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LYKOPHRON AND EPIGRAPHY: THE VALUE AND FUNCTION OF CULT EPITHETS IN THE ALEXANDRA

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 April 2014

Simon Hornblower
Simon Hornblower*
Affiliation:
All Souls College, Oxford
*
[email protected]
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The subject of this paper is a striking and unavoidable feature of the Alexandra: Lykophron's habit of referring to single gods not by their usual names, but by multiple lists of epithets piled up in asyndeton. This phenomenon first occurs early in the 1474-line poem, and this occurrence will serve as an illustration. At 152–3, Demeter has five descriptors in a row: Ἐνναία ποτὲ | Ἕρκυνν' Ἐρινὺς Θουρία Ξιφηφόρος, ‘Ennaian … Herkynna, Erinys, Thouria, Sword-bearing’. In the footnote I give the probable explanations of these epithets. Although in this sample the explanations to most of the epithets are not to be found in inscriptions, my main aim in what follows will be to emphasize the relevance of epigraphy to the unravelling of some of the famous obscurity of Lykophron. In this paper, I ask why the poet accumulates divine epithets in this special way. I also ask whether the information provided by the ancient scholiasts, about the local origin of the epithets, is of good quality and of value to the historian of religion. This will mean checking some of that information against the evidence of inscriptions, beginning with Linear B. It will be argued that it stands up very well to such a check. The Alexandra has enjoyed remarkable recent vogue, but this attention has come mainly from the literary side. Historians, in particular historians of religion, and students of myths relating to colonial identity, have been much less ready to exploit the intricate detail of the poem, although it has so much to offer in these respects. The present article is, then, intended primarily as a contribution to the elucidation of a difficult literary text, and to the history of ancient Greek religion. Despite the article's main title, there will, as the subtitle is intended to make clear, be no attempt to gather and assess all the many passages in Lykophron to which inscriptions are relevant. There will, for example, be no discussion of 1141–74 and the early Hellenistic ‘Lokrian Maidens inscription’ (IG 9.12 706); or of the light thrown on 599 by the inscribed potsherds carrying dedications to Diomedes, recently found on the tiny island of Palagruza in the Adriatic, and beginning as early as the fifth century b.c. (SEG 48.692bis–694); or of 733–4 and their relation to the fifth-century b.c. Athenian decree (n. 127) mentioning Diotimos, the general who founded a torch race at Naples, according to Lykophron; or of 570–85 and the epigraphically attested Archegesion or cult building of Anios on Delos, which shows that this strange founder king with three magical daughters was a figure of historical cult as well as of myth.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Classical Quarterly , Volume 64 , Issue 1 , May 2014 , pp. 91 - 120
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 2014 

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References

1 An early version of this paper was delivered in April 2012 in an Oxford ancient history seminar series organized by Prof. Robert Parker, at which faculty members spoke about their projects in progress. It is a product of my work on a full-scale commentary on Lykophron's Alexandra (with text, translation and thematic introduction), forthcoming from OUP. I gratefully acknowledge comments from Robert Parker and others who heard the paper at its delivery; and afterwards, for help over individual points, from Giulia Biffis, Stephen Colvin, Esther Eidinow and Martin West. Finally, I thank CQ's referee for valuable suggestions and references. I dedicate this article to the memory of P.M. Fraser (1918–2007), who first got me interested in the Alexandra by his two-term Oxford graduate class on it, held in All Souls more than thirty years ago (1981); and who bequeathed to me his Lykophron library. See my biographical memoir (PBA, 2013) for remarks about his work on Lykophron, and cf. below, n. 5.

Because of this paper's focus on cult epithets, the editors of CQ have agreed not to Latinize the transliterated Greek names of authors, places, characters, etc.

Abbreviations:

Cusset and Kolde: C. Cusset and A. Kolde, ‘Rôle et représentation des dieux traditionnels dans l'Alexandre de Lycophron’, in M.A. Harder, R.F. Regtuit and G.C. Wakker (edd.), Gods and Religion in Hellenistic Poetry. Hellenistica Groningana 16 (Leuven, Paris and Walpole, MA, 2012), 1–30.

Éclats: Cusset, C. and Prioux, E. (edd.), Lycophron: Éclats d'obscurité (Paris, 2009)Google Scholar.

Furley/Bremer: Furley, W.D. and Bremer, J.M., Greek Hymns, vols. I, The texts in Translation and II, Greek Texts and Commentary (Tübingen, 2001)Google Scholar. Numbering of hymns and other texts is the same in both vols.

Graf: Graf, F., Nordionische Kulte: Religionsgeschichtliche und epigraphische Untersuchungen zu den Kulten von Chios, Erythrai, Klazomenai und Phokaia (Rome, 1985)Google Scholar.

Holzinger: von Holzinger, C., Lykophron Alexandra, griechisch und deutsch mit erklärenden Anmerkungen (Leipzig, 1895)Google Scholar.

IACP: Hansen, M.H. and Nielsen, T.H. (edd.), Inventory of Archaic and Classical Greek Poleis (Oxford, 2004)Google Scholar; referred to by either inventory no. or page no.

I. Labraunda 1 and 2: Crampa, J., Labraunda Swedish Excavations and Researches Vol. III Parts 1 and 2, The Greek Inscriptions (Lund and Stockholm, 1969 and 1972)Google Scholar.

Jost: Jost, M., Sanctuaires et cultes d'Arcadie (Paris, 1985)Google Scholar.

Nommer les Dieux: Belayche, N., Brulé, P. and others (edd.), Nommer les Dieux: Théonymes, épithètes, épiclèses dans l'Antiquité (Rennes, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

Parker (2003): Parker, R., ‘The problem of the Greek cult epithet’, Op.Ath. 28 (2003), 173–83Google Scholar.

Parker (2011): Parker, R., On Greek Religion (Ithaca, NY and London, 2011)Google Scholar.

Rennes database (of cult epithets): see below, n. 17.

Schachter, Cults: Schachter, A., Cults of Boiotia, 4 vols. (London, 1981–94)Google Scholar.

Schade: Schade, G., Lykophrons ‘Odyssee’: Alexandra 648–819 (Berlin, 1999)Google Scholar.

Scheer: Scheer, E., Lykophronis Alexandra, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1881, 1908)Google Scholar.

Schwabl: H. Schwabl, RE 10A (1972) cols. 253–376, ‘Zeus I: Epiklesen’, reprinted as final section of Schwabl, Zeus (Munich, 1978; no new pagination).

Usener: Usener, H., Götternamen. Versuch einer Lehre von der religiösen Begriffsbildung (Bonn, 1896)Google Scholar.

Wentzel: Wentzel, G., Ἐπικλήσεις sive De deorum cognominibus per grammaticorum graecorum scripta dispersis (Göttingen, 1890)Google Scholar, expansion of 1889 Göttingen thesis which had Θεῶν as second word of title. The book version has an appendix listing cult epithets in scholiasts and grammarians. In both versions, chapter pagination begins again at 1, so in what follows, ‘Wentzel 2.3’ = ch. 2, p. 3.

Wide: Wide, S., Lakonische Kulte (Leipzig, 1893)Google Scholar.

2 All refs. to line nos. of Lykophron's Alexandra (abbrev. Lycoph.) will be given in this simple form. In the nn. below, ‘Σ’= a or the scholiast (e.g. ‘Σ 1225’= scholiast on line 1225), and sometimes, for brevity, includes Tzetzes' commentary. The main scholia vetera are in the best MS of Lykophron, namely Marc. 476, ed. G. Kinkel (Leipzig, 1880, with scholia at end); modern ed. of scholia: P.A.M. Leone (Lecce, 2002). For Tzetzes, see Scheer vol. 2. In my text and footnotes, ‘the scholiast’ or ‘Σ’ do not imply there was only one.

3 As usual (see §III below for this pattern in the poem), the first epithet is not too hard: it was at Enna in Sicily that Demeter's daughter Persephone was carried off.

