¹ cf. Schadewaldt, W., Legende von Homer dem fahrenden Sänger (Leipzig, 1942)Google Scholar.

² cf. Pfeiffer, R., History of Classical Scholarship i. 51 ff.Google Scholar, on Hippias and Critias, as parallels to Alcidamas in this respect. The works of Glaucos of Rhegium (περ⋯ τ⋯ν ⋯ρχα⋯ων ποιητ⋯ν κα⋯ μουσικ⋯ν and Damastes of Sigeum (περ⋯ ποιητ⋯ν κα⋯ σοɸιστ⋯ν), both of about this period, could also be mentioned in this context.

³ cf. Lefkowitz, M., ‘Fictions in Literary Biography: The New Poem and the Archilochus Legend’, Arethusa 9 (1976), 181 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁴ cf. Milne, M. J., ‘A Study in Alcidamas and his relation to contemporary Sophistic’ (Diss. Bryn Mawr, 1924), 57 f.Google Scholar, who suggests that this was the original version of the story. The reference to Lesches in Plutarch's version remains a puzzle. West's attempt to explain him away (438 ff.) seems an obvious subterfuge. Milne's suggestion is more attractive, that Lesches’ name was substituted for Homer's in the Hellenistic period or later, because of the chronological problem of making Homer and Hesiod contemporaries.

⁵ cf. Milne op. cit. 60, Dornseiff, F., Gnomon 20 (1944), 136 f.Google Scholar

⁶ Note that West is compelled to alter the anecdote about Cleomenes I of Sparta, who is said to have remarked that Homer was the poet of the Spartans and Hesiod of the helots, because Homer sang of war and Hesiod of farming (Plut. Mor. 223A, Aelian, VH 13. 19Google Scholar). West (443) arbitrarily assigns this to an anonymous opponent of Alcidamas. The distinction of course also underlies Ar. Ran. 1033–6, where Homer is a teacher of strategy, Hesiod of farming.

⁷ cf. Lefkowitz, M., CQ N.S. 28 (1978), 468CrossRefGoogle Scholar (although she there preferred a fourth-century date for the contest story).

⁸ cf. Schadewaldt, op. cit. 64 ff., Hess, K., ‘Der Agon zwischen Homer und Hesiod’ (Diss. Zürich, 1960), 7 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁹ Janko, R. suggests (in his unpublished dissertation, ‘Studies in the Langauge of the Homeric Hymns; the Dating of Early Greek Epic Poetry’, pp. 128 ff.)Google Scholar that it may be connected with the creation of a unified version of the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, the first part being ascribed to Homer and the second to Hesiod. This version may have been produced when Polycrates was organizing a festival of Apollo on Delos, and debating whether to call it ‘Pythian’ or ‘Delian'. Cf. on this tradition Parke, H. W., CQ 40 (1946), 105 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar. and Burkert, W., Arktouros (Hellenic Studies presented to B. M. W. Knox, Berlin 1979), 58 fGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ Besides the references in West op. cit. see also Renehan, R., HSCP 75 (1971), 85 ff.Google Scholar, Koniaris, G. L., HSCP 75 (1971), 107 ff.Google Scholar, and Renehan, , Studies in Greek Texts (Hypomnemata 43, 1976), 144 ffGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ Alcidamas was fond of epic language (Arist. Rhet. 1406a 6ff.).

¹² Die Attische Beredsamkeit ii. 2. 356 f. For ποιεῖσθαι cf. Soph. 17, 20. Blass noted also his fondness for the periphrastic use of παραδ⋯δωσιν at the end of a clause (Soph. 15, 26, 27–8 twice). Cf. Mich. pap. 2754. 23 παραδώ[σω (West), as a final clausula.

¹³ Bethe, E., Der hom. Apollonhymnos und das Prooimion 3 ff.Google Scholar, argued that the character of much of these sections was Hellenistic. West allowed Alcidamas 260–74, but not 275–321 (op. cit. 446 ff.).

¹⁴ Despite West's assertion (448), this need not contradict Cert. 305 ff. Alcidamas could well have made Homer a resident of Chios, but not a citizen by birth, as in some of the Lives.

