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ION OF CHIOS: THE CASE OF A FOREIGN POET IN CLASSICAL SPARTA
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 February 2019
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- χαιρέτω ἡμέτερος βασιλεὺς σωτήρ τε πατήρ τε·
- ἡμῖν δὲ κρητῆρ’ οἰνοχόοι θέραπες
- κιρνάντων προχύταισιν ἐν ἀργυρέοις· †ὁ δὲ χρυσὸς
- οἶνον ἔχων χειρῶν νιζέτω εἰς ἔδαφος.†
- σπένδοντες δ’ ἁγνῶς Ἡρακλεῖ τ’ Ἀλκμήνηι τε,
- Προκλεῖ Περσείδαις τ’ ἐκ Διὸς ἀρχόμενοι
- πίνωμεν, παίζωμεν· ἴτω διὰ νυκτὸς ἀοιδή,
- ὀρχείσθω τις· ἑκὼν δ’ ἄρχε φιλοφροσύνης.
- ὅντινα δ’ εὐειδὴς μίμνει θήλεια πάρευνος,
- κεῖνος τῶν ἄλλων κυδρότερον πίεται.
May our king rejoice, our saviour and father; let the attendant cup-bearers mix for us a crater from silver urns; †Let the golden one with wine in his hands wash to the base† Pouring libations piously to Heracles and Alcmene, Procles and the sons of Perseus and Zeus first of all, let us drink, let us play, let our song rise through the night. Dance someone, willingly begin the festivities. And anyone who has a fair girl waiting to share his bed will drink more like a man than all the others.
(Ion, fr. 27 West = fr. 90 Leurini)- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © The Classical Association 2019
References
1 Victory: Ath. Deipn. 3f; defeat to Euripides and Iophon in 428: Arg. Eur. Hipp. 25–7; meeting with Sophocles: Ath. Deipn. 603e–604d = FGrHist 392 F 6 = fr. 104 Leurini; death: Ar. Pax 835–7; cf. [Longinus], Subl. 33.5 for the later estimation of his tragedies as second to those of Sophocles.
2 Fr. 203.30–3 Pfeiffer; Dieg. 9.32–8 in Callim. Ia. 13 (fr. 205 Pfeiffer); for a list of works, see Σ Ar. Pax 835–7b (Holwerda p. 129).
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4 The former objection led Wilamowitz to attribute the elegy to Ion of Samos, rather than his Chian namesake: see von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, U., Timotheos. Die Perser. Aus einem Papyrus von Abusir (Leipzig, 1903), 75 n. 1Google Scholar, and ‘Lesefrüchte’, Hermes 62 (1927), 276–98, at 282–3Google Scholar. This suggestion is refuted, however, by West, M.L., Studies in Greek Elegy and Iambus (Berlin and New York, 1974), 173CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Ion's connections with Athens, cf. Jacoby, F., ‘Some remarks on Ion of Chios’, CQ 41 (1947), 1–17, at 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Spartan austerity, cf. Katsaros, A., ‘Staging empire and other in Ion's sympotica’, in Jennings, V. and Katsaros, A. (edd.), The World of Ion of Chios (Leiden, 2007), 217–60, at 225CrossRefGoogle Scholar: ‘one might well wonder whether a Spartan—king or not—would have thought [this poem] entirely appropriate’. See also Fisher, N.R.E., ‘Drink, hybris and the promotion of harmony in Sparta’, in Powell, A. (ed.), Classical Sparta: Techniques behind her Success (London, 1989), 26–50, at 34–5Google Scholar, who questioned whether the presence of foreigners may have rendered the royal syssition less austere than usual.
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13 Haupt (n. 3), 210.
14 Three craters: Eubulus, fr. 93 K.–A.; Suda κ 2338; Zeus and libations: Callim. Hymn 1.1–3; Zeus the saviour and third libation: Pind. Isthm. 6.1–9; Σ Isthm. 6.4 (p. 251 Drachmann); Aesch. Supp. 26; Ag. 1384–7; Eum. 758–9; fr. 55 TrGF; Soph. fr. 425; Ath. Deipn. 692f–693a; Suda τ 1024; for the third libation as a metaphor in tragedy, see Burian, P., ‘ZΕΥΣ ΣΩΤΗΡ ΤΡΙΤΟΣ and some triads in Aeschylus’ Oresteia’, AJPh 107 (1986), 332–42Google Scholar.