The Sicilian location of the abduction did not feature in Hymn. Hom. Dem., or in any poet earlier than Callim. (Hymn 6. 30 and fr. 228 line 43 Pf.) and the present passage. But it probably featured in Timaios, as appears from a comparison of Diod. Sic. 5.3.2 and [Arist.] Mir. ausc. 82. See Geffcken, J., Timaios' Geographie des Westens (Berlin, 1892), 104Google Scholar and esp. Pearson, L., The Greek Historians of the West: Timaeus and his Predecessors (Atlanta, GA, 1987), 58 and n. 17Google Scholar. And it is hard to believe that Timaios invented it. Might it go back to Stesichoros? Note that in Pindar (Nem. 1.13–14) Zeus gave the island of Sicily to Persephone as a wedding present. Zuntz, G., Persephone (Oxford, 1971), 70Google Scholar n. 4 argued that a mid 5th-cent. coin of Enna (HN 2 137, Demeter in a chariot) depicted her seeking her daughter, and held this to refute the view that the rape of Persephone was not localized in Sicily before Timaios, who (he believed) ‘recorded a tradition current in his homeland’. The conclusion is likely enough, even if Zuntz over-interpreted the coin.

For (Demeter) Herkynna, a Boiotian goddess, see Schachter, Cults 1.156–7; cf. Parker, R., Polytheism and Society at Athens (Oxford, 2005), 223 n. 35Google Scholar. The cult of Herkyn(n)a, daughter of Trophonios, had its centre at Lebadeia (Livy 45.27.8, Paus. 8.39.2–3; Hesych. ε 5931 Latte). Herkynna may be an old Indo-European goddess, a cognate of Norse Fiorgyn, mother of Thor and mistress of the wooded mountains; both names may be related to that of the storm god Perkunas. See West, M.L., Indo-European Poetry and Myth (Oxford, 2007), 243CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

Demeter was Erinys at Arkadian Telphousa (she is Τελφουσία at 1040): Paus. 8.25.4, quoting Antimachos (fr. 35 Wyss = 33 Matthews); see also Callim. fr. 652 Pf., quoted by Σ Lycoph. 152 (and more fully at Σ 1225). Demeter Erinys appears on the city's coins, cf. IACP no. 300 at p. 534, citing HN 2, 356 (but the identification of the goddess's head is inference from Paus. The name Erinys does not appear). See von Wilamowitz, U., Glaube der Hellenen (Berlin, 1931–2), 1.398–407Google Scholar; Jost, 62–70, 303–12; Breglia Pulci Doria, L., ‘Demeter Erinys Telphoussaia tra Poseidon e Ares’, in Lévêque, P. and Mactoux, M.-M. (edd.), Les grandes figures religieuses (Paris, 1986), 107–26Google Scholar; E. Aston, Mixanthrôpoi: Animal-human Hybrid Deities in Greek Religion. Kernos Suppl. 25 (Liège, 2011), 99, 108, 184; and see §VI for the evidence of Linear B. At 669, ‘Erinys’ is Skylla.

In antiquity, ‘Thourian’ was explained in terms of Demeter's frenzied (θοῦρος) grief for her daughter (Σ), or else (the older paraphrase of Lykophron, printed in the left-hand column of the text in Scheer vol. 1) as an inexact reference to the Greek west and thus to Enna (above), because of Thourioi in S. Italy. But Schachter, A., ‘A Boeotian cult type’, BICS 14 (1967), 1–5, at 6Google Scholar, and Cults 1.151, cf. 44 n. 1, suggests instead a Boiotian cult, related to Apollo Θούριος, for whom see n. 63 below. With Lykophron, one must always reckon with the possibility of deliberately unstable meanings.

Demeter Xiphephoros, ‘sword-bearer’ is Boiotian (Σ). Schachter, Cults 1.171 (under ‘DEMETER [UNSPECIFIED]’) thinks, with acknowledgement to L. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States (Oxford, 1896–1909), 1.325, of a ‘warlike Demeter’, located in the ‘southern and western fringe of the Kopais’. Σ explains that ‘sword-bearer’ relates to the way the god was depicted in the relevant Boiotian sanctuary, wherever that was; Schachter, Cults 1.171 n. 3 rejects this as ‘worthless etymologizing’, but it is plausible enough, and is accepted by Parker (2003), 174 n. 7.

4 On this information see Wentzel. For this book's thesis, see below, §VII.

5 Some of the most important work published since 1992 is listed in my bibliographical additions to the late P.M. F[raser]'s entry ‘Lycophron (2)’ in OCD 4 (Oxford, 2012).

6 On Cusset and Kolde, see below, n. 48.

7 Honourable exceptions are Scheer, T., Mythische Vorväter: Heroenmythen im Selbstverständnis kleinasiatischer Städte (Munich, 1993)Google Scholar; Malkin, I., The Returns of Odysseus: Colonization and Ethnicity (Berkeley, 1998), 173–5Google Scholar (Odysseus), 213–14 (Epeios), 214–26 (Philoktetes) and 234–57 (Diomedes); and Lane Fox, R., Travelling Heroes: Greeks and their Myths in the Epic Age of Homer (London, 2008)Google Scholar. The approach taken in the present article resembles (I believe and hope) that which Petrovic, I., Von den Toren des Hades zu den Hallen des Olymp: Artemiskult bei Theokrit und Kallimachos (Leiden and Boston, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar has, in a brilliant book, successfully used for Kallimachos and Theokritos.

8 For Anios see Prost, F., ‘Peuples, cités et fondateurs dans les Cyclades à l' époque archaique’, in Fromentin, V. and Gotteland, S. (edd.), Origines gentium (Bordeaux, 2001), 109–21Google Scholar (esp. 110 for the inscribed dedications). See already Rohde, E., Psyche: The Cult of Souls and Belief in Immortality among the Greeks (London and New York, 1925), 152 n. 102Google Scholar.

9 Recitation (about two hours of it) is a possibility, as will be argued elsewhere.

10 For this category of epithets see R. Parker, ‘Artémis Ilithye et autres: le problème du nom divin utilisé comme épiclèse’, Nommer les Dieux, 219–26.

11 Parker (2003), 174 (this short article is the best modern discussion of Greek cult epithets). By contrast, Usener, who was just too late to use Holzinger, made very few references to Lykophron, even when discussing Kassandra/Alexandra at 176–7. Usener's theory (see esp. 216 and 279) that cult epithets originated with an earlier category of ‘functional gods’, Sondergötter, can not be discussed here; see Furley/Bremer 1.52 n. 138. For that tr. of the German word, see M.P. Nilsson's preface to the 1948 printing of Usener.

12 Divine epithets in Ap. Rhod.: Wentzel 7.38. For Zeus of fugitives or exiles, see J. Schmidt, RE 20.1179. Σ on 2.1147 (207.20 Wendel) says this was a Thessalian Zeus, Φύξιος Ζεὺς παρὰ Θεσσαλοῖς. But he also had cult at Argos, Paus. 2.21.2, and Sparta (Wide 14). See also 4.119 with Livrea, who cites the mention in SEG 7.894 (and cf. 35.1570), Gerasa, first cent. a.d. Ζεὺς Φύξιος also features (in the order Φύξιον Δία) at Lycoph. 288. For Apollonios' epithets see D. Feeney, The Gods in Epic (Oxford, 1991), 61–3.

13 Lycoph. 403 and 1234; Callim. fr. 220a Pf. (from Strabo) = Ia. 10, with Kerkhecker, A., Callimachus' Book of Iambi (Oxford, 1999), 207–9Google Scholar for doubts about how much is really Kallimachos. The inscription: SEG 17.641, Aspendian dedication of Roman date to Διὶ καὶ Ἥραι καὶ Ἀφροδείταις Καστνιήτισιν with L. Robert, ‘Monnaies et divinités d'Aspendos’, Hellenica 11–12 (Paris, 1960), 184–7. Parker (2011), 66 n. 4 compares LSS 95.4 (Demeters, in plural).

There are, naturally, cult epithets in Kallimachos' Aitia also; see e.g. fr. 110.57 Pf. (Zephyritis i.e. Arsinoe-Aphrodite, cf. Epigram 14 Gow–Page HE [= V Pf.]), fr. 43 Pf. (= 50 Massimilla) 117 (Dionysos Zagreus), fr. 100 and 101 Pf. (Samian and Argive Hera), fr. 75 Pf. 60–1 (Zeus Alalaxios, ‘of the War-cry’). Demeter Pylaie in Epigram 39 is the familiar amphiktionic deity. For Hermes Perpheraios, see fr. 197 Pf. (= Ia. 7) line 1. Most of these epithets are transparent, in the sense that they are accompanied by the god's standard name. Μαλόες…χορός in fr. 485 (a brief ‘fragmentum incertae sedis’) probably refers to Apollo Maloeis on Lesbos, for whom see Thuc. 3.3.3 and SGDI no. 255.20 = IG 12.2.284 (date: Imperial Roman); cf. also Isyllos of Epidauros (Powell, Coll. Alex. pp. 133–4 with Hunter, R., The Shadow of Callimachus [Cambridge, 2006], 11–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar). For Kallimachos see further n. 125.

