edition Aristoteles' Politik (Munich, 1970).Google Scholar

⁹ Iambic performances at symposia are also suggested by an earlier source, Adesp. el. fr. 27 W. = fr. 12 G.-P. but it is not certain whether συμροτικ σκωμματα the purpose of which is λέλωτα φέρειν (line 6) are to be identified with literary iambi. It is highly probable, but it must be remembered that jokes, invective and blame were also present within other genres presented at symposia, cf. Gentili, B., Poetry and Its Public in Ancient Greece, transl. by Cole, A. T. (Baltimore–London, 1988), pp. 107–9Google Scholar and Nagy, G., ‘Iambos. Typologies of Invective and Praise’, Arethusa 9 (1976), 194Google Scholar: ‘Praise and invective as a fundamental principle in the archaic community.’ For the presence of aischrology and obscenity during sympotic presentations see also Pellizer, E., ‘Delia zuffa simpotica’ in M. Vetta, Poesia e simposio (Bari, 1983), p. 32.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Κλέαρχος (…) τ 'Αρχιλόχου, φησί, [ό] Σιμωνίδης ό Ζακύνθιος έν τοῖς θέάτροις έρραψέδει (= fr. 92 Wehrli).

¹¹ Λυσανίας (…) Μνασίωνα τν ῥαψῳδν λέγει έν ταῖς δείξεσι τν Σμωνίδου τινς ίάμβων ύποκρίνεσθαι.

¹² See Stein, O., ‘Klearchos von Soloi’, Philologus N.S. 40 (1931), 258–9Google Scholar who established Clearchus' floruit between 300 and 250 b.c.

¹³ See the mention in Suda, s.v. 'Ερατοσθένης that Lysanias was the teacher of Eratosthenes. Cf. Gudeman, RE XIII, c. 2508. Pfeiffer, R., History of Classical Scholarship. From the Beginnings to the End of the Hellenistic Age (Oxford, 1968), p. 146Google Scholar n. 1 who is cautious about this identification.

¹⁴ See n. 3.

¹⁵ Wehrli, F., Die Schule des Aristoteles, Heft III: Klearchos (Basel–Stuttgart, 1969), pp. 77–8Google Scholar suggests that Clearchus' mention of the rhapsodic recitation of Archilochus' poems in the treatise Περ γρίφων might have referred to Archilochus' ’griphosartige Gedichte’ like, e.g. fr. 81 D. (185 W.). He adds, however, that ‘Ausserdem ist aber fuer Klearchos wie es scheint der rhapsodische Vortrag selbst als blosse Leistung eine Art Griphos (…), aehnlich der Darbietung von Kitharisten und Mimen'.

¹⁶ For pre-Platonic evidence dealing with places and occasions of rhapsodic performances see Herington, J., Poetry into Drama. Early Tragedy and the Greek Poetic Tradition (Berkeley–Los Angeles–London, 1985)Google Scholar. Cf. also the evidence from vase painting, Beazley, ARV ², p. 183, no. 15 where an artist is seen standing on a platform, which might suggest a formal poetic recital in front of a large number of people (cf. Herington, Poetry, p. 14).

¹⁷ West, M. L., ‘Melos. Iambos, Elegie und Epigramm’, in Neues Handbuch der Literalurwissenschaft. Griechische Literatur, herausgegeben von Vogt, E. (Wiesbaden, 1981), pp. 86–7Google Scholar: ‘Es ist moeglich, dass es bei den ionischen Festen, bei denen Iamboi vorgetragen wurden, auch Tanz und groteske Choere gab’ and idem, Studies, p. 29: ‘we must envisage the speaker of the iambus as dressed for a character part and as doing a little acting too’, and p. 30 on fr. 78 of Hipponax: ‘a narrator who is wearing an artificial phallus, like the actors of later comedy. This would also go very well with Archilochus, frr. 66–7.’

¹⁸ Although West, Studies, p. 35 admits that ‘according to Aristotle the story element came from Sicilian comedy and was introduced by Crates’ he suggests, ibid., p. 36 that ‘Aristotle seems to think that there was already dialogue before Crates’ and that ‘he (i.e. Aristotle) must have in mind something “iambic” in his sense, exchanges of a comic and ribald sort’. West concludes, ibid., p. 36: ‘This is pretty much what one finds in an Aristophanic play if one disregards the plot (…), and it is a plausible picture for the early fifth century. There is no proof that it does not antedate Aeschylus' introduction of the second actor in tragedy.’

¹⁹ But, of course, he does not reject this possibility. On the contrary, he thinks of this form of presentation, as of the very popular one. Cf. ‘Melos’, p. 86, Studies, p. 32.

²⁰ West, ‘Melos’, p. 86.

²¹ These are not relevant to the argument of this article.

²² Lasserre, F., ‘Iambische Dichtung und antike Theorien ueber den Iambos bis Aristoteles’, Acta Philologica Aenipontana 4 (1979), 59–61.Google Scholar

²³ μάλιστα λρ λεκτικν τν μέτρων τ ίαμβεῖον έστι σημεῖον δ τούτου,πλεῖστα λρ ίαμβεῖα λέγομεν έν τῇ πρς άλλήλους …(Kassel).

²⁴ τ λρρωικν στασιμώτατον κα όγκωδέστατον τν μέτρων έστί[…] τ δ ίαμβεῖον κα τετράμετρον κινητικ καἱ δχα κινητικ κα τ δ πρακτικόν. (Kassel).

²⁵ Adrados, op. cit., pp. 315–17.

