The author wishes to acknowledge gratefully the help and encouragement of Caroline Walker Bynum.

1. Abelard, Peter, Ethics, ed. Luscombe, David, Peter Abelard's Ethics (Oxford: Clarendon, 1971), 43.Google Scholar

2. See, for example, the 1988 movie Stealing Heaven (Heaven Productions, 1988), dir.Google ScholarDormer, Clive, prod. Amy International/Jadran Films, and starring Derek De Lint; made from Marion Meade's novel of the same name (New York: Soho, 1971).Google ScholarA less steamy version of the story is Waddell's, HelenPeter Abelard (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1933).Google Scholar

3. Abelard's autobiography, the Historia Calamitatum, and his correspondence with Heloise have been translated by Radice, Betty, The Letters of Abelard and Heloise (Baltimore: Penguin, 1974).Google ScholarFor an excellent study of Abelard's autobiography see McLaughlin, Mary Martin, “Abelard as Autobiographer: The Motives and Meaning of his Story of Calamities,” Speculum 42 (1967): 463–88.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4. In particular, the authenticity of Abelard's autobiography and his correspondence with Heloise have long been debated. Those contesting authenticity fall into two main camps: those who treat the entire correspondence, including the autobiographical Historia Calamitatum, as a forgery and those who argue that Abelard was the sole author of all the letters. Since excellent recent summations of the main points and evidence as well as extensive citations to the original arguments are readily available, I shall not reiterate these here. See, for example, Marenbon, John, The Philosophy of Peter Abelard (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 253–55;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Peter Dronke, “Heloise, Abelard and some recent discussions,” in idem, Intellectuals and Poets in Medieval Europe, Storia e letteratura 183 (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1992), 323–42; Newman, Barbara, “Authority, authenticity and the repression of Heloise,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 32 (1992): 121–57,Google Scholarreprinted in eadem, From Virile Woman to WomanChrist: Studies in Medieval Religion and Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995);Google ScholarClanchy, M. T., Abelard, A Medieval Life (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997), 327–30. My opinion is that the evidence supporting the authenticity of the correspondence outweighs that presented by either opposing camp.Google Scholar

5. Ferguson, Wallace, The Renaissance in Historical Thought: Five Centuries of Interpretation (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1948), 329–85.Google Scholar

6. Haskins, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1927).Google ScholarAn excellent entrée into the literature on the twelfth-century renaissance is Benson, Robert and Constable, Giles, eds., Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982; reprint, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), especially the introduction (hereafter Renaissance and Renewal).Google Scholar

7. See, for example, Morris, Colin, The Discovery of the Individual, 1050–1200 (New York: Harper and Row, 1972), 75;Google ScholarBenton, John, “Consciousness of Self and Perceptions of Individuality,” in Renaissance and Renewal, 265–95, esp. 274;Google ScholarBynum, Caroline, “Did the Twelfth Century Discover the Individual?” in eadem, Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 85–109, 86;Google ScholarGurevich, Aron, The Origins of European Individualism, trans. Judelson, K. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995), 127 ff.;Google ScholarMartin, John, “Inventing Sincerity, Refashioning Prudence: The Discovery of the Individual in Renaissance Europe,” American Historical Review 102 (1997): 1309–12, esp. 1322;CrossRefGoogle ScholarBlomme, Robert, La Doctrine du peche dans les ecoles theologiques de la premiere moitie du Xlle siecle (Louvain: Publications universitaires de Louvain, 1958), 128–217, 339–40;Google ScholarConstable, Giles, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 269–70.Google ScholarA new concern with the inner life is just one of the many elements generally embraced by the term “twelfth-century renaissance” or “twelfth-century awakening.” On this specific psychological aspect see, in addition to the works cited above, Southern, Richard, The Making of the Middle Ages (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1953), 227–57;Google Scholaridem, “Medieval Humanism,” in Medieval Humanism and Other Studies (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), 29–60; idem, Scholastic Humanism and the Unification of Europe (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995), 26–30; Benton, J., “Individualism and conformity in Medieval Western Europe,” in Banani, Amin and Vryonis, Speros Jr, eds. Individualism and Conformity in Classical Islam (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1977), 145–58.Google ScholarSee also Lottin, Odon, Psychologie et morale aux XIIe et XIII siècles, 4 vols. in 6 (Louvain: Abbaye du Mont César, 1948–1959).Google Scholar