14 See n. 116. But in favour of Attalid Pergamon, see Kosmetatou, E., ‘Lycophron's Alexandra reconsidered: the Attalid connection’, Hermes 128 (2000), 32–53Google Scholar. For the ‘god of Sarepta’ (sic), epigraphically attested at Italian Puteoli, see Lombardi, P., Mediterraneo Antico 14 (2011), 392–431Google Scholar, esp. 424 for Lycophron.

15 Apollo Δήραινος at Abdera: Lycoph. 440 with Σ: Πίνδαρος ἐν παιᾶσι; see Pind. Pae. 2.4, Δη]ρηνὸν Ἀπ[ό]λλωνα. There was no circularity in the identification of the poem, because it mentions Abdera in line 1, and calls itself a paian in line 3. Again (see above on Kastnia) there is a small but insignificant difference in spelling.

16 By divine I mean divine: Lykophron mostly confines the piled-up asyndetic cult epithets to gods. Very few heroes or heroines are treated in this way, apart from Kassandra herself (below, §VIII for her epiklesis Alexandra). Achilles at 177 gets two descriptors, ‘Pelasgian Typhon’ (i.e. ‘Thessalian giant’) but these are not cult titles.

17 Brulé, P., ‘Le langage des épiclèses dans le polythéisme hellénique (l'exemple de quelques divinités féminines'). Quelques pistes de recherche’, Kernos 11 (1998), 13–34Google Scholar; Nommer les Dieux. For the CRESCAM (Rennes) database of cult epithets, see Brulé, P. and Lebreton, S., ‘La Banque de données sur les épiclèses divines (BDDE) du Crescam : sa philosophie’, Kernos 20 (2007), 217–28Google Scholar. Googling ‘crescam bdde’ leads to the database. The criterion for inclusion as an epiklesis is receipt of cult; cf. below. Note: I consulted the database in mid 2012, and checked it again in January 2013, at which time the site was said to be still under construction (‘en développement continu’). I have therefore refrained from noting the many Lykophron-related omissions or partial omissions which still remain in the database, because they may have been put right by the time this article is published.

18 This epiklesis is specially common in Ionia and its colonies: Graf 250 and n. 251. See generally Usener 149–55.

19 Cusset and Kolde 14, attempting to pin Lykophron's Apollo down to a mantic role, seek to derive Iatros not from ἰάομαι, ‘I heal’, but from e.g. ἰάχω, ‘I cry out’. This seems over-ingenious, if that word can ever be used where Lykophron is concerned.

20 FGrH 328 Philochoros F 175, Poseidon Iatros at Tenos, with Wentzel: 4.4 and Parker (2011), 87 n. 59 (archaeological support). Nilsson, M.P., Geschichte der griechischen Religion 13 (Munich, 1967), 452Google Scholar, suggested that this Poseidon was predecessor of the famous Panagia Evangelistria of Tenos, whose church is still a place of pilgrimage. For a healing Dionysos, see Paus. 10.33.11 (Amphikleia in Phokis), with Furley/Bremer 1.128 n. 100, discussing their no. 2.5, for which see below n. 95 (Dionysos as Paian, healing god).

21 For an illuminating approach in terms of social network theory, see Eidinow, E., ‘Networks and narratives: a model for Ancient Greek religion’, Kernos 24 (2011), 9–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22 Parker (2003), 178–9 n. 46. Kallimachos (fr. 220a Pf.) says that swine were, abnormally, sacrificed to Aphrodite Kastnietis.

23 Amphibaios = Poseidon at Kyrene: Lycoph. 749 with Σ.

24 This is given as hard fact in LSJ9 under Ἀμφίβαιος: ‘epith. of Poseidon at Cyrene, = ἀμφίγαιος [this word only was corrected, in the Revised Supp. (1996), to ἀμφίγειος], γαιήοχος, Tz. ad Lyc. 749’. This is misleading: Tzetzes and Σ are authorities only for the first part (up to the comma), not for the equation of Lykophron's epithet with γαιήοχος. The latter and crucial point evidently derives from Holzinger, who cited Welcker, F.G., Griechische Götterlehre, 3 vols. (Göttingen, 1857–63), 2.679Google Scholar. Welcker wrote ‘statt Gäeochos sagte man auch Ἀμφίβαιος, von αἶα, also statt ἀμφίγαιος [bare ref. to Lycoph. 749 in footnote], nach Tzetzes in Kyrene’. (Welcker does not actually suggest emending to ἀμφίγαιος, as Schade 154 n. 301 says he does.) This is bold (what about the β?), but the identification has been repeated by many scholars (e.g. Wide 37 and n. 1, and Schachermeyr, F., Poseidon und die Entstehung des griechischen Götterglaubens [Salzburg, 1950], 31 and n. 53Google Scholar). The 1996 change in LSJ to ἀμφίγειος (‘with land on both sides’) is not explained: Martin West suggests to me that its likely author, E.A. Barber, may have wanted to produce a reference to Kyrene's harbour (Apollonia, cf. IACP p. 1236). But even with the change, the ultimate derivation from γαιήοχος is by implication retained in LSJ.

25 For Poseidon Gaiaochos at Sparta see Paus. 3.20.2, Hesych., and IG 5(1) 213.9; cf. I. Mylonopoulos, Πελοπόννησος οἰκητήριον Ποσειδῶνος. Heiligtümer und Kulte des Poseidon auf der Peloponnes (Liège, 2003), 229.

26 IG 22 3538 (second cent. b.c.), 5058 (time of Nero). Sourvinou-Inwood, C., Athenian Myths and Festivals: Aglauros, Erechtheus, Plynteria, Panathenaia, Dionysia (Oxford, 2011), 68–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar can cite nothing earlier than these, but nevertheless argues that the Athenian cult of Poseidon Gaieochos antedated 450 b.c.

27 SEG 45.776, from a sanctuary of Poseidon, tentatively restored as [Γ]α[ι]άοχε κυανοχαῖτ[α]. This looks like a snatch of Homer (cf. Od. 9.528, also in the vocative), rather than a simple dedication, so it is not clear evidence for local Mendaian cult to Poseidon as Gaieochos specifically.

28 See http://www.therafoundation.org/articles/volcanology/abriefnoteontectonicearthquakesrelatedtosantorinifromantiquitytothepresent. For Poseidon as Earth-shaker, see Mylonopoulos (n. 25), 379.

29 Wentzel (preface; not paginated), followed by Brulé–Lebreton and the Rennes database (n. 17).

30 See Paus. 7.21.7 with Parker (2003), 173. For the term epiklesis see e.g. Paus. 3.15.11, Spartan cults of Aphrodite, ἐπίκλησις μὲν δὴ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ἐστιν ἡ Μορφώ. Cf. Hdt. 1.19.1, the burning of the temple of Athena at Assessos near Miletos (IACP p. 1058), ἅψατο νηοῦ Ἀθηναίης ἐπίκλησιν Ἀσσησίης.

31 Hom. Il. 22.506 on Skamandrios, Ἀστυάναξ, ὃν Τρῶες ἐπίκλησιν καλέουσιν, and I. de Jong's commentary (Cambridge, 2012) on 22.29. But note 9.562, καλέεσκον ἐπώνυμον. Thucydides (1.3.2) uses both ἐπίκλησις and ἐπωνυμία in the same breath when discussing the absence of any single early name for ‘Hellenes’.

32 For ἐπίκλησις meaning (local) cult epithet in Hdt. see n. 30, and for ἐπωνυμία, see Hdt. 5.45.1, Ἀθηναίῃ ἐπωνύμῳ Κραθίῃ. Both terms used of Aphrodite Xeine: Hdt. 2.112.2.

33 See e.g. Σ 352, Θοραῖον δὲ καὶ Ὠρίτην· Ἀπόλλωνος ἐπίθετα, where Leone (n. 2) adds <καὶ Πτῷον> in between the other two; Hesych. σ 1967 Hansen, Στράτιον … ἐπίθετον Διός, or Eustathios on Il. 2.25: δοκεῖ εὐλόγως παρὰ Λάκωσι Ζεὺς Ἀγαμέμνων ἐπιθετικῶς εἶναι. Cf. FGrH 244 Apollodoros F 102 (f), from Cornutus, on names for Hades: ἐπονομάζεται δὲ ἐπιθετικῶς καὶ πολυδέκτης καὶ πολυδέγμων καὶ πολύαρχος, πολλούς τε δεχόμενος καὶ τῶν λεγομένων πλειόνων ἢ πολλῶν ἄρχων. (For Polydegmon, see Lycoph. 700.)

