^{page 75 note 1} It was also suggested later by Ebers, G. in Z.Ä.S. vi (1868), 12Google Scholar, who refers to a demotic romance (presumably the story of Setne) as providing the possible source. Bissing, F. W. F. von points out in Forschungen and Fort-schritte xxv (1949), 227Google Scholar, that this story does not contain dialogues between dead persons, but only between the ka of Ahura and Setne.

^{page 75 note 2} The ’Letters to the Dead’ edited by Sethe and Gardiner might also be cited in favour of this emendation. But in them it is the living that speak to the dead.

^{page 75 note 3} I assume that refers to Ethiopia. Wright, W. C. in the Loeb edition, p. 13Google Scholar, appears to explain it otherwise (‘… Ethiopia and the region inhabited by those wise men who are called Naked Philosophers’). Bissing, von, op. cit. 227, believes that the whole idea has been transferred from India. He does not seem to have borne in mind that Ethiopia, rather than Egypt, is the region indicated.Google Scholar

^{page 76 note 1} Cf. Philostratus, , V. Apollon. Tyan. 6.Google Scholar 5 f. The term Gymnosophists was used by several writers to designate ascetic philosophers on the banks of the Ganges. See L.S.J. s.v. ; and cf. Dudley, D. R., A History of Cynicism (London, 1937), pp. 39 f. and 178 f.Google Scholar

^{page 76 note 2} ‘Altägyptische Tiergeschichte und Fabel: Gestalt und Strahlkraft’ in Saeculum x (1959), 124–85, esp. 151 f.Google Scholar

^{page 76 note 3} The last part of tp-r‘ ‘voice’ has been restored. Lefebvre, G., Romans et contes égyptiens (Paris, 1949), p. 123, translates ‘son chien reçut le pouvoir de parler’.Google Scholar

^{page 76 note 4} Dr. Brunner-Traut, p. 151, suggests that a masked dramatic episode in the Osiris-mystery may be involved or else an old charm-formula. In the former case a priest would have carried the Sethian ass-head perhaps, but the reference of the cat would be hard to explain.

^{page 76 note 5} See also her Die altägyptischen Scherben-bilder (Wiesbaden, 1956).Google Scholar

^{page 76 note 6} ‘Eudoxos von Knidos: Aufenthalt in Ägypten und seine Ü bertragung ägyptischer Tierfabeln, ’ in Forschungen und Fortschritte xxv (1949), 225–30, esp. 227 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 76 note 7} See Spiegelberg, Der ägyptische Mythus vom Sonnenauge (StraBburg, 1917), P. 43.Google Scholar von Bissing is also disposed to take a kindly view of Rehm's proposal, arguing that a Greek may have miscopied an abbreviated form, or alternatively that a baboon may have been referred to as a dog (in which case Rehm's emendation is unnecessary).

^{page 76 note 8} See von Bissing and Brunner-Traut, opp. citt. For dogs in the Aesopic tradition see Perry, B. E., Aesopica, i (Illinois, 1952), No. 52, p. 345 and cf. No. 92, P. 343.Google Scholar

^{page 77 note 1} Reitzenstein, Crönert, and Spiegelberg, ‘Die griechische Tefnutlegende’ (Sitzb. Heidelberg, 1923). Cf. Griffith, F. LI., J.E.A. ix (1923), 220.Google Scholar

^{page 77 note 2} That is the clear suggestion of Favorinus ap. Diog. Laert. 8. 8. 90.

^{page 77 note 3} Cf. Roeder, , Urkunden zur Religion des alten Ägypten (Jena, 1915), pp. 297 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 77 note 4} Plut, . De Iside et Osiride 44Google Scholar; Diodorus Sic. 1. 18. 1 (Anubis wears a dog's skin) and 87. 2 (he is represented with a dog's head). Cf. Vergil, , Aen. 8. 698 latrator Anubis.Google Scholar

^{page 77 note 5} Le Papyrus Jumilhac (Paris, 1962).Google Scholar

^{page 77 note 6} Cf. Vandier, J., ‘La légende de Baba (Bébon) dans le papyrus Jumilhac’, Rev. d'égyptol. ix (1952), 121–3Google Scholar; also P. Derchain, ibid. 23-47.

^{page 77 note 7} Even Isis is said to take the form of a bitch in P. Jumilhac 3. 1 ff. In this episode Seth changes into a bull, but in 15. 17 he is one of the gods manifested in a dog. Seth was probably a canine deity in origin: see Griffiths, J. Gwyn, The Conflict of Horus and Seth (Liverpool, 1960), p. 32.Google Scholar

^{page 78 note 1} Cf. Wands, G., Eudoxe de Cnide et l'Égypte’ in Rev. Phil. xliii (1919), 21–35.Google Scholar