8. Marenbon, Philosophy of Abelard, 253–55.Google Scholar

9. Constable, Reformation, 34, 42, 263, 272, and passim; Bynum, Jesus as Mother, introduction, 16–17.Google Scholar

10. Abelard, , Ethics, 43.Google Scholar

11. Bynum, “Did the Twelfth Century”; Tierney, Brian, review of The Discovery of the Individual, by Morris, Colin, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 24 (1973): 295–96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12. Bynum, “Did the Twelfth Century”; Constable, Giles, “Twelfth-Century Spirituality and the Late Middle Ages,” Medieval and Renaissance Studies 5 (1969): 27–60.Google Scholar

13. Bynum, “Did the Twelfth Century,” 101–2; Martin, “Inventing Sincerity,” 1327–29.Google Scholar

14. See Elliot, Dyan, Fallen Bodies, Pollution, Sexuality, and Demonology in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 76–77.Google Scholar

15. Poschmann, Bernhard, Penance and the Anointing of the Sick, trans. Francis Courtney (New York: Herder and Herder, 1964), 7–9, 23–26, 44–49, 91–102,157 ff.Google Scholar

16. Anciaux, Paul, La Théologie du sacrement de pénitence au Xlle siécle (Louvain: E. Nauwelaerts, 1949), surveys and analyses the evolution of penitential theology over the course of the eleventh and twelfth centuries.Google ScholarSee also Vogel, Cyrille, ed. and trans., Le Pecheur et la pénitence au moyen age (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1969), 31;Google ScholarChenu, Marie-Dominique, “Monks, Canons, and Laymen in Search of the Apostolic Life,” Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century, trans. Taylor, Jerome and Little, Lester K. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 229;Google ScholarTeetaert, Amédée, La Confession aux laïques dans l'église latine (Wetteren: J. de Meester et fils, 1926), 85 ff.;Google ScholarTentler, Thomas, Sin and Confession on the Eve of the Reformation, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), 18 ff.Google Scholar

17. Tanner, Norman P. S.J, ed., Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils (London: Sheed and Ward; Washington: Georgetown University Press, 1990), 1:245.Google Scholar

18. See Lea, Henry, A History of Auricular Confession and Indulgences in the Latin Church (1869; reprint, New York: Greenwood, 1968). For comments on Lea's anticlerical bias see Tentler, Sin and Confession, xii;Google ScholarMansfield, Mary C., The Humiliation of Sinners: Public Penance in Thirteenth-Century France (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1995), 6.Google Scholar

19. Constable, Reformation, 266.Google Scholar

20. Morris, , Discovery of the Individual, 75, 73.Google Scholar

21. Peter Brown, “Society and the Supernatural: A Medieval Change,” as reprinted in idem, Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity (Berkeley, Cal.: University of California Press, 1982), 327.

22. But see Bossy, John, “The Social History of Confession in the Age of the Reformation,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 25 (1975): 21–38, who argues that “the actual practice of pre-reformation confession did in fact continue to incorporate the social dimension which had been abandoned by the dominant scholastic tradition” (24).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

23. See, for example, Vodola, Elisabeth, Excommunication in the Middle Ages (Berkeley, Cal.: University of California Press, 1986), 192–93; Benton, “Consciousness of Self,” 271–74. See also Brown, “Society,” 327–28, who characterizes the shift as one from public to private shame.Google Scholar

24. Canon 21 of Lateran IV provides: “if anyone presumes to reveal a sin disclosed to him in confession, we decree that he is not only to be deposed from his priestly office but also to be confined to a strict monastery to do perpetual penance.” Tanner, Decrees, 245.Google Scholar

