¹ Freston, Paul, Evangelicals and Politics in Asia, Africa, and Latin America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cox's comment is on the back cover of the book. Other works that address global evangelicalism include Lewis, Donald M., The Global Expansion of Evangelicalism in the Twentieth Century (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2004)Google Scholar; McGrath, Alister, Evangelicalism and the Future of Christianity (Downers Grove, Ill.: Intervarsity, 1995)Google Scholar; Noll, Mark, Bebbington, David, and Rawlyk, George A., Evangelicalism: Comparative Studies of Popular Protestantism in North America, the British Isles, and Beyond, 1700–1990 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994)Google Scholar; and Jenkins, Philip, The Next Christendom: The Coming of Global Christianity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² Freston, Evangelicals and Politics in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, 61, 64. The National Statistics Office of the Republic of Korea (South Korea) finds that, as of November 2005, the country had a population of 47 million. Of this population, 53.1% (24.97 million) identified themselves as religious. This religious population is divided into Buddhists (22.8%; 10.73 million), Christians (29.2%; 13.77 million), and new religionists such as believers of Wŏn Buddhism (0.3%: 0.13 million) and (institutionalized) Confucianism (0.2%; 0.11 million). The Christian population breaks down into Catholics (10.9%; 5.15 million) and Protestants (18.3%; 8.62 million). The study did not register the few thousand Eastern/Russian Orthodox members, nor did it register participants of amorphous religious traditions related to shamanism. See the statistics on the website of the Korean Ministry of Culture and Tourism (2007). The study also does not reflect that upward of 95 percent of the Protestants are evangelicals. On this point, see Lee, Timothy S., “Beleaguered Success: Korean Evangelicalism in the Last Decade of the Twentieth Century,” in Christianity in Korea, ed. Buswell, Robert E. and Lee, Timothy S. (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2006), 330–350Google Scholar. As to the religious population in North Korea, a 2004 study published in Japan finds that there are about 40,000 adherents of recognized churches. These are Protestants (13,000), adherents of the indigenous Tonghak Church (13,000), Buddhists (1,000), and Roman Catholics (3,000). The North Korean study was published in the August 2004 issue of Choguk [Fatherland], a monthly run by Chaeilbon Chosŏnin Ch'ongryŏnhaphoe/Zainihon Chōsenjin Sōrengōkai (General Association of Korean Residents in Japan), cited in the Yonhap news outlet (2006). With the construction of a Russian Orthodox Church in P'yŏngyang in 2006, there is now also a handful of Orthodox Christians in North Korea.

³ See Paik, L. George, The History of Protestant Missions in Korea, 1832–1910 ([1929] Seoul: Yonsei University Press, 1970)Google Scholar; Hunt, Everett N., Protestant Pioneers in Korea (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 1980)Google Scholar; Huntley, Martha, Caring, Growing, Changing: A History of the Protestant Mission in Korea (New York: Friendship, 1984)Google Scholar; Underwood, Elizabeth, Challenged Identities: North American Missionaries in Korea, 1884–1934 (Seoul: Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, 2003)Google Scholar.

⁴ The standard periodization of premodern Korean history based on the kingdoms is as follows: Old Chosŏn (fifth century b.c.e.? [2333 b.c.e. according the Tan'gun myth])–180 b.c.e. (Wiman Chosŏn); 180 b.c.e.–109 b.c.e. (Han Chinese commanderies established in northern Korea and the beginning of the Three Kingdoms Period, in which Koguryŏ, Silla, and Paekje contested for hegemony over the region); 109 b.c.e.–313 c.e. (the last Chinese commandery conquered by Koguryŏ); 313–668 (Three Kingdoms Period: till the fall of Paekje [660] and Koguryŏ [668] to the combined forces of Silla and Tang China, the Chinese expelled in 676); 668–936 (Unified Silla; the kingdom of Parhae in the northern part, former Koguryŏ, from 698 to 926); 936–1392 (Silla succeeded by Koryŏ); 1392–1910 (Chosŏn, until annexed by Japan in 1910). See Eckert, Carter J. et al. , Korea Old and New: A History (Seoul: Ilchogak, 1990)Google Scholar; Key-hiuk, Kim, The Last Phase of the East Asian World Order (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980)Google Scholar; Cumings, Bruce, Korea's Place in the Sun: A Modern History, updated ed. (New York: Norton, 2005)Google Scholar.