15 E.g. Aesch. fr. 55 TrGF; Diphilus, fr. 70 K.–A. connects the bowl of water for washing hands at the start of the meal with Zeus Soter.
16 Fr. 26.15 West = 89.15 Leurini. The second person is the usual form of address to gods, especially in hymns (e.g. Hymn. Hom. Bacch. 58) and elegy (e.g. Simon. fr. 11.19 West); Eur. Ion 403 is a rare exception.
17 E.g. Aesch. Ag. 252; Eur. Med. 1048, Cyc. 363–4; Theoc. Id. 16.64–7.
18 Bartol (n. 11), 188–91.
19 Zεῦ φίλε, θαυμάζω σε· σὺ γὰρ πάντεσσιν ἀνάσσεις, Thgn. 372; cf. ὁ δὲ πάντων τύραννος, Gorg. fr. 11.20 DK.
20 ὦ πάτερ ἡμέτερε Κρονίδη ὕπατε κρειόντων, Il. 8.31, Od. 1.45, 24.473; cf. Zεύς, ἀθανάτων βασιλεύς, Thgn. 1120, 1346.
21 διοτρεφέων βασιλήων, Il. 1.176; ἐκ δὲ Διὸς βασιλῆες, Hes. Theog. 96; cf. Hymn. Hom. Mus. et Ap. 4.
22 Fr. 258 K.–A., cf. Plut. Per. 3.4; fr. 259 K.–A. See Heath, M., ‘Aristophanes and his rivals’, G&R 37 (1990), 143–58, at 148Google Scholar.
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24 For a full survey of the evidence, see Jim, T., ‘Private participation in ruler cults: dedications to Philip Sōtēr and other Hellenistic kings’, CQ 67 (2017), 429–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
25 Campbell (n. 12), 363.
26 This phrase is generally included with verbs of destroying to mean ‘raze to the ground’: see LSJ s.v. 2.
27 Haupt (n. 3), 214; χρυσοῦν West, M.L., Iambi et elegi graeci ante Alexandrum cantati, vol. II2 (Oxford, 1992), 80Google Scholar.
28 Whitby (n. 5), 209.
29 Hesych. ε 439 Latte; Hippoc. Art. 7.37. Latte amended the text to ἕδος. However, the word is given in a list of words beginning εδε and the original manuscript-reading is likely to be correct.
30 Koehler (n. 11); Jacoby (n. 4), 6–8; West (n. 11), 74.
31 Plut. Lyc. 20.2.1–3 = Apophth. Lac. 218B: Ἀρχιδαμίδας δὲ μεμφομένων τινῶν Ἑκαταῖον τὸν σοφιστὴν ὅτι παραληφθεὶς εἰς τὸ συσσίτιον οὐδὲν ἔλεγεν, ‘ὁ εἰδώς’, ἔφη, ‘λόγον καὶ καιρὸν οἶδεν’. Jacoby, FGrHist IIIa p. 33 identifies Archidamidas with Archidamus IV; on foreigners at syssitia, see Fisher (n. 4), 34.
32 E.g. Pratinas 709 PMG = fr. 4 TrGF = Ath. Deipn. 633a; Eur. Alc. 445–52; Hel. 1465–70; Ar. Lys. 1305–15.
33 Xenophon (Hell. 6.14.16) indicates that the Gymnopaedia lasted for more than one day in the fourth century. According to Polycrates (FGrHist 588 F 1), who was quoted by Didymus, the Hyacinthia lasted for three days and involved a period of ritual mourning for Hyacinthus, followed by celebrations on the second day that included musical performances, though a larger-scale event may have been held in the classical period: see Richer, N., ‘The Hyakinthia of Sparta’, in Figueira, T.J. (ed.), Spartan Society (Swansea, 2004), 77–102, at 80Google Scholar. According to the second-century b.c. scholar Demetrius of Scepsis (fr. 1 Guede = Ath. Deipn. 141e–f), the Carnea was nine days in length, though whether this was true in the classical period is uncertain.
34 τὸν μέντοι χορὸν οὐκ ἐξήγαγον, ἀλλὰ διαγωνίσασθαι εἴων, Hell. 6.14.16.