25. Pontal, Odette, ed., Les Statuts synodaux français du XIIIe siècle, 1–2, Collection des documents inédits sur l'histoire de France 9, 15 (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1971, 1983), cited in Mansfield, 79;Google ScholarTentler, Sin and Confession, 82. See also the discussion in Murray, A., “Confession as a Historical Source in the Thirteenth Century,” in Davis, R. H. C. and Wallace-Hadrill, J. M., eds., The Writing of History in the Middle Ages: Essays Presented to Richard William Southern (Oxford: Clarendon, 1981), 275–322, on the use of confessional material by priests in their sermons.Google Scholar

26. Poschmann, , Penance and Anointing, 157; Anciaux, Sacrement de pénitence, 176 ff.Google Scholar

27. Bynum, , “Did the Twelfth Century,” 108–9.Google Scholar

28. On this debate, see Anciaux, Sacrement de pénitence, 164–275.Google Scholar

29. In this essay I have used for the Historia Calamitatum (HC) the edition by Monfrin, Jacques (Paris: J. Vrin, 1967).Google ScholarFor the letters traditionally numbered 2–7, I have used the edition of Muckle, Joseph, “The Personal Letters between Abelard and Heloise,” Mediaeval Studies 15 (1953): 47–94;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and idem, “The Letter of Heloise on Religious Life and Abelard's First Reply,” Mediaeval Studies 17 (1955): 240–81. (Muckle numbers these letters as 1–6, but I have followed the traditional numbering, which designates the HC as 1.) For the letter traditionally numbered as 8 in the correspondence I have used the edition by McLaughlin, Terrence, “Abelard's Rule for Religious Women,” Mediaeval Studies 18 (1956): 242–82.CrossRefGoogle ScholarThe HC and letters 2–8 have been translated by Radice, , The Letters of Abelard and Heloise, with the exception of letter 8, which she only summarizes. Abelard's letters 9 and 12 appear in the edition by Smits, Edmé, Peter Abelard: Letters IX–XIV. An Edition with an Introduction (Groningen: Rijksuniversitet, 1983).Google ScholarThe Prob lemata and Abelard's sermons may be found in Migne, J.-P., ed., Patrologiae cursus completus: Series latina (1844–1865; hereafter PL) 178:677–730 and 379–610, respectively.Google ScholarFor Abelard's hymns I relied on Waddell, Chrysogonus, O.C.S.O., Hymn Collections from the Paraclete, 2 vols., Cistercian Liturgy 8–9 (Trappist, Ky: Gethsemani Abbey, 1987–1989). Editions used for various of Abelard's theological and ethical works will be given as the works are cited. Except where indicated, translations are mine.Google Scholar

30. Inconsistencies between actual practices at the Paraclete and apparent prescriptions in Abelard's rule have served as fuel for the debate on the rule's authenticity. See Benton, John, “Fraud, Fiction and Borrowing,” in Pierre Abélard, Pierre le Vénérable, Colloques internationaux du Centre national de la recherche scientifique 546 (Paris: Éditions du Centre national de la recherche scientifique, 1975), 469–511, 474–78.Google ScholarMclaughlin, M. points out, however, that Abelard himself describes the treatise as “a kind of institute or rule,” a “mirror” in which a reader might see the beauty or blemish of her soul. She argues that throughout the letter specific practices are less important than the ideals they illustrate. See “Peter Abelard and the Dignity of Women: Twelfth Century ‘Feminism’ in Theory and Practice,” in Pierre Abélard, Pierre le Vénérable, 287–333, esp. 317–18.Google ScholarSee also Luscombe's, David response to Benton's comments in his “The Letters of Heloise and Abelard since ‘Cluny 1972,’” in Thomas, Rudolf, ed., Petrus Abaelardus (1079–1142): Person, Werk und Wirkung, Trierer theologische Studien 38 (Trier: Paulinus, 1980), 19–39, 30. Abelard's description of his rule is in ep. 8:242–43.Google Scholar