⁵ Chai-sik, Chung, A Korean Confucian Encounter with the Modern World: Yi Hang-no and the West (Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1995)Google Scholar; Chandra, Vipan, Imperialism, Resistance, and Reform in Late Nineteenth-Century Korea: Enlightenment and the Independence Club (Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1988)Google Scholar; Lew, Young Ick, “The Conservative Character of the 1894 Tonghak Peasant Uprising: A Reappraisal with Emphasis on Chŏn Pong-jun's Background and Motivation,” Journal of Korean Studies 7 (1990): 149–177CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Scalapino, Robert A. and Lee, Chong-Sik, Communism in Korea: The Movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972)Google Scholar.

⁶ Wells, Kenneth M., New God, New Nation: Protestants and Self-Reconstruction Nationalism in Korea (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

⁷ Soo, Kim In, Protestants and the Formation of Modern Korean Nationalism, 1885–1920: A Study of the Contributions of Horace G. Underwood and Sun Chul Kil (New York: Peter Lang, 1996Google Scholar); Mahn-yol, Yi, “Hanmal kidokkyoin ŭi minjok ŭisik hyŏngsŏng kwajŏng” [The Formation of National Consciousness among Korean Protestants Near the End of the Han Empire], in Han'guk kidokkyo wa minjok undong [Korean Protestantism and the Nationalist Movement], ed. Mahn-yol, Yi (Seoul: Han'guk kidokkyo yŏksa Yŏnguso, 2001)Google Scholar; Choi, Hyaeweol, “Christian Modernity in the Missionary Discourse of Korea, 1905–1910,” East Asian History 29 (June 2005): 39–68Google Scholar.

⁸ Lee, Timothy S., “A Political Factor in the Rise of Protestantism in Korea: Protestantism and the 1919 March First Movement,” Church History: Studies in Christianity and Culture 69:1 (March 2000): 116–142CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sŭngtae, Kim, ed., Han'guk kidokkyo wa sinsa ch'ambae munje [Korean Christianity and the Shinto Worship Problem] (Seoul: Han'guk kidokkyo yŏksa yŏn'guso, 1991)Google Scholar; Pyŏngwuk, Chang, 6.25 Kongsan namch'im kwa kyohoe [The (Protestant) Church and the June 25th Communist Invasion of the South] (Seoul: han'guk Kyoyuk kongsa, 1982)Google Scholar; Kang, Wi Jo, Christ and Caesar in Modern Korea: A History of Christianity and Politics (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997)Google Scholar; Inch'ŏl, Kang, Han'guk ŭi kaesin'gyo wa pan'gongsan'juŭi [Korean Protestantism and Anti-communism] (Seoul: Chungsim, 2006)Google Scholar.

⁹ I am aware that some scholars dispute the usefulness of the concept “evangelicalism,” contending that it has become amorphous. D. G. Hart makes this case in Deconstructing Evangelicalism: Conservative Protestantism in the Age of Billy Graham (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2004). But on this issue, I am inclined to side with the mainstream scholarship, exemplified by Noll, Mark A., Bebbington, David W., and Rawlyk, George A. in their edited volume Evangelicalism: Comparative Studies of Popular Protestantism in North America, the British Isles, and Beyond, 1700–1990 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994)Google Scholar, and Balmer, Randall, Encyclopedia of Evangelicalism (Waco, Texas: Baylor University Press, 2004)Google Scholar. On evangelicalism in Korea, see the following works by Lee, Timothy S.: “Born-Again in Korea: The Rise and Character of Revivalism in (South) Korea, 1885–1988” (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1996)Google Scholar; “Beleaguered Success”; and the following two chapters in Religions of Korea in Practice, ed. Robert E. Buswell (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2007): “Conversion Narratives in Korean Evangelicalism,” 393–408, and “Indigenized Devotional Practices in Korean Evangelicalism,” 421–433.

¹⁰ Grayson, James Huntley, Korea: A Religious History, rev. ed. (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002)Google Scholar.

¹¹ Knitter, Paul F., Introducing Theologies of Religion (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 2002): 44Google Scholar. The others Knitter discusses are the fulfillment model (“The One Fulfills the Many”), the mutuality model (“Many True Religions Called to Dialogue”), and the acceptance model (“Many True Religions: So Be It”).