34 Above, p. 96. There are various roundabout expressions, e.g. a god ‘is honoured as [x] by the Lesbians’, τιμᾶται … παρὰ Λεσβίοις, or ‘is so called by the Thebans’, Θήβησιν οὕτω προσαγορεύεται.

35 Σ 563: παρὰ δὲ Λάκωσι ξένοι οἱ Διόσκουροι, registered as an epiklesis by Wentzel, 7.50. Lines 564–5 of the poem say that Hades and Olympos will receive them on alternate days as guests for ever, παρ᾽ ἧμαρ αἰεὶ δεξιώσονται ξένους. This is an elegant allusion to the special proneness of the Dioskouroi to ‘theoxeny’, ‘god-entertainment’: R.C.T. P[arker], ‘Dioscuri’, and E. Ke[arns], ‘theoxenia’, in OCD 4.

36 G.J. T[oomer] and A. J[ones], OCD 4, ‘constellations and named stars’, para. 3.

37 Rhodes, P.J. and Osborne, R., Greek Historical Inscriptions 404–323 B.C. (Oxford, 2003), no. 62 B, line 5Google Scholar.

38 Janko, R., The Iliad: A Commentary, Vol. IV: Books 13–16 (Cambridge, 1992), 348Google Scholar. An ancient scholar (Aristarchos?) remarked that Homer has few cult epithets derived from places, ἐπίθετα ἀπὸ τόπου, and commented that he never mentions them in his own person but always through a heroic character: Σ Il. 5.422, with Nünlist, R., The Ancient Critic at Work: Terms and Concepts of Literary Criticism in Greek Scholia (Cambridge, 2009), 117–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar, explaining this as due to Homer's desire to avoid anachronism (the places did not exist at the time of the dramatic composition of the poem).

39 D. Aubriot, ‘L'invocation au(x) dieux dans la prière grecque: contrainte, persuasion ou théologie?’, Nommer les Dieux 473–90 esp. 482 (Orphic hymns) and 484 for precision as limitation: what if you miss one god who turned out to be crucial? (cf. Furley/Bremer 1.52). One solution was to add ‘and all the gods’: see Furley/Bremer 1.38 and Harder, A., Callimachus Aetia (Oxford, 2012), 2.806Google Scholar. For a similar problem (‘the perpetual threat of inadequacy’) in connection with the lists of body parts and so on found on curse tablets, see Gordon, R.L., ‘“What's in a list?” Listing in Greek and Graeco-Roman malign magical texts’, in Jordan, D., Montgomery, H. and Thomassen, E. (edd.), The World of Ancient Magic (Bergen, 1999), 239–77 at 269Google Scholar. Lycoph. 1410 is very relevant to the question of divine polyonymy (‘what shall I call the god?’ etc.; cf. Aesch. Ag. 160–2).

40 Burkert, W., Greek Religion (Oxford, 1985), 74Google Scholar.

41 Parker (2011), 67; Chaniotis, A., Die Verträge zwischen kretischen Poleis in der hellenistischen Zeit (Stuttgart, 1996), no. 6Google Scholar, early third cent. b.c. (Zeus invoked by four separate epithets); cf. Brulé, Nommer les Dieux 143–73.

42 See e.g. the hymn to Adonis in Theoc. Id. 15, esp. 109 with Gow, who cites Pind. Isthm. 5.1 and Artemis' request to Zeus for πολυωνυμίη at Callim. Hymn 3.7 (cf. the fragmentary third-cent. a.d. Samian hymn to Artemis, IG 12(6) no. 604 line 5, πολυώ]νυμε); also Callim. Hymn 2.69–70. Theoc. Id. 22, in effect a hymn to the famously polyonymous Dioskouroi (above, p. 99), piles up predicates asyndetically (24; 136). The word and idea recur in the first-cent. b.c. hymn to Isis, SEG 8.548 line 26, cf. Fraser, P.M., Ptolemaic Alexandria (Oxford, 1972): 1.671–2Google Scholar (tr.) and 2.940 n. 436 (Greek text); see also the first-cent. a.d. hymn to Apollo from Susa, SEG 7.14.28. Gow (above) says ‘numerous attributes and cult titles confer prestige’. See also Furley/Bremer 1.52, who suggest that polyonymy was partly to avoid the sin of omission (n. 39), but partly a way of showing off, to gods and men, your technical proficiency.

43 [Aesch.] PV 209–10 with Parker (2011), 69.

44 SEG 27.933 line 2, with Henrichs, A., ‘What is a Greek god?’, in Bremmer, J. and Erskine, A. (edd.), The Gods of Ancient Greece (Edinburgh, 2010), 19–39, at 19–20Google Scholar.

45 In this para., I forbear to give references to modern discussions of the problem of the poem's date. See the works cited at Fraser (n. 5), who himself eventually opted for an early second-century b.c. date. Add Hollis, A.S., ‘Some poetic connexions of Lycophron's Alexandra’, in Finglass, P.J., Collard, C. and Richardson, N.J. (edd.), Hesperos: Studies in Ancient Greek Poetry Presented to M. L. West on his Seventieth Birthday (Oxford, 2007), 276–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar (not, however, conclusive for a third-century date). To Hollis's examples of Lykophron's debt to Kallimachos add 930–1 ἱπποτέκτων etc. (Epeios), cf. Callim. fr. 197 = Ia. 7 – an extraordinarily close cluster of similarities.

46 Only in Homer (Il. 13.365), not in Lykophron.

47 Of older works, K. Ziegler's outstanding RE entry ‘Lykophron’ (1927) briefly discussed the phenomenon at col. 2345; Holzinger's index under each god listed epithets at the end of the entry, with line nos.; Wentzel 5.33 gave a useful list of epikletic places in Σ Lycoph., and his whole important ch. 5 is about Σ Lycoph. Ciani, M.G., ‘“Scritto con mistero” (Osservazioni sull'oscurità di Licofrone)’, Giornale Italiano di Filologia 25 (1973), 132–48Google Scholar, at 142–5 usefully sorted Lykophron's divine epithets into their various categories (those drawn from cult places, those derived from characteristic elements of the relevant god, and so on), but did not seek to relate them to historical realities.

48 Cusset and Kolde. The restriction to those three gods is not explained, but evidently has to do with Kassandra's hostility to Apollo (who wanted sex with her) and to Aphrodite (goddess of sex), and with her hope for help from Athena.

49 Indeed Cusset and Kolde 9 audaciously suggest that Apollo's epithet Πτῷος (from the Boiotian Ptoion) is intended to be spat out (πτ-) as an expression of Kassandra's ‘mockery’ of the god. On Πτῷος at 265 (Hektor as son of [Apollo] Ptoios) see Hurst, A., ‘Les Béotiens de Lycophron’, in Roesch, P. and Argoud, G. (edd.), La Béotie antique (Paris, 1985), 193–209Google Scholar, at 204, revised version in Sur Lycophron (Geneva, 2012), 87–8: Apollo is Kassandra's enemy – but also ‘father’ of her beloved brother. For Hektor's future cult at nearby Thebes, see 1212–13, cf. below, n. 129.

50 Hes. Theog. 346–61.

51 Brulé (n. 17 [1998]), 30.

52 Or possibly ‘dancing’, and to be connected with mystery cult in Arkadia; see Jost 431, cf. 85.

53 The meaning of the epithet, and its relation to the more usual Τριτογένεια, is uncertain, and will be discussed in my commentary, like other epithets in this article whose elucidation is not now attempted. For Athena Boudeia, see §VI.

54 Graf, F., ‘Apollo Delphinios’, MH 36 (1979), 2–22Google Scholar. A. Philippe, ‘L’épithète ΔΕΛΦΙΝΙΟΣ', Nommer les Dieux, 255–61 adds little (and appears to be unaware of Graf [1979]). See also Herda, A., Der Apollon Delphinios Kult in Milet und die Neujahrsprozession nach Didyma (Mainz, 2006)Google Scholar. For the Apolline connotations of φοιβάζω, see Bolton, J.D.P., Aristeas of Proconnesus (Oxford, 1962), 134–5Google Scholar.