31. Radice, , Letters, 184; ep. 8:243.Google Scholar

32. Radice, , Letters, 188; ep. 8:245.Google Scholar

33. For admonitions of silence specifically, see ep. 8:45, 263–64. Additional references to Benedict's rule are found in ep. 8 at 250, 253, 263, 271–72, 277, 279, 284, 286, and 288–89.Google Scholar

34. Barbara Newman argues that hostility toward feminine speech in monastic writing should not be construed as antifeminist but as part of a general monastic preference for silence. See “Flaws in the Golden Bowl: Gender and Spiritual Formation in the Twelfth Century,” in eadem, Virile Woman, 19–45, 23–25.Google Scholar

35. Radice, , Letters, 188–89; ep. 8:245.Google Scholar

36. 1 Timothy 2:11–12, cited in Radice, Letters, 189; ep. 8:245–46.Google Scholar

37. Ep. 9:230.Google Scholar

38. See, for example, ep. 9:225, which quotes Jerome's letter 65 to Principia: “Appolo, virum apostolicum et in lege doctissimum, Aquila et Priscilla erudiunt et instruunt eum de via Domini,” and ep. 9:227–28, which quotes Jerome's letter 127 to Principia. See also ep. 12:269, a polemic on the superiority of monastic life addressed to a regular canon, which concludes with a quotation from Jerome's letter to Praesidium: “Sectemur saltern mulierculas, sexus nos doceat infirmior.” On Jerome's letter see Morin, G., “Pour l'authenticité de la lettre de S. Jérôme à Présidius,” Bulletin d'ancienne littérature et d' archéologie chrétienne 3 (1913): 52–60.Google Scholar

39. Ep. 9:230.Google Scholar

40. See Saenger, Paul, “Silent Reading: Its Impact on Late Medieval Script and Society,” Viator 13 (1982): 367–414, cited at 383:CrossRefGoogle Scholar“Neither in antiquity nor even less in the early Middle Ages … were the techniques of writing and reading conducive to the ideal of private communication with God.” See also Ruth Cosby, “Oral Delivery in the Middle Ages,” Speculum 11 (1936): 88–110.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

41. See chaps. 42.8, 38.8, 48.5, and 52.4 of the Benedictine Rule; see Benedict's Rule: A Translation and Commentary, ed. Kardong, Terrence C. (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 1996).Google Scholar

42. Radice, , Letters, 62; HC 68.Google Scholar

43. Radice, , letters, 78; HC 83.Google Scholar

44. Radice, , Letters, 259, ep. 8:286.Google Scholar

45. Radice, , Letters, 261; ep. 8:287.Google Scholar

46. See Dialogue between a Philosopher, a Jew and a Christian in Peter Abelard: Ethical Writings, trans. Spade, Paul Vincent, with an introduction by Adams, Marilyn McCord (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1995), 64;Google Scholarfor the Latin text see Thomas, Rudolf, ed., Dialogus (Stuttgart: F. Frommann, 1970), 46.Google Scholar