35 Bölte, F., ‘Zu lakonischen Festen’, RhM 78 (1929), 124–43, at 126Google Scholar.
36 Performances by at least two choruses of men and boys are suggested by the text of Sosibius, FGrHist 595 F 4 = Ath. Deipn. 678b–c (χοροὶ δ’ εἰσὶν τὸ μὲν † πρόσω παίδων, τὸ δ’ ἐξ ἀρίστου † ἀνδρῶν), though unfortunately the text is corrupt; for the various conjectures, see Jacoby's apparatus criticus and Bayliss's commentary at BNJ 595 F 5. Three choruses: Poll. Onom. 4.107 = Tyrtaios, BNJ 580 T 16, τριχορίαν δὲ Τυρταῖος ἔστησε, τρεῖς Λακώνων χορούς, καθ’ ἡλικίαν ἑκάστην, παῖδας ἄνδρας γέροντας. Cf. Pl. Leg. 664b; Plut. Lyc. 21.3 = PMG 870; see Robertson, N., Festivals and Legends: The Formation of Greek Cities in the Light of Public Ritual (Toronto, 1992), 159–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nobili (n. 6 [2016]), 46–7.
37 1.60–3 PMGF may refer to a rival chorus; see Campbell, D.A., Greek Lyric Poetry: A Selection (London, 1982), 205Google Scholar; for alternative interpretations, see Calame, C., Alcman (Rome, 1983), 331–2Google Scholar and Hutchinson, G.O., Greek Lyric Poetry (Oxford, 2001), 90–3Google Scholar.
38 Fr. 10b.8–9, fr. 11 PMGF; see Calame, C., Choruses of Young Women in Ancient Greece. Translated by D. Collins and J. Orion (Lanham, MD, 1997), 155–6, 219–21Google Scholar and Calame (n. 37), 388–9.
39 IG V.213.44–9, 62–4; Hesych. π 1003 Hansen ἐν ᾧ ἀγῶν ἤγετο καὶ χοροὶ ἵσταντο; on the Thyreatis, see Paus. 2.38.2–7. For the suggestion that the Thyreatic crown, worn by chorus leaders at the Gymnopaedia (Sosibius, FGrHist 595 F 4 = Ath. Deipn. 678b–c), was originally a feature of this festival before the loss of Thyrea in 371, see Bölte (n. 35), 130–2; Wade-Gery, H.T., ‘A note on the origin of the Spartan Gymnopaidiai’, CQ 43 (1949), 79–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jacoby IIb pp. 646–7 on FGrHist 595 F 5; contra, Robertson (n. 36), 179–80.
40 IG V.213.10.
41 See D'Alessio (n. 6), 129–30; cf. Paus. 3.20.5 on the sanctuary.
42 Alcman, fr. 10b.8–9 PMGF; αἱ ἐν Σπάρτῃ χορίτιδες Βάκχαι, Hesych. δ 2600 Latte. On Bacchic dances in Sparta, see Constantinidou, S., ‘Dionysiac elements in Spartan cult dances’, Phoenix 52 (1998), 13–30, at 22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Battezzato, L., ‘Dithyramb and Greek tragedy’, in Wilson, P. and Kowalzig, B. (edd.), Dithyramb in Context (Oxford, 2013), 93–110, at 102–9Google Scholar; D'Alessio (n. 6), 127; and Nobili (n. 6 [2014]), 140–2; cf. Calame (n. 37), 155 who stresses differences between the cults of Artemis and Dionysus.
43 For Artemis Orthia as the goddess invoked in Alcman S1 PMGF, see Davison, J. A., ‘Alcman's Partheneion’, Hermes 73 (1938), 440–58, at 446–8Google Scholar; Page, D.L., Alcman: The Partheneion (Oxford, 1951), 69–82Google Scholar; Campbell (n. 37) 196, 205–15; Luginbill, R.D., ‘The occasion and purpose of Alcman's Partheneion (1 PMGF)’, QUCC 92 (2009), 27–54Google Scholar; contra, Gentili, B., ‘Il Partenio di Alcmane e l'amore omoerotico femminile nei tiasi spartani’, QUCC 22 (1976), 59–67Google Scholar, who proposed Aphrodite, and Calame, C., Les choeurs de jeunes filles en Grèce archaïque II: Alcman (Rome, 1977), 121–8Google Scholar, who argues for the cult of Helen at the Platanistas. Artemis Limnatis: see Paus. 4.4.2, Strabo 8.4.9, Calame (n. 37), 142–9; dancers for Corythalia: see Hesych. κ 3689 Latte: κουθαλίστραι αἱ χορεύουσαι τῇ Κορυθαλίᾳ θεᾷ; for Artemis Corythalia: see Paus. 3.18.6; for the festival of Tithenidia at Artemis Corythalia: see Polemon, fr. 86 = Ath. Deipn. 139a, Calame (n. 37), 169–71; Therapnae: see Alcman, fr. 7 PMGF, Calame (n. 37), 193–201.