This quotation from Alcidamas goes on to refer to honours to Sappho, to Chilon, Pythagoras and Anaxagoras, and then to the benefits resulting from the laws of Solon and Lycurgus, and those of good leadership at Thebes. It is carefully constructed, with three triads of examples. It also has twelve instances of hiatus. As has been noticed, the final reference to Theban leaders who were philosophers, and consequent Theban prosperity (in the past tense), should date it after the deaths of Pelopidas and Epaminondas in 364 and 362 b.c. (cf. Vahlen, J., Gesammelte Philologische Schriften i. 128 ff.Google Scholar). It could come from Alcidamas’ Messenian Speech, which also contained hiatus (cf. Arist. Rhet. 1397 a 11 f. εỉ γ⋯ρ ⋯ π⋯λεμος αἴτιος τ⋯ν παρ⋯ντων κακ⋯ν, μετ⋯ τ⋯ς εỉρήνης δεῖ ⋯πανορθώσασθαι). Renehan has suggested that it is from the Mouseion, and therefore that this was written after 362 b.c. (Studies in Greek Texts 154). For reasons which will appear below I should not want to date the Mouseion as late as this.

¹⁵ Paneg. 1 (and 45).

¹⁶ cf. Vahlen, op. cit. 140 ff., Blass op. cit. 353 ff., Steidle, W., Hermes 80 (1952), 285 ffGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷ Blass op. cit. 353.

¹⁸ Cert. 64 ff. πάντας τοὺς ⋯πισήμους ἄνδρας οὐ μ⋯νον ῥώμῃ κα⋯ σοɸ⋯ᾳ ⋯π⋯ τ⋯ν ⋯γ⋯να μεγ⋯λαις δωρεαῖς τιμ⋯ν συνεκ⋯λεσεν ~ Paneg. 1 τ⋯ς μ⋯ν τ⋯ν σωμ⋯των εὺτυχ⋯ας οὕτω μεγ⋯λων δωρε⋯ν ἠξ⋯ωσαν (etc.), Paneg. 45 ⋯γ⋯νας μ⋯ μόνον τ⋯χους κα⋯ ῥώμης, ⋯λλ⋯ κα⋯ λόλων κα⋯ λ⋯γων κα⋯ γνώμης…κα⋯ το⋯των ἆθλα μ⋯γιστα. Cf. however already perhaps Gorgias 82 B 6, p. 286. 2, 6 D–K.

¹⁹ cf. Solmsen, F., Hermes 67 (1932), 138 fGoogle Scholar. (= Kl. Schr. ii. 134 f.), who compares also Alcidamas' phrase δρομα⋯ᾳ τῇ τ⋯ς ψυχ⋯ς ⋯ρμῇ (Arist. Rhet. 1406a 23 f.).

²⁰ cf. Greene, W. C., HSCP 60 (1951), 23 ff.Google Scholar, Friedländer, P., Plato (English version) i. 110 ff.Google Scholar, Pfeiffer op. cit. 25 ff.

²¹ Cf. also Gorgias, , Vors. 82 B 8Google Scholar, where contests in τ⋯λμα and σοɸ⋯α are contrasted. If one accepts the manuscript reading σοɸ⋯ας δ⋯ τ⋯ αἴνιγμα γν⋯ναι here, the Certamen is a good example of Gorgiastic σοɸ⋯α! Gorgias was the master of improvised answers, short or long (82A1, la, Pl. Gorg. 447C, 449 BC, Phdr. 267 A, Arist. Rhet. 1418a 34). In general see also Guthrie, W. K. C., History of Greek Philosophy iii. 42 ffGoogle Scholar.

²² HSCP 75 (1971), 124Google Scholar. Could one read ⋯ρξάμενος αὐτο⋯, if the space permits? Cf. (e.g.) Pl. Rep. 600 E, in a context where Plato may have Alcidamas Περ⋯ ‘ Oμήρον in mind (see IV below).

²³ cf. also for example Isocr. Paneg. 1 τοῖς ὑπ⋯ρ τ⋯ν κοιν⋯ν ỉδ⋯ᾳ πονήσασι, referring to intellectual service.

²⁴ cf. Vahlen, op. cit. 128.

²⁵ For ἱστορ⋯α and παιδε⋯α together cf. the opening of Alcidamas On Sophists, where ‘some of the so-called sophists’ are accused of neglecting both. Cf. also 3–4, 13, 15.

²⁶ Foss, H. E., De Gorgia (Halle, 1828), 83Google Scholar, Vahlen op. cit. 126.

²⁷ Hermes 67 (1932), 133 ffGoogle Scholar. (= Kl. Schr. ii. 129 ff.).