47. See Sententie parisienses (SP), in Landgraf, Artur, ed., Écrits théologiques de l'école d'Abélard, Etudes et documents, fasc. 14 (Louvain: Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniense, 1934), 8–9.Google ScholarSee also Theologia Christiana 1:17–21, in Buytaert, Eloi M., ed., Petri Abaelardi opera theologka, vol. 12 of Corpus Christianorum: Continuatio medievalis (Turnhout: Brepols, 1966-; hereafter CCCM), 78–80.Google ScholarThe SP, along with the Sententie Abaelardi (SA) and the Sententie florianenses (SF), are thought to reflect Abelard's teaching ca. 1132–35. According to Mews, C., “The Sententie of Peter Abelard,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 53 (1986): 130–86, the SA is an official reportatio of Abelard's teachings, while the SP and the SF are unofficial versions.CrossRefGoogle ScholarSee also Luscombe, David, “The School of Peter Abelard Revisited,” Vivarium 30.1 (1992): 127–38, esp. 128; and note 88 below. M. Fumagalli argues that the antithesis between mere utterances, “prolatio verborum,” and true understanding corresponds to a fundamental opposition that pervades Abelard's writings and that Jean Jolivet characterized as a tendency to “de-reification.” See the discussion in “Concepts philosophiques dans l'Historia Calamitatum et dans les autres oeuvres abélardiennes,” in Petrus Abaelardus, 121–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also idem, “La Relation entre logique, physique et théologie chez Abélard,” in Eloi Buytaert, ed., Peter Abelard: Proceedings of the International Conference, Louvain, May 10–12, 1971, Mediaevalia Lovaniensia, 1st ser., studia 2 (Louvain: University Press, 1974), 153–62; Jolivet, Jean, Arts du langage et théologie chez Abélard, Études de philosophic médiévale 57 (Paris: Librairie philosophique J. Vrin, 1982), 353–63;Google ScholarMarenbon, Philosophy of Abelard, 349. Luscombe specifically points out that this “dereifying” applied to Abelard's concepts of sin and forgiveness. See his “School Revisited,” 133. Abelard's distinction between spoken words and concepts of the mind within the context of discussion of the Trinity draws heavily on St. Augustine. See Augustine's De Trinitate libri XV, 15.17–29, ed. Mountain, W. J., Corpus Christianorum, series latina, vol. 50 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1968);Google ScholarEng. trans. McKenna, Stephen C.SS.R., Fathers of the Church 45 (Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1963).Google Scholar

48. Ep. 8:286.Google Scholar

49. Sermon 14, PL 178:489C: “Sed quoniam orationis fructus aut nullus est, aut parvus, quam devotio intelligentiae non comitatur, cum cordis potius quam oris sit inspector Deus.”Google Scholar

50. For an analysis of the sources and development of Abelard's cognitive theory, see Marenbon, Philosophy of Abelard, 162–73.Google Scholar

51. See Marenbon, , Philosophy of Abelard, 167.Google Scholar

52. Marenbon, , Philosophy of Abelard, 171.Google Scholar

53. When the objects of sensory perception are not present, the sensory impressions are retained in the imagination. According to Marenbon, in Abelard's early cognitive theory the imagination acted as a mediator between sense perceptions and the intellect by the creation of images. The intellect then applied itself to these images. In Abelard's later theory, the imagination merely preserved sensory impressions of objects which were no longer present. These retained perceptions, like those of the senses, were “undifferentiated.” See Marenbon, Philosophy of Abelard, 170–73.Google Scholar

54. Marenbon, , Philosophy of Abelard, 169–72. In Abelard's earlier cognitive theory, concipere referred to a joining together of images. Abelard's later theory demoted the role of images, and concipere began to mean how we think about something. For example, one may think about human nature in many different ways—as the name of a species or of a particular human being. Marenbon, Philosophy of Abelard, 172, 189–90.Google Scholar

55. Ep 7:285; Theologia Christiana, in CCCM 12:745: “quae quidem vocabula homines instituerunt ad creaturas designandas, quas intelligere potuerunt cum vidilicet per ilia vocabula suos intellectus manifestare vellent.”Google Scholar

56. Ep. 7:245. This passage is omitted from two of the nine manuscripts used by Muckle. He describes these two manuscripts as incomplete. See Terrence McLaughlin, “Abelard's Rule,” 245 n. 96, and Muckle, 's description of the manuscripts in “Abelard's Letter of Consolation to a Friend,” Mediaeval Studies 12 (1950): 163–211, cited at 163–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

57. Praefatio, Libellus 2, in Waddell, Hymn Collections, 2:47.Google Scholar

58. Praefatio, Libellus 1, in Waddell, Hymn Collections, 2:6: “ymnus … cuius descriptio est: Laus dei cum cantico.”Google Scholar

59. See for example, hymn 11, Waddell, Hymn Collections, 2:22: “homo, ne taceas,/ cum laudes domino”; hymn 56, Waddell, Hymn Collections, 79: “Laudari linguis omnibus/ et predicari debuit/ in cunctis mundi partibus/ qui has, qui cuncta condidit.”Google Scholar