55 See A. H[enrichs], OCD 4, ‘Hecate’ for refs. ‘Patron divinity’: IACP no. 414 at p. 705.

56 Jost 36. But she treats ‘White Hermes’ as Arkadian also, and this neglects Σ.

57 FGrH 328 F 22 a and b with Jacoby's comm.

58 See de Jong, I.J.F., ‘Studies in Homeric denomination’, Mnemosyne 46 (1993), 289–306CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

59 E. Sistakou, ‘Breaking the name codes in Lycophron's Alexandra’, Éclats 237–57, 245, arguing for the suitability to their context of Athena's epithets at 355–9 and 520. See also Cusset and Kolde (below) for much sophisticated literary analysis of detail.

60 Aesch. Eum. 736.

61 IACP no. 148.

62 Sistakou (n. 59).

63 Cusset and Kolde 7–8. But Θοραῖος may be a variant form of Θήριος, ‘god of the beast’; see Schachter, Cults 1.43–4. Though Hesychios says it is a Lakonian epiklesis, it is likelier to be Boiotian. There was a temple of Apollo Thourios at Boiotian Chaironeia: Plut. Sull. 17.4, who gives one explanation in terms of a mythical female oikist of Chaironeia called Thouro, and another which identified the ‘beast’ with the cow which showed Kadmos where to found Thebes.

64 Schachter, Cults 1.134. Ὁμολωίς corresponds to a familiar Boiotian and central Greek epithet of Zeus, namely Ὁμολώιος, for which see n. 83.

65 So Decourt (n. 91), 385–6. Hurst (n. 49 [2012]), 74 thinks the reference is to the Apharetidai, a pair of mighty warriors. Lambin, G., L'Alexandra de Lycophron (Paris, 2005), 226Google Scholar says that these four divine epithets have a ‘force quasi-incantatoire’, and he remarks on the play of different vowels in the line.

66 IACP no. 35 (various spellings), cf. Lycoph. 1032. For a possible Boiotian cult of Athene Longatis see the very conjectural restorations of Athena Λ[ογγάτιδι in two Tanagraian dedications (IG 7.553 and 2463, c. 300 b.c.): Schachter, Cults 1.129 (cf. IACP p. 453, entry no. 220, Tanagra). But there is much doubt about these readings (cf. SEG 31.497), and this epithet will therefore not be adduced in §VI.

67 The approach adopted in the present paper is different from that of Cusset and Kolde, whose arguments are of unequal force. The suggestion that at 403, Aphrodite's epithets ‘Kastnian’ and ‘Melinaian’ (i.e. Pamphylian and Argive respectively) are intended to convey the vast extent of the goddess's influence (Cusset and Kolde 26) is attractive; add that Pamphylia was an area of Argive colonization. By contrast, the observation that Apollo's three epithets at 352 are in alphabetical order (Cusset and Kolde 8) is not illuminating. Lycoph.'s chains of epithets are mostly not alphabetical.

68 In what follows, I use ‘epigraphy’ mainly to mean inscribed documentary texts such as dedications, decrees, sacred laws and so on. But no sharp divide separates ‘literature’ from ‘epigraphy’: after all, some poems are known only from inscriptions, such as the curious 33-line Hellenistic fragment about Endymion, PMG 1037, which mentions Τριτογένευς (sic, paroxytone; i.e. Athena) in line 1; cf. above and n. 53 for Τριγέννητος at Alex. 519. The same is true of a number of paians and aretalogies; and cf. nn. 42 and 95 (inscribed hymns and paians, whose purpose was cultic).

69 It might have been hoped that the great Louis Robert would have illuminated Lykophron more suo, but references are few. At Documents d'Asie mineure (Paris, 1987), 296–321, ‘Lycophron et le marais d'Echidna, Strabon et le lac de Koloè’, esp. 296–7, he discussed 1351–5 (Tyrrhenos) in connection with the topography of lake Echidna/Gygaia in Lydia. His study of Aphrodite Kastnietis (n. 13) discussed the relevant Kallimachos frag., but did not mention Lykophron. At BE 1943 no. 30, reporting the Dionysos Sphaleotas inscription from Delphi (n. 95 below), Jeanne and Louis Robert briefly noted its relevance to Lykophron. At Villes d'Asie Mineure: Études de géographie ancienne (Paris, 19622), 314, Robert briefly noted the Lydian village Kimpsos at Lycoph. 1352, in connection with Nonnus, Dion. 13.465. There are no doubt other such minor items, but I do not think that Robert ever gave a passage of Lykophron the ‘full treatment’.

70 F. Rougemont, ‘Les noms des dieux dans les tablettes inscrites en linéaire B’, Nommer les Dieux 325–88, 338–9 and 375.

71 Garcia Ramon, J.L., ‘Mycenaean onomastics’, in Duhoux, Y. and Morpurgo, A., Companion to Linear B: Mycenaean Greek Texts and their World, vol. 2 (Louvain, 2011), 213–51, 230Google Scholar; cf. F. Aura Jorro, Diccionario Micénico, vol. 1 (Madrid, 1985), entry under di-ri-mi-jo. I am grateful to Stephen Colvin for these references.

72 Mynors, R.A.B., Virgil. Georgics (Oxford, 1990), 303Google Scholar wondered if there was a connection between Cyrene's woodland nymph Drymo at Verg. G. 3.336 and Apollo's epithet in the present passage of Lykophron. Oddly enough, the noun δρυμός first occurs in prose in the Molpoi inscription from Miletos (5th cent. b.c.), Rehm, A., Milet III: Das Delphinion in Milet (Berlin, 1914), 162–406Google Scholar, Die Inschriften no. 133 line 28.

73 Prophantos is said by Σ to be a cult of Poseidon at Italian Thourioi; there is no other evidence. The name suggests an oracular deity (for πρόφαντος cf. Hdt. 5.63.2 and 9.93.4), and thus more suited to Apollo than to Poseidon; but the run of the line precludes this. ‘King of Kromnos’ is also Poseidon. Σ identifies this Kromnos as the Paphlagonian city (IACP no. 734) and says there was a temple of Poseidon there; but also cites Kallimachos (fr. 384 Pf., see Pf. 1.312, on line 12) for a Korinthian Kromnos. This place (not a polis) is now epigraphically attested at Korinth, see SEG 22.219 (late fourth/early third cent. b.c.); cf. IACP p. 466, part of no. 227 (Korinth), citing Lycoph. Poseidon was well established at Korinth, see esp. Pind. Ol. 13 and the Korinthian-controlled sanctuary of Poseidon at the Isthmia; but that does not prove Σ's first suggestion wrong.

74 For Drymos see IACP no. 178; for the agreement, see IG 9.1.226–30 (after 167 b.c.), with SEG 53.491. Cf. Stella, A.L., ‘La religione greca nei testi Micenei’, Numen 5 (1958), 26–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar and n. 27, explaining Mycenean di-ri-mi-jo on these lines (and citing Tzetzes on Lycoph. 533).

75 Linear B attestation: Jost 303–4 and ‘Quelques épiclèses divines en Arcadie’, Nommer les Dieux 389–400, 395; Rougemont (n. 70), 332, 333 n. 36, 367. For the two Arkadian places, see IACP no. 300 (‘Thelphousa’) and p. 407 (‘Onkeion’).

76 See e.g. Rehm (n. 72 ), no. 31 line 11 (525–500 b.c.); SEG 27.439 (Olbia, cup, 550–500 b.c., but inscription may be later).

77 See e.g. SEG 38.124 (c. 265 b.c., epithet restored, but very probably), from the excavated site at Halai Aixonides in S. Attica. See Graf 53 n. 33; Parker (2003), 177 (Zosterios as one of a group of epithets derived from headlands). Steph. Byz. Ζωστήρ says that Athena Zosteria was worshipped by the Epiknemidian Lokrians.

78 Schachter, Cults 1.55 (the god's ‘ethnic’ varies slightly from period to period).

79 Syll. 3 978 (c. 250 b.c.).

80 IG 13 873 (Athens, mid fifth cent. b.c.). It is not certain that Lykophron ever mentions this Poseidon. At 431, Erechtheus is certainly Zeus, and perhaps at 158 also, though this is less clear. ‘Zeus Erechtheus’ is very odd. Tzetzes and the scholiast say that this Zeus was so called in Athens and Arkadia, but there is no support of any sort in either region. Α solution might just conceivably lie along some such lines as, that Athenians and Arkadians both claimed to be autochthonous, and Erechtheus was ‘earth-born’.

