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The Wilderness and Paradise in the History of the Church*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

George Huntston Williams
Affiliation:
Harvard Divinity School

Extract

In his now classic “The Significance of the Frontier in American History” read before the American Historical Association in 1893 Frederick Jackson Turner quoted from A New Guide for Emigrants to the West (second edition; Boston, 1837), written by the pioneer Baptist missionary and founder of seminaries, John Mason Peck, who died just a century ago. Peck had distinguished three types of Westerners: the pioneers, the settlers, and “the men of capital and enterprise.” Turner found this typology useful and adapted it in his succession of studies that have helped to shape our understanding of American history.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1959

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References

1. Most accessible in the collection of earlier essays under the title, The Frontier in American History (New York, 1920).Google Scholar

2. Op. cit., pp. 1921.Google Scholar

3. On his life we have the account in Dictionary of American Biography; Coe Hayne, Vanguard of the Caravans (Philadelphia, 1931);Google ScholarLawrence, Matthew, John Mason Peck: The Pioneer Missionary: A Biographical Sketch (New York, 1940)Google Scholar, and the earlier and theologically fuller Memoir of John Mason Peck, edited from his journals and correspondence by Rufus Babcock (Philadelphia, 1864).

4. “The Churches as Moral Courts of the Frontier,” Church History II (1933), pp. 3 ff.Google Scholar

5. Peck''s role as educator is taken up by DeBlois, Austin K., in The Pioneer School: A History of Shurtleff College, the Oldest Educational Institution in the West (Chicago, 1900).Google Scholar

6. The episode was recounted by the Rev. John M. Ellis, a graduate of the Andover Theological Seminary and preserved by Baker, Samuel in his “Historical Address” in Jubilee Memorial of Shurtleff College, Upper Alton, Ill. (Alton, Mo., 1877), p. 85.Google Scholar

119. Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, translated and edited by Major, R. H., (2nd ed., London, 1870), pp. 140143.Google Scholar George Boas has edited the paradisic material in his anthology with interpretation, Essays on Primitivism and Related Ideas in the Middle Ages (Baltimore, 1948).Google Scholar See also Anastos, Milton, “Pletho, Strabo, and Columbus,” Mélanges Henri Grégoire, IV (Brussels, 1952), pp. 118.Google Scholar

120. Though often noticed, the first systematic study of it is that of Alan Heimert, “Puritanism, the Wilderness, and the Frontier,” New England Quarterly, XXVI (1953), 361.Google Scholar He points out that at first the Pilgrims and Puritans thought of America as a promised land, then as a wilderness through whieh to pass into Zion. Heimert was not in a position to sort out the diverse scriptural meanings of the wilderness and the solid tapestry woven of them on the ancient loom of mystical and sectarian piety. Perry Miller has recognized the importance of the theme by using it poetically in his collection of essays, Errand into the Wilderness (Cambridge, 1956)Google Scholar and Kenneth Murdock likewise recognized its prominence in entitling his article “Clio in the Wilderness: History and Biography in Puritan New England,” Church History, XXIV (1955).Google Scholar

121. Eliot, John, “The Learned Conjectures touching the Americas,” in Thorowgood, Thomas, lews in America, or, Probabilities That the Americans are pf that Race (London, 1650), Part II, p. 23.Google Scholar

122. In Edmund Calamy's editorial letter to the reader.

123. Perry Miller calls him “Prophet in the Wilderness” and remarks concerning him: “No other New England writer makes quite so much of an incantation out of the very word ‘wilderness’ … “ Roger Willia'ms: His Contribution to the American Tradition (Indianapolis/New York, 1953), p. 52.Google Scholar

124. From the edition in Publications of the Narragansett Club, 1st ser., I (Providence, 1866), p. 167. The same theme appears on p. 146: “The best clad English-man, Not cloth'd with Christ, more naked is: Than naked Indian.” The quotations which follow from A Key are from pp. 126, 103, 118, and 130.

125. The Hireling Ministry (London, 1652), p. 2.Google Scholar

126. George Fox Digg'd Out of His Burrowes (1676), edited by Lewis Diman (Providence, Rhode Island, 1872) pp. 103 f.Google Scholar

127. The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution … (London, 1644)Google Scholar; section headed “A Reply to the aforesaid Answer of Mr. Cotton,” ch. lxiv, p. 95.

128. From An Epistle to the Mystical Body of Christ on Earth: The Church Uni versal in Babylon (London, 1662).Google Scholar

129. The Pwring Out of the Seven Vials or an Exposition of the 16. Chapter of the Revelation, with an Application of it to our Times (London, 1642)Google Scholar, Fourth volume, p. 11. On the garden-wilderness theme see further, Hirsch, Elizabeth, “John Cotton and Roger Williams”, C.H. X (1941), p. 382.Google Scholar

130. Op. cit., London edition of 1642, p. 130.

131. Foreword to Norton's, JohnThe Answer to … Apollonius (Latin: London, 1648)Google Scholar, translated and edited by Douglas Horton (Cambridge, 1958), p. 14.

132. We have met this argument already (though actually for a later day) in the irenic Baptist John Bunyan. See above at n. 89., Horton, loc. cit., p. 49, n. 3Google Scholar, traces this argument in Norton back to Perkins, William, Cases of Conscience (London, 1606)Google Scholar, Bk. 2, cli. 9, qu. 1, sec. 1.

133. Op. cit., p. 6.

134. A History of New England: From the English Planting in the Yeare 1618 untill the Yeare 1651… (London, 1653)Google Scholar; reprinted and ed. by Jameson, J. F.as The Wonder-Working Providence (New York, 1910), p. 52.Google Scholar

135. New England's True interest, Not to Lie (Boston, 1668/1669), p. 19.Google Scholar

136. Ernst Benz of Marburg is editing the correspondence of Cotton and Increase Mather with Europeans in which the wilderness theme and the promise of the New World as the New Jerusalem is said to be fascinatingly prominent.