60. Radice, , Letters, 220; ep. 8:263. Compare Chrysogonus Waddell, “Peter Abelard as Creator of Liturgical Texts,” in Petrus Abelardus, 267–86, who interprets Abelard's phrase, “nisi de authentica sumptum scriptura, maxime autem de novo vel veteri testamento” as insisting that only authentic sources should be used, rather than as insisting on biblical texts alone.Google Scholar

61. Ep. 8:246.Google Scholar

62. That Abelard and Heloise distinguished between prayer and songs of praise or hymns is clear from Problemata 33, PL 178:715–16. Heloise asks what is meant by the phrase in 1 Kings (1 Sam.) 2:1, “Oravit Anna, et ait: Exsultavit cor meum in Domino?” since: “Hoc quippe canticum verba gratiarum vel prophetiae potius habet quam orationis.” Abelard explains to her that the prayer must have preceded the song.Google Scholar

63. Sermon 14, PL 178:489–95.Google Scholar

64. Sermon 14, PL 178:491D.Google Scholar

65. Ep. 8:263–64: “Si quae tamen psalterii vel aliquarum lectionum meditatione indigent ut beatus quoque meminit Benedictus vacare ita debent ut quiescentes non inquietent.” Cf. chap. 8 of Benedict's rule: “Quod vero restat post vigilias a fratribus, qui psalterii vel lectionum aliquid indigent, meditationi inserviatur.” See also Leclercq, Jean, “Otia Monastica: Études sur le vocabulaire de contemplation au moyen âge,” Studia Anselmiana 51 (1963): 42–19, who describes the change in the meaning of vacare from the classical sense of lacking occupation to the monastic sense of freedom to devote one's self to God.Google Scholar

66. Gehl, Paul, “Competens Silentium: Varieties of Monastic Silence in the Medieval West,” Viator 18 (1987): 125–60, 142–43.CrossRefGoogle ScholarBut see Carruthers, Mary, The Book of Memory, A Study of Memory in Medieval Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1990; paperback reprint,1993), 171–72, and 330 n. 63, who says that Augustine is not necessarily describing his vision at Ostia as a silent experience. He does, however, describe the end of his vision as a return to the “strepitum oris nostri, ubi verbum et incipitur et finitur.”Google ScholarSee Augustine's Confessions 9.10, in Augustine, Confessions, ed. O'Donnell, James J. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1992).Google Scholar

67. Landgraf, Artur, ed., Commentarius cantabrigensis in epistolas Pauli e schola P. Abelardi, pt. 1, In epistolam ad Romanos (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame, 1937), 112–13: “Et que cura, si nostram devotionem, quam interius habemus, vel nostra desideria verbis explicare non possumus, cum Deus ilia intelligat. … Nos enarrare desideria nostra nescimus, sed tamen Me, qui probat corda et renes, scit, id est intelligit, ‘quid spiritus desideret.’” Landgraf has shown that the anonymous commentary on the Epistle to the Romans and the commentaries on the other Pauline epistles found in MS B I 39 of Trinity College belong to Abelard's school and were written before or not long after 1141. See the introduction to his edition. Abelard's Commentary on Romans for the same verse (8:27) reads: “Dixi quia nos postulare facit ‘gemitibus inenarrabilibus,’ id est tanris desideriis ut potius sentiri quam edisseri queant. Sed, licet sint inanrrabiles [sic], ei tamen sunt cogniti qui scrutatur corda et inspector est cordis, ea videlicet potius attendens quae versantur in corde quam quae proferuntur de ore.” PL 178:783, 906B.Google Scholar

68. Abelard's examples of prayer in his correspondence are almost all propitiatory. Interestingly, it is in Heloise's letters that a concern for personal salvation is emphasized. See Georgiana, L.'s “Any Corner of Heaven: Heloise's Critique of Monasticism,” Mediaeval Studies 49 (1987): 221–53, 226, in which the author describes the spiritual progess evinced by Heloise's correspondence as a kind of “evangelical awakening.”CrossRefGoogle Scholar