81 The seventh-cent. b.c. dedications to Zeus on the graffiti at the sanctuary on Mt Hymettos do not actually call him Ombrios, though that is certainly what he was (M. Langdon, Hesp. Suppl. 16 [1978] with Paus. 1.32.2); but see Raubitschek, A., Hesp. 12 (1943), 72–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar nos. 19–21 for altars in the Athenian agora inscribed Ὀμβρίου Διός, c. a.d. 100. The dedication Corinth 8.1 Greek Inscriptions 102 is also Roman.

82 Schwabl, 291: Βουλαῖος or Βουλεύς. If καταιβάτης (μολών) at 1370 is regarded as a cult epithet – and though edd. do not capitalize, and the word can be an adjective of normal type (cf. 91, 382, and Eur. Bacch. 1361), it is a broad hint, since the passage is about thunderbolts – then ‘Zeus who descends’ i.e. as thunderbolt is well attested epigraphically: Schwabl 322 and Parker (2003), 180. Here, ‘Zeus Lapersios’ (1369) is actually Agamemnon, cf. §VIII. At Plut. Demetr. 10.5 (Athenian flattery of Demetrios Poliorketes) the original sense is lost, and the epithet assimilates him to Zeus.

83 Cf. Σ Lycoph. 520. For Zeus Homoloios see L. Robert (n. 13), 238 n. 6 (discussing Boiotian names in Ὁμολ-, cf. already Usener 354), and Schachter, Cults 3.120–2, 148 and n. 3 (for the fifth-cent. b.c. dedication IG 7.2456, and cf. SEG 26.585). For Ὁμολώιος as a Boiοtian month name, derived from Zeus Homoloios, see L. Moretti, Iscrizioni storiche ellenistiche (Florence, 1967), no. 64 line 2 (Oropos, 190–180 b.c.) Demeter, also, was perhaps called Homolois (Schachter, Cults 1.168). See now Fowler, R.L., Early Greek Mythography II: Commentary (Oxford, 2013)Google Scholar, 80–2.

84 Artemis Orthosia: see IG 13 1083 (fifth cent. b.c., Athens), 12(5) 913 (second cent. b.c., Rhodes); etc.

85 Zeus Hoplosmios is mentioned in an inscription from Methydrion in Arkadia: Syll. 3 490 line 18 (c. 233 b.c.); cf. Robert, L., Noms Indigènes dans l'Asie mineure Gréco-romaine (Paris, 1963), 189 n. 2Google Scholar. See also Jost, 277–8, who at 277 and n. 4 cites (for Hera Hoplosmia) Lykophron and the scholia. A warlike goddess (whether Hera or Athena) at Elis is curious: ‘L’Élide n'est pas une terre de soldats': Launey, M., Recherches sur les armées hellénistiques (Paris, 1949), 130Google Scholar.

86 Arena, R., Iscrizioni greche arcaiche di Sicilia e Magna Grecia IV: Iscrizioni delle colonie Achee (Milan, 1996)Google Scholar no. 19 = L. Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Grande Grèce, vol. 2. Colonies achéennes (Geneva, 2002), no. 18. This seemingly chimerical attestation of Hera Hoplosmia is hesitantly entered in the Rennes database, but Lykophron's two mentions of Eleian (Hera) Hoplosmia are not. On Hera Hoplosmia, see Maddoli, G., ‘Culti di Crotone’, Atti…Magna Grecia 23 (1983), 313–360Google Scholar.

87 LSAG 257 and 261 n. 21 with SEG 34.997 (and cf. no. 998), 550–500 b.c.; IACP p. 269. Apollo Smintheus: Ricl, M., The Inscriptions of Alexandreia Troas (Bonn, 1997)Google Scholar nos. 43 and 63–8 (all approx. 1st cent. a.d.), and see no. 5 (mid 2nd cent b.c.).

88 Κηραμύντης ὁ Ἡρακλῆς ὁ τὰς κῆρας διώκων· ἀλεξίκακος γάρ.

89 FGrH 4 F 104 (cited by the Σ on Lycoph. 469), cf. SEG 28.232 (Athens, c. 350 b.c.), with Parker (n. 3 [2005]), 414 n. 104; IG 7.3416 (‘Apalexikakos’) with Schachter, Cults 2.2 (stone lost, date uncertain); IG 42 1.531 (Epidauros; partly restored, probably of Roman date), with Schade 70 (n. on 663). SEG 17.451 (Rome) is late, second or third cent. a.d. The cult is attested in Hellenistic Skythia (Kallatis on the Black Sea, IACP no. 686): SEG 49.1013 for refs.

90 Schwabl, col. 301. Aphrodite's epithet Ἀρέντα at 832 is very difficult. One suggestion (Holzinger, in his comm.) is that it is related to the unexplained goddess Ἀριοντία in the Damonon inscription (n. 95), line 24; for this goddess see Wide 141–2. But that identification is a long shot. So is Holzinger's identification of Κωλῶτις (Aphrodite again, 867) with the Attic Aphrodite Κωλιάς, epigraphically attested by IG 22 5119 (theatre seat, precise date uncertain, but surely Roman). Σ on 867 says that Kolotis was ‘Aphrodite in Cyprus’. At 589, Aphrodite is ‘Queen of Golgoi’ (on Cyprus), Γόλγων ἄνασσα; cf. e.g. Theoc. Id. 15.100. For the epigraphically attested ‘Queen’ (Wanassa) of Golgoi see Egetmeyer, M., ‘“Sprechen sie Golgisch?” Anmerkungen zu einer übersehenen Sprache’, in Carlier, P., de Lamberterie, C., Egetmeyer, M. et al. , Études Mycéniennes 2010: Actes du colloque international sur les textes Égéens (Pisa and Rome, 2012), 427–34Google Scholar.

91 See J.-C. Decourt, ‘Les cultes thessaliens dans l'Alexandra de Lycophron’, Éclats 377–91 (esp. 390, ‘un culte purement thessalien’), and list of inscriptions at p. 389 (these include the replies by the city of Thessalian Larisa to letters from Philip V of Macedon, Syll.3 543 lines 22 and 44, 217 and 215 b.c.); see Decourt p. 391 for the meaning of the epiklesis.

92 Greek dedications: T.B. Mitford, The Inscriptions of Kourion (Philadelphia, 1971) nos. 49–50 (second cent. b.c.) and 105–26 (Imperial); P.M. Fraser, ‘Lycophron on Cyprus’, Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus (1979), 328–43, at 333 n. 4; D. Buitron-Oliver (ed.), The Sanctuary of Apollo Hylates at Kourion: Excavations in the Archaic Precinct. SIMA 109 (1996); J.-B. Cayla, Nommer les Dieux, 232–5.

Cypriot syllabic dedications: Masson, O., Les Inscriptions chypriotes syllabiques 2 (Paris, 1983)Google Scholar nos. 3 (Paphos: Apollo Hylates, fourth cent. b.c.); 85–6 (Dhrymou: Hylates, no mention of Apollo); 184–9 (Kourion: ‘Apollo’ or ‘the god’, but no mention of Hylates); 250 and 250a (Chytroi: Hylates). See further Egetmeyer (n. 90) 429, noting that Lycoph. uses the local form of the name with long alpha.

93 SEG 18.386 (second cent. b.c.) line 6: [——–Ἀπόλλωνι (?)] τῶι Λεψιε[ῖ etc.; cf. lines 8–9, εἰς τὸ ἱ]ερὸν τοῦ Ἀ | [πόλλωνος …]. See Bean, G.E. and Cook, J.M., ‘The Carian coast III’, ABSA 52 (1957), 58–146Google Scholar, at 137 (republishing the inscription, whence SEG), and 136 (location of sanctuary). Lepsia: IACP p. 733. Apollo Terbintheus attested at Miletos: Syll.3 633 (c. 180 b.c.), line 79. The temple was at nearby Myous, by that time subject to Miletos. For the medical appropriateness of Ἰατρός and Τερμινθεύς to their context in the poem, see above, p. 105.

94 Athena Boudeia Thessalian: Steph. Byz. β 136 Billerbeck. See Trümpy, C., ‘Athena Boudeia’, ZPE 100 (1994), 407–12Google Scholar, prompted by SEG 36.1116.7. For Boudeia see also Decourt (n. 91), 384–8. Athena Pallenis: IG 13 383 lines 121–2, cf. 328–30 (429/8 b.c.) and 369 lines 71 and 88 (423/2 b.c.); Ath. 234F with D.M. Lewis (ed. P.J. Rhodes), Selected Papers in Greek and Near Eastern History (Cambridge, 1997), 91 and 98. The interesting but complex question of the relation of Ἰλέως at 1150 to Athena Ἰλιάς, epigraphically attested at Physkeis in W. (i.e. Ozolian) Lokris (see esp. the manumissions IG 9.12 671–84, and now a further set, SEG 56.570–8) is discussed in the Lokrian Maidens section of the commentary announced in n. 1.