¹² Ibid., 23.

¹³ Ibid., 41.

¹⁴ Moore, John Z., “The Great Revival Year,” The Korea Mission Field 3 (August 1907): 113–120Google Scholar. The Korea Mission Field (hereafter KMF) was the most influential journal for the Protestant community during the colonial period.

¹⁵ Korean Repository (November 1895): 400–404.

¹⁶ Church at Home and Abroad 3 (August 1899): 117, cited in Sources of Korean Christianity, 1832–1945, ed. Sung Deuk Oak (Seoul: Han'guk kidokkyo yŏksa, 2000), 229.

¹⁷ Clark, Charles A., Religions of Old Korea ([1932] Seoul: Christian Literature Society, 1961): 5Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Clark, Religions of Old Korea, 257.

¹⁹ Pak Hyŏngyong, “Igyo e taehan t'ahyŏp munje” [The Problem of Compromising with Other Religions] in Sinhak chinam [Theological Guide], vol. 33:3, quoted in Han'guk chonggyo sasang [A History of Korean Religious Thought], ed. Kim Ch'ang-tae and Ryu Tong-shik (Yu Tongsik) (Seoul: Yonsei University Press, 1986).

²⁰ Lee, “Born-Again in Korea: The Rise and Character of Revivalism in (South) Korea, 1885–1988,” 243–244. The survey was titled Han'guk kyohoe 100-yŏn chonghap chosa yŏn'gu (Centennial Comprehensive Study of the Korean [Protestant] Church) and was conducted by the Christian Institute for the Study of Justice and Development; it was published by Hyŏndae sahoe yŏnguso.

²¹ Grayson, James Huntley, Myths and Legends from Korea: An Annotated Compilation of Ancient and Modern Materials (Surrey, U.K.: Curzon, 2001)Google Scholar; Pratt, Keith and Rutt, Richard, Korea: A Historical and Cultural Dictionary (Surrey, United Kingdom: Curzon, 1999Google Scholar), s.v. “Samguk yusa” Mintz, Tae-hung Ha and Grafton K., trans., Samguk Yusa [Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea] (Seoul: Yonsei University Press, 1972)Google Scholar.

²² The translation is from Lee, Peter, ed., Sourcebook of Korean Civilization I (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 6–7Google Scholar.

²³ Ihŭm, Yun, “Tan'gun sinhwa wa hanminjok ŭi yŏksa” [The Tan'gun Myth and the History of the Korean Nation], in Tan'gun: Kŭ ihae wa charyo, chŭngbo p'an [Tan'gun: How to Understand Him and Sources, enlarged edition], ed. Ihŭm, Yun (Seoul: Seoul University Press, 2001): 3–30Google Scholar; Il Pai, Hyung, Constructing Korean Origins: A Critical Review of Archaeology, Historiography, and Racial Myth in Korean State-Formation Theories (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²⁵ Shin, Gi-Wook, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea: Genealogy, Politics, and Legacy (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2006)Google Scholar.

²⁶ Ibid., 7.

²⁷ Civic nationalism “equates nationalism with citizenship; is defined primarily in political or legal terms; implies a commitment (embraced voluntarily) to certain duties and rights; and can therefore be acquired and lost”: Marshall, Gordon, Oxford Dictionary of Sociology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998)Google Scholar, s.v. “nationalism.”

²⁸ Shin, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea, 3; Eckert, Carter J., Offspring of Empire: The Koch'ang Kims and the Colonial Origins of Korean Capitalism, 1876–1945 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1991), 226Google Scholar. Eckert's—or the modernist's—is a minority view among Koreans; see Shin, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea, 5.

²⁹ Duncan, John, “Proto-nationalism in Premodern Korea,” in Perspectives on Korea, ed. Lee, Sang-Oak and Park, Duk-Soo (Sydney: Wild Peony, 1998), 198–221Google Scholar. Duncan's notion of proto-modernism was adapted from Hobsbawm, E. J., Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990)Google Scholar. On the role of intellectuals in constructing nationalism, see Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, rev. ed. (London: Verso, 1991)Google Scholar. Also useful are two works by Smith, Anthony D.: The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986)Google Scholar and Nationalism and Modernism (London: Routledge, 1998).