44 τηροῦσιν δὲ καὶ νῦν τὰς ἀρχαίας ᾠδὰς ἐπιμελῶς πολυμαθεῖς τε εἰς ταύτας εἰσὶ καὶ ἀκριβεῖς, Ath. Deipn. 632f.
45 τῶν ἐπιχωρίων τινὰ ποιημάτων ᾄδουσιν, Ath. Deipn. 139e = Polycrates, FGrHist 588 F 1. γυμνῶν ὀρχουμένων καὶ ᾀδόντων Θαλήτου καὶ Ἀλκμᾶνος ᾄσματα καὶ τοὺς Διονυσοδότου τοῦ Λάκωνος παιᾶνας, Ath. Deipn. 678b–c = Sosibius, FGrHist 595 F 5.
46 καὶ ἐπιχώριος αὐταῖς καθέστηκεν ὄρχησις, 3.10.7.
47 ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ ᾄσματα Δώρια ὁ Γιτιάδας ἄλλα τε καὶ ὕμνον ἐς τὴν θεόν, 3.17.2–3.
48 D.F. Sutton, Dithyrambographi Graeci (Hildesheim, 1989): Lamprocles (12), Cinesias (22), Telesias (35), Lysiades (51), Speusades (55) and Pamphilus (57).
49 See Stewart (n. 7), 82–7 for a full discussion.
50 On the claim of Spartan uniqueness: see Hodkinson, S., ‘Was Sparta an exceptional polis?’, in Hodkinson, S. (ed.), Sparta: Comparative Approaches (Swansea, 2009), 417–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ξενηλασία: Ar. Av. 1012–13, Thuc. 1.144.2, Xen. Lac. Pol. 14.4; for full references, see Figueira, T.J., ‘Xenelasia and social control in classical Sparta’, CQ 53 (2003), 44–74, 45 n. 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar; absence of foreigners owing to a lack of currency: Plut. Lyc. 9.3–4; cf. Arist. Pol. 1272b15–20. Figueira has argued that this did not amount to a sustained policy of xenophobia that could prevent foreigners from visiting Sparta; see also Chrimes, K.M.T., Ancient Sparta: A Re-Examination of the Evidence (Manchester, 1949), 310Google Scholar and Rebenich, S., ‘Fremdenfeindlichkeit in Sparta? Überlegungen zur Tradition der spartanischen Xenelasie’, Klio 80 (1998), 336–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
51 Mem. 1.2.61; cf. Plut. Cim. 10.5.
52 Note, for example, that the actor Aristodemus was sent as an Athenian ambassador to Philip in the fourth century because of his easy access to the king owing to his profession (διὰ τὴν γνῶσιν καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν τῆς τέχνης, Aeschin. 2.15.8–9).
53 Hellanicus, FGrHist 4 F 85a = Ath. Deipn. 635e–f; date: Sosibios, FGrHist 595 F 3= Ath. Deipn. 635e–f.
54 Σ Ar. Nub. 971a (Holwerda I 3.1 p. 187); Suda φ 761.
55 Agis 799F–800A; Apophth. Lac. 220C; De prof. virt. 84A.
56 Power, T., The Culture of Kitharôidia (Washington, DC, 2010), 320–3Google Scholar.
57 Pratinas, fr. 713iii PMG = Plut. [De mus.] 1146B.
58 See TrGF I 8.
59 See Plut. [De mus.] 1133E, 1134C, 1146B, where he is cited primarily as an authority on lyric poetry. His largest extant fragment is described by Athenaeus (Deipn. 617B) as a hyporchēma. R. Seaford, ‘The “hyporchema” of Pratinas’, Maia 29–30 (1977–8), 81–94, at 84–94 argued that it forms part of a chorus from a satyr play.
60 Λάκων ὁ τέττιξ εὔτυκος ἐς χορόν, fr. 4 TrGF = 709 PMG = Ath. Deipn. 633a.
61 Marpessa: Ἴδας ὁ Ἀφαρήϊος καὶ ἁρπάσας ἐκ χοροῦ ἔφυγεν, Plut. Parallel. Min. 315E; Helen: Plut. Thes. 31.1. The Helen episode was depicted on the throne at Amyclae (Paus. 3.18.15), while the cult of Helen was prominent at Sparta and may have been honoured with choruses; see Calame (n. 37), 197–201.