²⁸ For Alcidamas' interest in μ⋯μησις cf. the phrase ⋯ντ⋯μιμον τ⋯ν τ⋯ς ψυχ⋯ς ⋯πιθυμ⋯αν (Rhet. 1406a 29 f.), and especially Soph. 27 f., where written λ⋯γοι are described as εἴδωλα κα⋯ σχήματα κα⋯ μιμήματα λογων, like statues and pictures which are μιμ⋯ματα of real bodies, whereas impromptu speech is alive and τοῖς ⋯ληθ⋯σιν ⋯ɸωμο⋯ωται σώμασιν; and 32, where (in spite of these criticisms) written works are of some use as memorials, because it is possible εỉς τ⋯ γεγραμμ⋯να κατιδ⋯ντας ὥσπερ ⋯ν κατ⋯πτρῳ θεωρ⋯σαι τ⋯ς τ⋯ς ψυχ⋯ς ⋯πιδ⋯σεις. Plato's description of written works as being like silent, motionless pictures in the Phaedrus (276 D) may be influenced by Alcidamas. There is, however, something vaguely similar in Isocr. Soph. 12, which may be earlier than Alcidamas On Sophists (cf. Steidle op. cit. 290 f.). It is notable that in the Phaedrus Plato twice uses the word μονσεῖον (at 267 B, with reference to Polus, who was like Alcidamas a follower of Gorgias, and 278 B, of the nymphs). See also Milne op. cit. for a rather unsatisfactory attempt to deal with the relationship of Isocrates Soph., Alcidamas and the Phaedrus.

²⁹ The parallel was noted also by Vahlen (op. cit. 125 f.). Cf. Isocrates' reference to the Panathenaic rule in Paneg. 159, where this is also cited as evidence of honour accorded to Homer's poetry ‘in musical contests and the education of our youth’, and of his value as an ethical model.

³⁰ On these passages see Fraenkel, Eduard, Aeschylus Agamemnon ii. 386Google Scholar.

³¹ It had already been used in poetry, however: cf. Pindar, N. 7. 14Google Scholar, where song itself is ἔργοις καλοῖς ἔσοπτρον. Here, as so often, Pindar anticipates the language of later literary criticism.

³² Cf. οỉκον⋯μος used metaphorically in a rhetorical context by Alcidamas (Rhet. 1406a 26 f.), probably of style. Blass, however, read οỉκοδομ⋯αν at Soph. 25, which would go well with the verbs διαλύειν κα⋯ συνερε⋯πειν, and this metaphor is certainly used in later literary criticism (e.g. Dion. Hal. CV 6, p. 28 U–R).

³³ For this term in literary criticism cf. Ar. Ran. 962, Pl. Ion 535 B, Arist. Poet, 1454a4, 55a 17, etc.

³⁴ cf. Isocr. Soph. 16, and also (probably later) Pl. Phaedrus 234E, 236A.

³⁵ op. cit. 359.

³⁶ cf. Solmsen op. cit. 143.

³⁷ cf. also Pl. Phdr. 276 B ff., Gorgias 82B11. 21, Isocr. Hel. 11, and generally Friedländer, loc. cit.

³⁸ cf. Solmsen op. cit., esp. 136 f. (comparing also Gorgias 82B11. 8).

³⁹ cf. also 32: ἔτι δ⋯ κα⋯ μνημεῖα καταλιπεῖν ⋯μ⋯ν αὐτ⋯ν σπουδ⋯ζοντες κα⋯ τῇ ɸιλοτιμ⋯ᾳ χαριζ⋯μενοι λ⋯γους γρ⋯ɸειν ⋯πιχειρο⋯μεν.

⁴⁰ Milne, op. cit. 61 f. (working from a different viewpoint) has also suggested that On Sophists was the introduction to the Mouseion. She noted too a further possible point of contact between Alcidamas and Plato: the Midas epigram, ascribed to Homer at Certamen 260 ff., is quoted in the Phaedrus (264 D).

⁴¹ It is theoretically possible, of course, that the parallels which I have discussed between Alcidamas and Plato are due to influence the other way. This could be the case if one accepts Renehan's dating of the Mouseion after 362 b.c. (loc. cit. above, n. 14). But (i) in that case it is odd that no better attempt seems to have been made by Alcidamas to answer Plato's charges in the Republic, about the failure of Homer and Hesiod to leave behind any followers or to produce genuine καλ⋯ ἔργα rather than μιμήματα, and about the bad emotional effects of artistic imitation; (ii) if On Sophists was composed before Isocrates Panegyricus (380 b.c.), and if it is the introduction to the Mouseion, this possibility would in any case be ruled out.