³⁰ Greenfeld, Liah, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992)Google Scholar.

³¹ Schmid, Korea between Empires, 172–175.

³² Schmid, Andre, “Rediscovering Manchuria: Sin Chae'ho and the Politics of Territorial History in Korea,” The Journal of Asian Studies 56:1 (February 1997): 26–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Em, Henry, “Minjok as a Modern and Democratic Construct: With a Focus on Sin Ch'aeho's Historiography,” in Colonial Modernity in Korea, ed. Shin, Gi-Wook and Robinson, Michael (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999), 336–361CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³³ Baker, Don, “The Korean God is not the Christian God: Taejonggyo's Challenge to Foreign Religions,” in Religions of Korea in Practice, ed. Buswell, Robert E. Jr, (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2007), 464–475Google Scholar.

³⁴ Mahn-yol, Yi, “Tan'gun sinhwa munje e taehan kidokkyohoe ŭi ipchang” [The Christian (Protestant) Church's Position on the Tan'gun Myth Problem], in Han'guk kidokkyo yŏngu: Hanguk kidokkyo wa minjok t'ongil undong [Studies in Korean Christianity: Korean Christianity and a Movement for National Unification] (Seoul: Han'guk kidokkyo yŏksa yŏnguso, 2001)Google Scholar.

³⁵ To explain this puzzle, Korean historians point to Kim's Confucian prejudices, especially against the Buddhist monk Myoch'ŏng, who sought to move the capital to P'yongyang from Kaesŏng. The assumption is that Kim deliberately ignored the Tan'gun myth that existed before Iryŏn wrote it down since he disapproved of Myoch'ŏng. See Pratt and Rutt, Korea: A Historical and Cultural Dictionary, s.v. “Myoch'ŏng Rebellion” and Jorgensen, John, “Who Was the Author of the Tan'gun Myth?” in Perspectives on Korea, ed. Lee, Sang-Oak and Park, Duk-Soo (Sydney: Wild Peony, 1998), 222–255Google Scholar.

³⁶ Yun, Ihŭm, Tan'gun: Kŭ ihae wa charyo, chŭngbo p'an [Tan'gun: How to Understand Him and Sources, enlarged edition], ed. Ihŭm, Yun (Seoul: Seoul University Press, 2001), 777Google Scholar; Tanaka, Stefan, Japan's Orient: Rendering Pasts into History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993)Google Scholar; Said, Edward, Orientalism (New York: Random House, 1978)Google Scholar.

³⁷ Allen, Chizuko T., “Northeast Asia Centered around Korea: Ch'oe Namson's View of History,” Journal of Asian Studies 49:4 (1990): 787–806CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁸ Hogarth, Hyun-Key Kim, Korean Shamanism and Cultural Nationalism (Seoul: Jimoondang, 1999), 271Google Scholar.

³⁹ Both Sŏ (also known as Philip Jaishon) and Yun were associated with the Enlightenment Party (Kaehwapa), which sought to force its reform on the government through a coup d'etat in 1884 and failed. Fisher, J. Earnest, Pioneers of Modern Korea (Seoul: Christian Literature Society of Korea, 1977)Google Scholar, and Chandra, Imperialism, Resistance and Reform in Late Nineteenth-Century Korea.

⁴⁰ Knitter, Introducing Theologies of Religion; Cracknell, Kenneth, Justice, Courtesy, and Love: Theologians and Missionaries Encountering World Religions, 1846–1914 (London: Epworth, 1995)Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Oak, Sung Deuk, “The Indigenization of Christianity in Korea: North American Missionaries' Attitudes Towards Korean Religions, 1884–1910” (Ph.D. diss., University of Boston, 2002)Google Scholar.

⁴² Ibid., 202.

⁴³ Han'guk Kidokkyo yŏksa yŏn'guso [Institute of Korean Church History Studies] (hereafter IKCHS), Han'guk kidokkyo ŭi yŏksa I [A History of the Korean Church, I] (Seoul: Kidokkyomunsa, 1989), 148.

⁴⁴ Chung, David, Syncretism: The Religious Context of Christian Beginnings in Korea (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001)Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Oak, “The Indigenization of Christianity in Korea,” 301.