62 Maehler, H., Bacchylides: A Selection (Cambridge, 2004), 219Google Scholar; see also Fearn, D., Bacchylides: Politics, Performance, Poetic Tradition (Oxford, 2007), 226–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who prefers one of the Spartan festivals for Apollo.
63 καὶ νῦν ἔτι [ξε]νικῷ κέχρη[ν]ται διδασκάλῳ χο[ρῶν, P.Oxy. 2506 fr. 1 col. 3.37–8; for the text, see Bastianini, G., Alcman. Commentaria et Lexica Graeca in Papyris Reperta (Berlin, 2013), 143Google Scholar.
64 See Nobili (n. 6 [2011]), 26–7; Bowie (n. 6), 25–7.
65 Nobili (n. 6 [2011]), 41–2.
66 Plut. De prof. virt. 79E = FGrHist 392 F 22 = T3 and fr. 108 Leurini. See West (n. 11), 72.
67 Plut. Cim. 9.1–5 = FGrHist 392 F 13 = fr. 106 Leurini. Jacoby (n. 4), 1–2 dates this visit to the 460s in the period between the battle of the Eurymedon and Cimon's exile. He suggests 465 for the dinner at Laomedon's house; cf. Webster, T.B.L., ‘Sophocles and Ion of Chios’, Hermes 71 (1936), 263–74, at 264Google Scholar. Leurini (n. 12), 68 favours an earlier date around 477/6.
68 Isthmia: Thuc. 8.7–9; Hyacinthia and Isthmia: Xen. Hell. 4.5.11; see Richer (n. 33), 85.
69 139d–f = Polycrates, FGrHist 588 F 1.
70 ἐν Ἀμύκλαισιν παρ’ Ἀπέλλω, fr. 4 K.–A.; cf. Polemon, fr. 86 Preller = Ath. Deipn. 138f ἐπὴν δὲ κοπίζωσι, πρῶτον μὲν δὴ σκηνὰς ποιοῦνται παρὰ τὸν θεόν. Hyacinthia: Thuc. 5.23.5; Paus. 3.19.1–5; Pettersson, M., Cults of Apollo at Sparta. The Hyakinthia, the Gymnopaidiai and the Karneia (Stockholm, 1992), 9Google Scholar.
71 Trypho, Anth. Pal. 9.488 = FGE 380–3. σκιάδες: Ath. Deipn. 141e; Pettersson (n. 70), 57.
72 These include the prohibition of toasts (Critias, fr. B 6.1–4 DK) and the rule that Spartiates were not allowed to leave the syssition with a torch (Xen. Lac. 5.4–7; Plut. Lyc. 15.3). See Rabinowitz, A., ‘Drinking from the same cup. Sparta and late archaic commensality’, in Hodkinson, S. (ed.), Sparta. Comparative Approaches (Swansea, 2009), 113–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
73 For arguments against any rigid distinction between the ‘private’ symposium and the ‘public’ festival banquet, see Pantel, P. Schmitt, ‘Sacrificial meal and symposium: two models of civic institutions in the archaic city’, in Murray, O. (ed.), Sympotica: A Symposium on the Symposion (Oxford, 1990), 14–33Google Scholar; Vetta, M., ‘Convivialità pubblica e poesia per simposio in Grecia’, QUCC 54 (1996), 197–209, at 203–4Google Scholar.
74 IG VII 2712.64–7; see Pantel, P. Schmitt, La Cité au Banquet: Histoire des Repas Publics dans les Cités Grecques (Rome, 1992), 343Google Scholar.
75 Bowie (n. 6), 23–4.
76 On line 2, λογίων could conceivably be neuter plural meaning ‘learned speeches’. However, it more probably refers to poets / sages in the masculine. For such a use, see Pind. Pyth. 1.94, Nem. 6.45; Hdt. 1.1.1 and 2.3.1. This is the view taken by most editors: Leurini (n. 12), 50: ‘viri res gestas dicendi periti’; Valerio (n. 12), 69; cf. Wilamowitz (n. 4), 279–81; Katsaros (n. 4), 229–30. The meaning of line 3 is similarly uncertain. I follow Edmonds's conjecture, also printed by Campbell, of ᾗ. West (fr. 26), Leurini (fr. 89) and Valerio (fr. 1) preserve the original manuscript-reading αἵ. Leurini (n. 12), 98 translates this sentence as ‘e da allora vi sono riunioni panelleniche e feste di re’.
77 Budelmann and Power (n. 10), 4.