69. See Radice, , Letters, 140–41; ep. 5: 83–84.Google Scholar

70. Radice, , Letters, 255; ep. 8:284.Google Scholar

71. Radice, , Letters, 122, ep. 3:75.Google Scholar

72. Radice, , Letters, 122; ep. 3:75.Google Scholar

73. Radice, , Letters, 122; ep. 3:75: “Filium quippe viduae ad portam civitatis Nairn suscitatum matri reddidit eius compassione compunctus.” Cf. Luke 6:13: “quam cum vidisset Dominus misericordia motus super ea dixit illi noli flere.”Google Scholar

74. Ep. 3:75: “Lazarum quoque amicum suum ad obsecrationem sororum eius, Mariae videlict ac Marthae, suscitavit.” Cf. John 11:33: “Iesus ergo ut vidit earn plorantem et Judaeos qui venerant cum ea plorantes fremuit spiritu et turbavit se ipsum.” Abelard also uses the example of the synagogue leader petitioning Jesus to lay hands on his daughter that appears at Mark 5:22 ff. to support the efficacy of women's prayers because the resuscitation miracle was performed on a woman. In this case, as with the others, there was no request to raise the dead.Google Scholar

75. On the Abelardian theme of women's special relationship to God through weakness, see McLaughlin,“ Peter Abelard and the Dignity of Women.”Google Scholar

76. See Anciaux, , Sacrement de pénitence, 44–15, 175.Google Scholar

77. Augustine, , De sermone Domini in monte, PL 34:1247.Google Scholar

78. See Anciaux, , Sacrement de pénitence, 175 n. 2.Google Scholar

79. De vera et falsa poenitentia, PL 40:1113–30, cited at 1123. Quotation appears in Anciaux, Sacrement de pénitence, 45 n. 1. For additional examples see the citations at Anciaux, Sacrement de pénitence, 175 n. 2.Google Scholar

80. PL 178:436–44, cited at 436D. On the parallels between Abelard's sermon and Abelard's treatment of penance in his Ethica, see Eynde, Damien van den, “Le recueil des sermones de Pierre Abelard,” Antonianum 1962 (37): 17–54, esp. 26–27.Google Scholar

81. PL 178:438C.Google Scholar

82. PL 178:555. That the sermon was intended for the sisters is apparent from the appeals to carissimae (555A), and sponsae Christi (558B). See Van den Eynde, “Le recueil,” 44 n. 2.Google Scholar

83. The story of Susanna is found in the Vulgate at chap. 13 of the book of Daniel and as the apocryphal book of Susanna in the King James Version. Verse translations are taken from The New Oxford Annotated Bible, Revised Standard Version.Google Scholar

84. Dan. 13:35: “quae flens suspexit ad caelum/ erat enim cor eius fiduciam habens/ in Domino.”Google Scholar

85. Dan. 13:42: “exclamavit autem voce magna Su/ sanna et dixit/Deus aeterne qui absconditorum es/cognitor qui nosit omnia antequam/ fiant/ tu scis quoniam falsum contra me/ tulerunt testimonium.”

86. PL 178:561B.Google Scholar

87. PL 178:562. Jaeger, A. Stephen, in “Peter Abelard's Silence at the Council of Sens,” Res publica litterarum 3 (1980): 31, argues that Abelard interprets even Susanna's cry to God as silent to humans. But Abelard says of her cry: “Bene autem dicitur exclamasse voce magna, non quae solum aures hominum tetigit, sed quae ad piissimas aures Dei perfectius venit.” PL 178:561D.Google Scholar

88. Vauchez, André, Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages, trans. Birrell, Jean (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 438.Google Scholar

89. Sauvage, E., ed., Vita Petri Abrincensis, Analecta bollandiana 2 (1883): 497, and Aelred of Rievaulx, Speculum caritatis, 2.20.63, CCCM 1.95, as quoted in Constable, Reformation, 273.Google Scholar