²⁶ Thus Lasserre's statement, op. cit., pp. 60–1, that Aristotle intended to say that iambi were an example of ‘Buehnendichtung’ is a total misunderstanding.

²⁷ Fr. 196 a W. of Archilochus = Pap. Col. 7511. For introductory formulas in surviving iambic pieces see Tsagarakis, O., Self-expression in Early Greek Lyric, Elegiac and Iambic Poetry (Wiesbaden, 1977), pp. 32, 36, 148.Google Scholar

²⁸ See Appendix.

²⁹ Cf. Pl. Ion 541b8. For the presence of gesture during rhapsodic performances see Velardi, R., Enthousiasmos. Possesione rituale e teoria delta comunkazione poetica in Platone (Roma, 1989), pp. 13–43.Google Scholar

³⁰ On the contrary, Tzetzes says explicitly (ad Exeg. Il. schol. in A 1, 1 A, pp. 12f. Hermann): οί δε άνεπικαλύπτως καί δχα χωρών προσώπων ὑβρίζοντες ίαμβογράφοι καλονται… Thus he definitely rejects the dramatized presentation of iambi. Of course a text of the Byzantine period remains for us a document of very little value.

³¹ Cf. West, ‘Melos’, pp. 74–88.

³² For the character of Dorian farce see Breitholz, L., ‘Die dorische Farce im griechischen Mutterland vor dem 5. Jahrhundert. Hypothese oder Realitaet?’, Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis 66 (1960), 31–83.Google Scholar

³³ Common characteristics of iambi and Attic comedy have been enumerated by West, Studies, p. 37: ‘iambic and trochaic metres; the projections of a vulgar or pretentious character by performers who may have worn the phallus; abuse of the grand and famous by the lowly, the classes of people mocked including priests or seers (…), military leaders and statesmen (…), doctors (…), musicians (…), homosexuals (…), ascetics (…), gluttons (…); parody of serious poetry; plenty of sex; much about food and cooking.’ See also Henderson, J., The Maculate Muse. Obscene Language in Attic Comedy (New Haven–London, 1975), pp. 17, 19Google Scholar, and Rosen, R. M., Old Comedy and the Iambographic Tradition (Atlanta, 1988), pp. 9–35.Google Scholar

³⁴ See Breitholz, op. cit. 124: ‘Eine Farce im Sinne eines scherzhaften Ensambledramas mit gesprochenen Dialog anhand literarischen Materials im dorischen Gebiet des griechischen Mutterlandes nicht fuer eine so fruehe Periode nachgewiesen werden kann, dass sie von Bedeutung fuer die Entstehung der attischen Komoedie sein koennte’, and p. 181: ‘Vor dem 5. Jahrhundert wuerden somit im eigentlichen Griechenland sowohl literarische wie archaeologische Beweise fuer eine dorische Farce in der Bedeutung eines scherzhaften Ensembledramas mit gesprochenen Dialog fehlen.’

³⁵ Although an earlier source is known giving information about details of iambic performance, i.e. Mnesiepes' inscription (Monumentum Parium E 1 Col. Ill, ed. Treu, M., Archilochos (Munich, 1959), p. 46Google Scholar), which suggests choral singing of Archilochus' poem fr. 251 W. (this thought is expressed by the utterance τινς τν π[ολιτν (line 21) if one assumes it depends directly on διδάξαντα (line 22), as is probable). For the verb διδάσκειν with reference to choral performance see Herington, Poetry, pp. 24, 183. We do not know whether fr. 251 W. of Archilochus is a ritual song, as Burnett thinks, Burnett, A. P., Three Archaic Poets. Archilochus. Alcaeus. Sappho (London, 1983), p. 6Google Scholar or a purely literary work.

³⁶ This meaning occurs in Homer, Od. 19.535, 555 with reference to an interpreter of dreams.

³⁷ Cf. Arist. Rh. 1414b23, Ath. 14.620d, Luc. Ps. 25 referring to rhetoric.

³⁸ For this problem see Zucchelli, B., ΥΠΟΚΡΙΤΗΣ, Origine e storia del termine (Brescia, 1962), pp. 49ffGoogle Scholar., esp. n. 88.

³⁹ Cf. Herington, Poetry, pp. 52, 54.

⁴⁰ “Ετι δ ίαμβείων τ μν λέγεσθαι παρ τν κροσιν τ δ' ᾃδεσθαι Άρχίλοχόν φασι καταδεῖξαι (… they say that Archilochus introduced for iambics the mixed recitation of some and singing of others, both to an accompaniment…), translation by B. Einarson, Ph. de Lacy, H., Plutarch's Moralia xiv (London, 1967), p. 417.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Schmid, W. and Staehlin, O., Geschichte der griechischen Literatur, I 1 (Munich, 1929), pp. 327, 338Google Scholar, Donohue, J. J., The Theory of Literary Kinds, ii (Dubuque–Iowa, 1949), p. 169Google Scholar, Edmonds, J. M., Elegy and Iambus with The Anacreontea (London–Cambridge, Mass.), ² 1968, p. 1.Google Scholar

⁴² Cf. Dale, A. M., ‘Stichos and Stanza’, CQ 56 (1963), 46–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar ( = Collected Papers, Cambridge, 1969, pp. 173–4).

⁴³ Cf. Perusino, F., Il tetrametro giambico catalettico nella commedia greca (Roma, 1968), p. 27Google Scholar who argues that ‘la paracataloghe non richiedeva nel verso una struttura metrica particolare’. Although her conclusion pertains directly to the presentation of iambic parts of Aristophanes' plays, it also may, as it seems, be referred to paracataloge in general.