⁴⁶ The term was also adopted by the Catholics, though they also use Ch'ŏnju (Lord of Heaven), formed from two Chinese characters.

⁴⁷ Ton'gu, Kang, “Tan'gun sinhwa ŭi minsokhak mit ch'ŏlhak: Sasang punya ŭi yŏn'gu” [Tan'gun Myth in Folklore Studies and Philosophy: A Study in the Field of Intellectual Studies], in Tan'gun: Kŭ ihae wa charyo, chŭngbo p'an [Tan'gun: How to Understand Him and Sources, enlarged edition], ed. Ihŭm, Yun (Seoul: Seoul University Press, 2001), 244Google Scholar; Oksung, Ch'a, ed., Kdiokkyosa charyojip kwŏn 4: T'ajonggyo mit chŏnt'ongmunhwa ŭi ihae rul chungsim ŭro [A Collection of Sources on Christianity, Book 4: Focusing on the Understanding of Foreign and Traditional Religions (after 1945)] (Seoul: Koryŏ hallimwŏn, 1993): 37–38Google Scholar. That evangelicals regarded theologians who embraced non-Christian religions to be beyond the pale of orthodoxy was pointed up in the experience of Chung Hyun Kyung, a feminist theologian from Korea. Dubbed “survival-syncretist” by the Christian Century, she was denounced and harassed by conservative Protestants in Korea after she openly expressed pluralistic sentiments in her controversial address at the 1991 World Council of Church's conference held in Canberra, Australia. Christian Century (March 11, 1992).

⁴⁸ For a useful analysis of Korean Christian nationalists' critique of their society and their endorsement of Protestantism as the antidote, see Wells, New God, New Nation.

⁴⁹ Sharpe, C. E., “Motive for Seeking Christ,” KMF 2 (August 1906): 182–183Google Scholar, and Clark, C. A., “Not Unpromising Now,” KMF 2 (August 1906): 198–199Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ “Evangelistic Work at Kunsan,” KMF 2 (April 1906): 106–107.

⁵¹ IKCHS, History of Korean Church, vol. 1, 303.

⁵² Cf.: “A strict neutrality has been maintained and a determination to keep hands out of politics is a well known fact to all who are acquainted with the missionary plans and policy of the Christian Church.” Editorial. KMF 3 (October 1907): 153–156.

⁵³ Apropos here is the caution voiced by Gi-wook Shin and Michael E. Robinson against “the unitary focus, artificial unity, and binary-producing tendencies of older assumptions about nationalism that have too often dominated Korean historiography”: see Shin and Robinson, Colonial Modernity in Korea, 2.

⁵⁴ “Editorial Notes,” KMF 14 (January 1918): 1–3.

⁵⁵ Kyoung-bae, Min, “Han'guk kidokkyo issŏsŏ minjok munje” [The Problem of Nation in Korean Christianity] in Han'guk Yŏksawa Kidokkyo [Korean History and Christianity], ed. Kidokkyo sasang (Seoul: Literature Society of Korea, 1983): 111Google Scholar. See also “Some Changes in the Korean Church,” KMF 10 (March 1914): 69.

⁵⁶ On nationalist Christians in Japan, see Scheiner, Irwin, Christian Converts and Social Protest in Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970)Google Scholar; for the same in China, see West, Philip, “Christianity and Nationalism: The Career of Wu Lei-ch'uan at Yenching University,” in Fairbank, John, ed., Missionary Enterprise in China and America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974), 226–246Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ For detailed treatment of this event, see Baldwin, Frank Jr., “The March First Movement: Korean Challenge and Japanese Response” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1969)Google Scholar. See also Han'guk yŏksa Yŏn'hoe and Yŏksa munje yŏn'guhoe [Institute for the Study of Korean History and Institute for the Study of Historical Problems], eds., 3.1 minjok haebang undong yŏngu [A Study of the March First National Liberation Movement] (Seoul: Ch'ŏngnyŏnsa, 1989).

⁵⁸ Robinson, Michael E., Korea's Twentieth-Century Odyssey: A Short History (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2007), 47Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ On the influence of the Versailles Peace Conference on the March First Movement, see Baldwin, “March First Movement,” 14–51.

⁶⁰ By this time, the more radical members of the Korean independence movement were either imprisoned or exiled, prompting the moderate religionists to step forward.