95 SEG 19.399 (see G. Daux and J. Bousquet, ‘Agamemnon, Télèphe, Dionysos Sphaleôtas et les Attalides’, RA 19 [1942/3], 113–25 and 20 [1942/3], 19–40); cf. T. Scheer (n. 7), 132–3 and B. Dignas, ‘Rituals and the construction of identity in Attalid Pergamon’, in B. Dignas and R.R.R. Smith, Historical and Religious Memory in the Ancient World (Oxford, 2012), 119–43, at 135. For the date of the dedicated building, see SEG 53.490. For Dionysos Ταῦρος in Lycoph. see not only 209 but 1238, κερασφόρους γυναῖκας, with Σ: the maenads wear horns because they are imitating Dionysos, κερατοφοροῦσι γὰρ καὶ αὗται κατὰ μίμησιν Διονύσου; see Rohde (n. 8), 269 n. 19, and 258 with 272–3 nn. 33 and 35. Dionysos Tauros in Philodamos' paian: SEG 32.552 (= Furley/Bremer no. 2.5), lines 2–3: ε[ὔιε, Ταῦρε κ]ισσοχαῖ|τα etc. As can be seen, Ταῦρε is entirely restored, but for metrical and other reasons the restoration is convincing. It may be objected that although the paian as a whole is cultic (Furley/Bremer, 1.128), this particular word, never repeated in the otherwise repetitive poem, is ‘merely’ literary and poetic (cf. Eur. Bacch. 920, already quoted by Σ), like the accompanying epithet ‘ivy-tressed’. But there is other evidence. In PMG 871 (from Plut. Mor. 299B) = Furley/Bremer no. 12. 1, lines 6–7, the women of Elis invoke Dionysos with the repeated cry ‘worthy bull’, ἄξιε ταῦρε. This text is thought to be very ancient. Discussing Philodamos' paian, A. Jacquemin, ‘Panthéon et epiclèses delphiques: Apollon et les autres dieux’, Nommer les dieux 241–53, at 250 and n. 71, says that the cult of Dionysos Tauros had a particular role at Elis. This is not obviously supported by the study she cites (C. Calame in J.-M. Adam et al., Le discours anthropologique [Paris, 1990], 227–250). Presumably she has in mind not only PMG 871 (above), but also the intriguing archaeological evidence set out at Furley/Bremer 1.371 (bovine skulls found at Elis in a theatre next to a temple of Dionysos; they also cite the bull in the Delphic amphiktionic law inscribed at Athens in 380 b.c., Syll. 3 145 = CID 1 no. 10, line 32, but this is wholly mysterious, see Rougemont's CID comm., 114). If Dionysos were the θεὸς ταῦρος of IG 7.1787 (Roman, Boiotian Thespiai), as Nilsson (n. 20), 571 and n. 7 confidently believed, that would be a simple epigraphic attestation to set beside Lycoph. But this and several similar inscriptions are now thought to be evidence for the deification of a member of the Roman family of the Statilii Tauri! See Schachter, Cults 3.53–4, ‘Theos Tauros (Thespiai)’, and F. Marchand, ‘The Statilii Tauri and the Cult of Theos Tauros at Thespiai’, JAH 1 (2013), 145–69. Ignore, therefore, the final sentence of Furley/Bremer 1.372 n. 7. For the Theoinidai see Vanderpool, E., AJPh 100 (1979), 213–16Google Scholar with Parker, R., Athenian Religion: a History (Oxford, 1996), 299Google Scholar.

96 IG 7.2874 (partly supplemented, date uncertain, probably Roman), with Schachter, Cults 2.9 and n. 4 (Schachter, Cults 2.10 notes that at Athens, Herakles and Palaimon shared cult in the sanctuary of Pankrates). Unusually, this inscription is registered in A. Hurst and A. Kolde, Lycophron (Budé ed., Paris, 2008), 195, with acknowledgment to Schade.

97 Schachter, Cults 2.49 with nn. 2 and 4b.

98 See Bruneau, P., Recherches sur les cultes de Délos à l'époque hellénistique et à l'époque impériale (Paris, 1970), 265Google Scholar (citing Lycoph. 767), with 260 for the inscription: —]Σ | —]ΩΝΙ. The date can hardly be fixed precisely; Hellenistic or Roman, surely.

99 Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World (Princeton, 2000)Google Scholar, map 61 G3; Bargylia is at F3 and Halikarnassos at E3.

100 For the Karian god Zeus Komyros and the Komyria festival, see Cousin, G. and Deschamps, G., ‘Inscriptions du temple de Zeus Panamaros’, BCH 11 (1887), 373–91Google Scholar; 12 (1888), 249–73; and other vols. of BCH up to 1922 – and BCH 13 (1889) no. 62 [= I. Iasos no. 632], line 4 for the spelling Κυμώριος at Bargylia, N. of Halikarnassos, a ἱερεὺς Διὸς Κυμωρίου. This gets into the Rennes database as an epithet of Zeus, as does Lykophron's Κώμυρος, but the connection between the two epithets is not made. The many relevant Panamaran inscriptions were republished, with meagre commentaries and no mention of Lykophron, by Ç. Sahin, Inschriften von Stratonikeia (1981–90) and I do not cite by this. For the Komyria, a mystery cult, see Nilsson, M., Griechische Feste (Leipzig, 1906), 27–31Google Scholar; RE 11.1304–7 (Scherling); Laumonier, A., Les cultes indigènes en Carie (Paris, 1958), 311–12Google Scholar, 635. For Stratonikeia, see Cohen, G., The Hellenistic Settlements in Europe, the Islands and Asia Minor (Princeton, 1995), 268–9 and 270 n. 2Google Scholar; Fraser, P.M., Greek Ethnic Terminology (Oxford, 2009), 371–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Cousin and Deschamps on the connection with Lykophron and Tzetzes see BCH 12 (1988), 249: the Komyrion ‘était probablement le temple particulier de Zeus Κώμυρος, anciennement adoré à Halicarnasse’, with a ref. to Lykophron and Σ at n. 4. See also J. Crampa, I. Labraunda 1.63 n. 29 for a possible connection with place name at no. 8 (soon after 240 b.c.) line 28, ἐν Κομωονδοις. I leave the name unaccented.

101 BCH 12, 379–81 no. 2 lines 16–17.

102 R. Coleman, Vergil. Eclogues (Cambridge, 1977), 292 (n. on 10.66, Sithoniasque nives) says that ‘Latin poets regularly follow Lycophron (Alex. 1357) in shortening the o of the second syllable’, but this is too simple, as far as Lykophron is concerned.

103 I. Stratonikeia: no. 1002, J. and L. Robert, Fouilles d'Amyzon en Carie, vol. 1 (Paris, 1983), nos. 3–6 for Karian Amyzon; I. Labraunda: no. 43 for Labraunda.

104 The same result is achieved if we take the word to indicate twisting, as in the throw of a sling. Schwabl 295 suggests that Lykophron here alludes to ξυγγογγύλας at Ar. Lys. 974–5.

105 IG 10(1) 259 lines 1–2, cf. SEG 30.622. Too recently published to have been known to Schwabl, but see H. Versnel, Inconsistencies in Greek Religion 1. Ter Unus: Isis, Dionysos, Hermes. Three Studies in Henotheism (Leiden and New York, 1990), 237 with n. 151, discussing the difficulties (one god, or two, or three?) but cautiously concluding that the epithet refers to Zeus.

106 Graf 37 n. 149.

107 See M.L. West (n. 3), 273; cf. the name Prometheus.

108 Fraser, P.M., Cities of Alexander the Great (Oxford, 1996)Google Scholar.

109 Cameron, A., Greek Mythography in the Roman World (Oxford, 2004)Google Scholar.

110 See N.G. W[ilson], OCD 4 Theon (1).

111 FGrH 244 (Apollodoros) F 117–53. Note also Philochoros' mention of a cult epithet on Tenos (n. 20). We do not know which of his works this came from.