137. Op. cit., folio 5b.

138. Ibid., pp. 16 f.

139. Edition of Hartford, 1855, in two volumes, II, p. 426.

140. Ibid., I, p. 44.

141. Ibid., p. 46.

142. Loc. cit., I, pp. 13 and 16. Higginson had also written his History, own, The Cause of God and the People in New- England (1663).Google Scholar

143. Sermon XXXVI, Works, IV, see esp. pp. 515, 582.

144. The Puritan's Mistake (1844). Sherwood, Junkins, and many other eschatologically sustained nationalistic divines, on the eve of the Revolution and in the early national period are admirab1y treated by Froom, op. cit., III, IV.

145. The only study of our particular theme that I have located is the Harvard Honors Thesis by Richard L. Bushman, “New Jerusalem, U.S.A.: The Early Development of the Latter-day saint Zion Concept on the American Frontier,” Cambridge, 1955.

145a. Roberts, B. H., A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, I (Salt Lake City, 1930), pp. 177198Google Scholar; Giles, John D., “Restoration of the Melchizedek Priesthood,” Era, XLVIII (1945), pp. 338 ff.Google Scholar

145b. Loc. cit., Section 128:20.

146. Commandment, Sec. 109: 73 and 74.

147. Inserted from the fuller phrasing in Sec. 5:4.

148. See above, at n. 93.

149. II Nephi 5:72 f.

150. Smith's Commandment Sec. 1:30, on “the Church brought forth out of obscurity and out of darkness” and the establishment of the Church of Latter Day Saints has been regarded by some Mormons as the fulfillment of Revelation 12:6. See Edwards, F. H., A Commentary on the Doctrine and Covenants (Independence, Mo., 1946), p. 30.Google Scholar

150a. Smith, Hyrum H. and Sjodahl, Janne M., Commentary (Salt Lake City, 1954), p. 614.Google Scholar

151. The only systematic treatment is that of Fisher, Miles, Negro Slave Songs in the United States (Ithaca, N. Y., 1953).Google Scholar He summarizes his idea about the wilderness motif on p. 186. Paul F. Laubenstein, unaware of the millennial history we have traced, connected the phrase solely with the Exodus in his “An Apocalyptic Reincarnation,” Journal of Biblical Literature, LI (1932), p. 238.Google Scholar

152. Johnson, James Weldon et al. , The Book of Negro Spirituals (New York 1925).Google Scholar

153. Armstrong, M. F. et al. , Hamptpn and its Students (New York 1874) pp. 184 f.Google Scholar

154. Allen, William Francis et al. , Slave Songs of the United States (New York, 1867), p. 14.Google Scholar See emendation by Fisher, op cit., p. 69.

155. Allen, op. cit., p. 84; Fisher, op. cit., p. 74.

156. Fisher, op. cit., pp. 63, 136, 178.

157. Gallanta, Nicholas (Taylor), Saint Helena Island Spirituals (New York, 1925), p. 5.Google Scholar

158. Armstrong, op. cit., p. 188; Johnson, op. cit., p. 170. For a literary impulse from the negro wilderness, see Faulkner's The Bear, and O'Connor, W. V., “The Wilderness Theme in Faulkner's The Bear,” Accent, XIII (1953), p. 12.Google Scholar

159. I have dealt elsewhere with this theme in my forthcoming “The Seminary in the Wilderness,” Harvard College Librar'y Bulletin and in “The Christian College: Situation, Dilemma, , and Call, ,” The Christian Scholar, XLI (1958), pp. 193290.Google Scholar See also above at n. 46.

160. M'Clure, David and Parish, Elijah, Memoirs of the Rev. Elearar Wheelock, Founder and President of Dartmouth College and Moor's Charity School: with a Summary History of the College and School (Newburyport, Mass., 1811), pp. 17 and 57.Google Scholar

161. Other instances of the wilderness motif in connection with education are found Ibid., pp. 94, 99.

162. Ibid., pp. 122 and 126.

163. An example of the dual meaning of the wilderness appears in a passage where Wheelock's role is characterized in the aftermath of the Great Awakening. The winds of Revivalism did good in ruthlessly uprooting barren trees, but they also strewed the seeds of sectarianism in the garden of the Lord: At the close of this glorious day, when spiritual slumbers began to steal upon the church, the enemy sowed tares. A race of Separatists, of Ann- baptists, and other sectaries, darkened the heavens with the smoke of their unhallowed fires. The foundations of religious society were shaken. A spirit. ual tornado tore up the barren trees in the garden of the Lord; the most precious fruit was bruised, and the entlosures in many places were thrown down; the laborers trembled for their own safety. They were called “hirelings, wolves in sheep's clothing, formal legalists, destitute of the power of godliness, dumb dogs that could not bark.” In this dismal tempest Dr. Wheelock stood secure, like Moses on Sinai's fiery summit. Ibid. pp. 127–128.

164. Froom, op. cit., IV, p. 106.

165. Sermons (New Haven, 1828), II, pp. 433–52.Google Scholar

166. One might add also the Christian poet. Among contemporary writers who have most clearly discerned the ambiguous character of the wilderness motif are T. S. Eliot, The Wasteland, directly influenced by Jessie Weston, From Ritual to Romance (1920); W. H. Auden, The Enchafèd Flood (the desert and the sea as literary syin. bols); and Nathan Scott, The Tragic Vision and the Christian Faith.