⁶¹ Ki-baik, Lee, A New History of Korea (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984), 344Google Scholar. There is some dispute over the number of Korean participants in the uprising. Robinson cites the conservative figure of one million: Korea's Twentieth-Century Odyssey, 48. Baldwin cautiously endorses the figure of two million. He adds that even if the conservative figure of one million is assumed, given that in 1919 the Korean population was about 16 million, and if half of the number represents women, then “Of the remaining 8,000,000 Korean males, perhaps a quarter may be excluded as either too young, under fourteen years of age, or too old and infirm. Thus the one million demonstrators were from a potential ‘pool’ of six million. It appears then that approximately one out of six Korean males old enough to understand the meaning of the independence movement demonstrated against Japanese rule”: “March First Movement,” 231.

⁶² Baldwin, “March First Movement,” 53.

⁶³ Lee, A New History of Korea, 344; Baldwin, “March First Movement,” 232–235.

⁶⁴ Baldwin, “Missionaries and the March First Movement,” 197. Also see Wi Jo Kang, “Relation between the Japanese Colonial Government and the American Missionary Community in Korea, 1905–1945,” in Lee, Yur-bok and Patterson, Wayne, ed., One Hundred Years of Korean-American Relations, 1882–1982 (University, Ala.: University of Alabama Press, 1986), 68–85Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Federal Council of the Churches of Christ of America (FCCCA), comp., The Korean Situation: Authentic Accounts of Recent Events by Eye Witnesses (New York: FCCCA, 1920)Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Baldwin, “March First Movement,” 185.

⁶⁷ Sŭng-t'ae, Kim, “Chonggyoin ŭi 3.1 undong ch'amyŏ wa kidokkyo ŭi yŏkhar” [Religionists' Participation in the March First Movement and the Role of Christianity] in Journal of the Institute of Korean Church History Studies 25 (April 1989): 17–24Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Ibid., 39.

⁶⁹ Ibid., 39.

⁷⁰ Wasson, Alfred W., Church Growth in Korea (New York: International Missionary Council, 1934), 98Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Armstrong, Charles, North Korean Revolution, 1945–1950 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2003)Google Scholar.

⁷² Kang Inch'ŏl estimates that in 1945 the number of northern Protestants was about 200,000, about 2.2 percent of the population. Among them, he estimates 70,000 to 80,000 might have migrated to the south, constituting 35 to 40 percent of the Protestant population in the North and 6 to 7 percent of all the northerners who migrated. Kang Inch'ŏl, Han'guk ŭi kaesin'gyo wa panggongjuŭi: Posujŏk kaesin'gyo ŭi chŏngch'ijŏk haendongjuŭi t'amgu [Korean Protestantism and Anti-communism: An Examination of Conservative Protestants' Political Behaviorism] (Seoul: Chungsim, 2006), 418.

⁷³ Cumings, Bruce, Korea's Place in the Sun: A Modern History, updated ed. (New York: Norton, 2005)Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Empas paekkwasajŏn [Empas (Internet) Encyclopedia]. 2007. s.v. t'angun kiwŏn [The Origin of the Tan'gun Dating System] http://100.empas.com/dicsearch/pentry.html?s=K&i=255048 &v=45 (accessed on 23 December 2008).

⁷⁵ The figure for the general population is from Kim Doo-Sub and Cheng-Seok, Kim, The Population of Korea (Seoul: Korea National Statistics Office, 2004)Google Scholar. The Christian figures are estimates by Samuel H. Moffett in Han'guk kyohoe 100-yŏn chonghap chosa yŏn'gu (Centennial Comprehensive Study of the Korean [Protestant] Church), 144. As can be surmised from these figures, the rapid growth of the Korean Protestant Church took place only after the Korean War.

⁷⁶ Rhodes, Harry A. and Campbell, Archibald, History of the Korea Mission: Presbyterian Churches in the U.S.A., Volume I: 1935–1945 (New York: Commission on Ecumenical Mission and Relations, the United Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A., 1964), 381Google Scholar. It is safe to assume that almost all the “Professing Christians” referred to in this report were evangelicals.