112 See A. Chaniotis, Historie und Historiker in den griechischen Inschriften: epigraphische Beiträge zur griechischen Historiographie (Stuttgart, 1988), 308–9, no. E 16, Leon of Samos, honoured for his local history which collected the epiphanies of Hera, the patron deity of the island; cf. also 300, no. E 7, Syriskos of Chersonesos. The Lindian anagraphe of 99 b.c. (FGrH 532; Chaniotis 52–7 no. T 13) is only the best-known example: detailed narratives of epiphanies of Athena Lindia on Rhodes. Note also Rehm (n. 72), 397–8 no. 178 for a fragmentary Archaic inscription from the Delphinion at Miletos, which seems to record a nocturnal epiphany of Apollo.

113 Ath. 207E.

114 For which see SEG 26.1123 (second cent. b.c.); cf. P.J. P[arsons], OCD 4 ‘libraries’.

115 See P Oxy. 2528 and comm., with acknowledgment to Ed. Fraenkel. For the poem see Suppl. Hell. 432 and Euphorion fr. 111 Lightfoot.

116 Epithets are said by Σ to be domiciled in Magna Graecia (Loggatis from Sicily, Prophantos from Thourioi) and Etruria. At 938 and 1410, Μάμερτος – a remarkable epithet to find in a Hellenistic Greek poet – is Ares (Tzetzes and Diod. 21.18.1); cf. also 1417 for Athena Μάμερσα, and see Lambin (n. 65), 26–9. The name derives from Oscan Mamers, i.e. Mars, who in the form Μάμερτος gave his name to the Mamertines, most famous in their incarnation as Campanian mercenaries, for whom see Diod. Sic. as above, and Pol. 1.8.1: 264 b.c. (The difficult question, whether Lycoph. and Diod. drew on the same source here, and whether that source was Timaios, cannot be gone into here. For Timaios as underlying Lycoph.'s Μάμερτος and Μάμερσα see J. Geffcken, Timaios' Geographie des Westens [Berlin, 1892], 19 and 150, but without discussion of Diod. and the wider Mamertine tradition.) The Mamertines made a nuisance of themselves in Sicily, and so precipitated the First Punic War. B. Caven, The Punic Wars (London, 1980), 9 calls them ‘Martians’. But the Mamertines were older than this. In the sixth cent. b.c., the patronym of the poet Stesichoros of Sicilian Himera – a source surely used by Lycoph. – was Μαμερτῖνος, according to the Suda (σ 1095 Adler; other testimonia give variants of the same name). See Knoepfler, D., ‘Was there an anthroponymy of Euboian origin in the Chalkido-Eretrian colonies of the west and of Thrace?’, in Matthews, E. (ed.), Old and New Worlds in Greek Onomastics (Oxford, 2007), 87–119CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 100; also M. Davies and P.J. Finglass, forthcoming ed. of and comm. on Stesichoros, kindly shown me by Prof. Finglass. The Μινᾶτος Κόρουιος Μαμερτῖνος at SEG 30.1121.27–8 (Sicilian Entella, early third cent. b.c.), is equally interesting, whether Μαμερτῖνος is a personal name or a descriptor; see LGPN IIIA under the name, and F. Costabile, Istituzioni e forme costituzionali nelle città del Bruzio in età Romana (Naples, 1984), 64, 66. A third-cent. b.c. Oscan inscription in Greek letters from Sicilian Messina mentions the τωϝτο μαμερτινο, which seems to be the citizen body of the Mamertines who took over the city and perhaps renamed it: Cichorius, C., Römische Studien (Leipzig, 1922), 60–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Costabile (above), 37, 52; J.H.W. Penney, CAH 42, 733.

117 Sourvinou-Inwood, C., ‘Persephone at Locri: a model for personality definitions in Greek religion’, JHS 98 (1978), 101–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar (revised version in ‘Reading’ Greek Culture [Oxford, 1991], 147–88).

118 G. Biffis, ‘Cassandra and the female perspective in Lycophron's Alexandra’ (Diss., University College, London, 2012, and soon, I hope, to be published as a monograph).

119 See D.W. R[idgway], OCD 4 ‘Daunia’; Herring, E., ‘Daunians, Peucetians and Messapians? Societies and settlements in south-east Italy’, in Bradley, G. and Isager, E. (edd.), Ancient Italy (Exeter, 2007), 268–94Google Scholar.

120 ‘Agamemnon’= Zeus: Lycoph. 335. Kassandra's ἄναξ Agamemnon will be called Zeus by Spartans, Ζεὺς Σπαρτιάταις αἱμύλοις κληθήσεται, 1124, cf. FGrH 269 Staphylos (Hellenistic?) F 8, quoted by Clement of Alexandria. [Arist.] Mir. ausc. 106 attests cult for the Atreidai (i.e. Agamemnon and Menelaos, king of Sparta) at S. Italian Taras. See also Lycoph. 1369–70 for Agamemnon as Zeus Lapersios, who comes down like a thunderbolt (n. 82). The epithet Lapersios is difficult, but must indicate Sparta (not Attica, as Σ says), cf. 511 for the Dioskouroi as Λαπέρσιοι. See Wentzel 5.32.

121 A scholiast on Pind. Nem. 9.30 (= FGrH 131 Menaichmos of Sikyon F 10) has been taken to indicate the existence of a Hera Alexandros, i.e. protector of men (see e.g. Usener 176–7), but the text is unsound; the goddess should be Hera Alea, see Drachmann's ed., citing A. Mommsen.

122 Kassandra = Alexandra (Lycoph. 30) in Sparta: Hesych.; Paus. 3.19.6; 3.26.5. Temple of Alexandra at Amyklai: Syll.3 632 lines 14–15 (second or first cent. b.c.); BCH 85 (1961) 688, fifth cent. b.c. sherds with ΑΛΕΞ-; Salapata, G., ‘Myth into cult: Alexandra/Kassandra in Lakonia’, in Gorman, V. and Robinson, E.W. (edd.), Oikistes: Studies in Constitutions, Colonies and Military Power in the Ancient World offered in Honor of A. J. Graham (Leiden, 2002), 131–55Google Scholar, esp. 141–2 (reporting finds in the 1950s and 1960s, and again in 1998).

123 G. Salapata, ‘Female triads on Laconian terracotta plaques’, ABSA 104 (2009), 325–40 for plaques with snakes on (late sixth to early fourth cents. b.c.).

124 See J. Larson, Greek Heroine Cults (Madison, WI, 1995), 83–4. Compare the situation of Helen and Menelaos at Therapne near Sparta, where the older dedications (for which see SEG 26.457–9, 28. 407) are to Helen; cf. M. West, The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women (Oxford, 1985), 157 and n. 69.

125 Compare Poseidon Erechtheus or Zeus Aristaios Ikmios on Keos, for whom see Callim. fr. 75.33–4 Pf. with Harder (n. 39), 2.615–16, cf. 687 for Artemis Neleis (?) at fr. 80.16–17 Pf.

126 See M. Mari, ‘Cassandra e le altre: riti di donne nell’ Alessandra di Licofrone', in Éclats, 405–40, at 421–2; Biffis (n. 118).

127 FGrH 566 F 98. For Diotimos in the west, see Thuc. 1.45.2 with ML 61 line 9: he is son of Strombichos, and an Athenian commander of reinforcements sent to Kerkyra in the late 430s b.c. His Neapolitan activity may have taken place somewhat earlier. Cf. above, p. 93. For Odysseus in Eurytania see Rohde (n. 8), 133 and n. 97.

128 Some of these western cult sites can be traced archaeologically: Edlund, I.E.M., ‘The sacred geography of southern Italy in Lycophron's Alexandra’, Op.Rom. 16 (1987), 43–9Google Scholar. But that is the subject for a different inquiry; cf. n. 8 for Anios at Delos.

129 Above, n. 49. This cult is intriguing; as far as we can see, it featured in no Attic tragedy, or in Pindar, and it has been ingeniously suggested (Schachter, Cults 1.234) that it is connected with Kassandros' refoundation of Thebes in 316 b.c. (Diod. Sic. 19.53–4 and Syll. 3 337). If so, we might recall that Kassandros hated Alexander the Great, who had sacked the city in 335 b.c., and that Alexander emulated Hektor's killer Achilles – another sacker of cities, including Thebe, home city of Hektor's wife Andromache (Il. 6.415–16). Is there a clue in the city names? For Homer, Boiotian Thebes is also Thebe, singular. Only Egyptian Thebes is plural. Perhaps a kinship link, between the two places called Thebe, was devised as justification for the transfer.

130 See Eidinow (n. 21) for Greek religion as a network.