⁷⁷ Sŭng-t'ae, Kim, ed., Han'guk kidokkyo wa sinsa ch'ambae munje [Korean Christianity and the Shinto Worship Problem], (Seoul: Han'guk kidokkyo yŏksa yŏn'guso, 1991)Google Scholar; and Yangsŏn, Kim, “Compulsory Shinto Shrine Worship and Persecution,” in Korea and Christianity, ed. Yu, Chai-Shin, 87–120 (Seoul: Korean Scholar Press, 1996)Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ On the Decian and Diocletian persecutions, see Frend, W. H. C., The Rise of Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984), 318–324Google Scholar, and Gonzales, Justo L., The Story of Christianity, Vol. I (New York: HarperSan Francisco, 1984): 102–109Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Cumings, Bruce, “The Legacy of Japanese Colonialism in Korea,” The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895–1945, ed. Myers, Ramon H. and Peattie, Mark R. (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press), 478–496Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Kang, Han'guk ŭi kaesin'gyo wa panggongjuŭi: Posujŏk kaesin'gyo ŭi chŏngch'ijŏk haendongjuŭi t'amgu [Korean Protestantism and Anti-communism: An Examination of Conservative Protestants' Political Behaviorism], 403–567.

⁸¹ Lee, “Beleaguered Success,” 331–332.

⁸² Han'guk kidokkyo yŏksa yŏnguso [Institute of Korean Church History Studies], Naehan sŏn'gyosa ch'ongnam [A Conspectus of Korea Missionaries, 1884–1984] (Seoul: Han'guk kidokkyo yŏksa yŏnguso, 1994); Hunt, Bruce F., For a Testimony: The Story of Bruce Hunt Imprisoned for the Gospel ([1966] Philadelphia: The Committee for the Historian of the Orthodox Presbyterian Church, 2000)Google Scholar; see also an article by Hunt on a web page of the Orthodox Presbyterian Church: http://opc.org/cfm/HuntMissions.html (accessed on June 19, 2007); Kyu, Pak Yong, Han'guk kidokkyohoesa, 1910–1960, 2] [A History of the Korean Church, 1910–1960, vol. 2 (Seoul: Saengmyŏng ŭi malssŭmsa, 2004), 919–992Google Scholar.

⁸³ Lee, , “Conversion Narratives in Korean Evangelicalism”; Han Kyŏngjik p'yŏnjŏn [A Critical Biography of Han Kyŏngjik] (Seoul: Kimyŏngsa, 2003)Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ In 1954, Presbyterians constituted about 70 percent of the entire Protestant population: Chan, Sung C., Schism and Unity in the Protestant Churches of Korea (Seoul: Christian Literature Society of Korea, 1979), 260Google Scholar. According to the 2005 munhwa chŏngch'aek paekso [The 2005 White Paper on Cultural Policy] published by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism of South Korea, in 2005, South Korea had 170 Protestant denominations, 100 (59 percent) of which were Presbyterian (Han'guk kyŏngjae sinmun [Korean Economic Daily] 2006).

⁸⁵ Kichang became a distinct denomination in 1953, in the wake of a Korean version of the Modernist-Fundamentalist controversy. It has been a smaller denomination than Hapdong or T'onghap, but one that has exerted significant influence on Korean society. This was especially the case in the 1970s and 1980s when many of its ministers led in struggles against the dictatorial regimes, including Suh Nam Dong and Ahn Byungmu. Both Suh and Ahn were pivotal in creating the Minjung [People] Theology. Kijang has not shared the evangelicals' alarm over Tan'gun nationalism. See Commission on Theological Concerns of the Christian Conference of Asia, ed., Minjung Theology: People as the Subjects of History (Toa Payoh, Singapore: Commission on Theological Concerns of the Christian Conference of Asia, 1981).

⁸⁶ Along with the Minjung theologians, also worthy of note is a group of progressive Methodist theologians, led by Pyŏn Sŏnhwan, Yu Tongsik (Ryu Tong-shik), and Yun Sŏngbŏm, who have cultivated a t'och'akhwa sinhak (indigenized theology). See Park, Andrew Sung, “Minjung and Pungryu Theologies in Contemporary Korea: A Critical and Comparative Examination” (Ph.D. diss., Graduate Theological Union, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Yi Mahn-yol, Tan'gun sinhwa munje e taehan kidokkyohoe ŭi ipchang [The Christian (Protestant) Church's Position on the Tan'gun Myth Problem]. In Han'guk kidokkyosa yŏngu: Hanguk kidokkyo wa minjok t'ongil undong [Studies in Korean Christianity: Korean Christianity and a Movement for National Unification] (Seoul: Han'guk kidokkyo yŏksa yŏnguso, 2001), 317.

⁸⁸ Kŭmdo, Yi, “Tan'gunjŏn kŏllip undong e taehan yŏksajŏk koch'al” [A Historical Examination of the Movement to Construct Tan'gun Shrines] in Tangunjŏn kŏllip undong pip'an kwa onŭl ŭi kido undong [Criticizing the Movement to Build Tan'gun Shrines and Today's Prayer Movement], ed. Myŏnghŏk, Kim (Seoul: Korean Evangelical Fellowship, 1987)Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ “Han'guk kyohoe tan'gunsang munje e kwansimŭl” [Korean Christian Churches Should Pay Attention to the Problem of Tan'gun Statues]. Han'guk kidokkyo sinmun [The Korean Christian Newspaper] (August 14, 2004).

⁹⁰ Yi Kŭmdo, “Tan'gunjŏn Kŏnnip undong e taehan yŏksajŏk Koch'al” [A Historical Examination of the Movement to Construct Tan'gun Shrines], 50.

⁹¹ Chongyŏng, Yun, Kuksa kyokwasŏ p'adong [A Controversy over the National History textbook] (Seoul: Haean, 1999)Google Scholar.

⁹² Yun, Kuksa kyokwasŏ p'adong [A Controversy over the National History Textbook ], 172. My translation.

⁹³ Yun, Kuksa kyokwasŏ p'adong [A Controversy over the National History Textbook], 178. My translation.

⁹⁴ Tangherlini, Timothy R., “Shamans, Students, and the State,” in Nationalism and the Construction of Korean Identity, ed. Il Pai, Hyung and Tangherlini, Timothy R. (Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1998), 126–147Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Sunday Seoul, “Nuga Tan'gun ŭi mogŭl penŭn'ga?” [Who is decapitating Tan'gun?]. (April 29, 2000): E-26.

⁹⁶ Posted on the website of Sunggyul Theology Institute: http://sgti.kehc.org/myhome/colume/07.htm (accessed on June 13, 2007).

⁹⁷ Sunday Seoul, “Nuga Tan'gun ŭi mogŭl penŭn'ga?” [Who is decapitating Tan'gun?].

⁹⁸ Yŏnhap nus [Yŏnhap News], February 8, 2004.

⁹⁹ Korean Christian Times (December 1, 1999).

¹⁰⁰ Nahm, Andrew, An Introduction to Korean History and Culture (Seoul: Hollym, 1993), 16Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Hongsu ihu [After the Flood] (Seoul: Hongsŏnsa, 1990); Tongbang [The East] (Seoul: Hongsŏngsa, 2000).

¹⁰² There is an organization devoted to this view of “history” called Ch'angjo sahakhoe (their own English translation of the Korean appellation is Research Institute of Creation History); see their website at www.theorich.com.

¹⁰³ Jong Il, Kim, On the Juche Idea (Pyongyang: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1982)Google Scholar; Hee Shin, Eun, “The Sociopolitical Organism: The Religious Dimension of Juche Philosophy,” in Religions of Korea in Practice, ed. Buswell, Robert E. (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press), 517–533Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Shin, Gi-Wook, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea: Genealogy, Politics, and Legacy, 206; Yun, Ihŭm, ed., Tan'gun: Kŭ ihae wa charyo, chŭngbo p'an [Tan'gun: Understanding and Sources, enlarged ed.] Chŭngbo p'an [Tan'gun: Understanding and Sources, enlarged ed.], 831–833; Armstrong, Charles, “Centering the Periphery: Manchurian Exile(s) and the North Korean State,” Korean Studies 19 (1995): 1–19Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Shin, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea, 230.

¹⁰⁶ Ibid., 230.

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., 230.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., 232–233. As of February 2008, slightly more than one million residents of Korea, or 2 percent of the general population, are not ethnic Koreans. Most of them are laborers or foreign wives of Korean men. Their numbers are likely to increase in the future, perhaps challenging Korea's ethno-national identity. See “Diversity Causes Korea to Face New Challenges,” in Korea Times, February 24, 2008.

¹⁰⁹ Shin, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea, 171.