90. Marenbon, Philosophy of Abelard, 255.Google Scholar

91. Ethics, 5.Google Scholar

92. Ethics, 15.Google Scholar

93. Ethics, 41.Google Scholar

94. Ethics, 89. See also SA, PL 178:1695–1758, esp. 1756B–C; Luscombe, “School Revisited,” 128, says of the SA: “Clearly this collection of sentences represents the teaching given by Abelard to students as reported or copied, perhaps by some of those students. This is a well written work; it is far from being a set of loose reportationes.” On twelfth-century penitential theory see in addition to the works cited in nn. 9–10 above: Spitzig, Joseph, Sacramental Penance in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1947);Google ScholarHödl, Ludwig, Die Geschichte der scholastischen Literatur und der Theologie der Schlüsselgewalt, vol. 1, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters, vol. 38, no. 4 (Münster Westf.: Aschendorff, 1960).Google Scholar

95. Ethics, 89; SA, PL 178:757.Google Scholar

96. See Luscombe, , “School Revisited,” 133.Google Scholar

97. See n. 2 above.Google Scholar

98. Marcia Colish maintains that Abelard's insistence on the need for confession is inconsistent with his contritionism. See her Peter Lombard (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1994), 2:595 ff., and the works cited there.Google Scholar

99. Anciaux, , Sacrement de pénitence, 27–55.Google Scholar

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105. PL 150:630.Google Scholar

106. See Ethics, 98: “Sunt qui soli Deo confitendum arbitrantur, quod non nulli Grecis imponunt. Sed quid apud Deum confessio valeat qui omnia nouit, aut quam indulgentiam lingua nobis inpetret non video.”Google Scholar

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108. SA, PL 178:1757. He does maintain in the Ethics that Peter later confessed. See Ethics, 103.Google Scholar

109. SA, PL 178:1756D.Google Scholar

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113. PL 178:440B.Google Scholar

114. PL 178:440D.Google Scholar

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118. Hugh of St. Victor, De sacramentis, PL 176:565, cited in Anciaux, Sacrement de pénitence, 191 n. 1; Summa sententiarum: PL 176:148BC; Ysagoge in theologiam, in Landgraf, Écrits théologiques de l'école d'Abélard, 211–12: “Hoc loco notandum est ‘dupliciter ligatum esse peccatorem, cecitate scilicet mentis et debito future dampnacionis.’ Porro a mentis cecitate per veram solvitur compunctionem. Ecce iam vivit, iam interius illuminatus est, ecce iam quasi de monumento prodiit. ‘Donee tamen satisficat, Ecclesie adhuc debitor est, adhuc ligatus, nondum a debito future pene solutus.’ Dum autem ad sacerdotem ventum est, dum culpam suam se ipsum acusando reus fatetur, dumque iniuncta satisfactio condigna suscipitur, ‘a debito future dampnacionis solvit eum sacerdos, id est per sacerdotem Deus.’ ”Google Scholar

119. Hugh of St. Victor, De sacramentis, PL 176:567C, cited in Anciaux, Sacrement de pénitence, 192 n. 4; Ysagoge, 210: “Necessitatis tamen iminente articulo, si nequid peccator, ut confiteatur, ad visibilem accedere sacerdotem, accedat ad invisibilem, de quo Ecclesiastes: ‘Ecce sacerdos magnus,’ et Apostolus: ‘Ihesus,’ inquid, ‘eo quod maneat in eternum, sempiternum habet sacerdocium.’”Google Scholar

120. Summa sententiarum, PL 176:147B. See also Ysagoge, 213: “Illa vero verba: ‘quod voce pudor est confiteri,’ ita exponunt, quod ‘voce confiteri’ accipiunt pro ‘manifeste’ vel ‘publice aperire.’ Que quidem manifesta confessio non exigitur, cum sufficiat quandoque sacerdoti occulte confiteri.”Google Scholar

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123. Lombard, , Sent. 4.17.4.Google Scholar

124. Sent. 4.17.4.10: “Ibi enim virrutem lacrymarum et confessionis ostendens, significare voluit quod lacrymae occultae et confessio secreta, sicut quae fit soli sacerdoti, lavant delictum quod pudet aliquem publice confiteri.”Google Scholar

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128. Constable, Reformation, 294.Google Scholar

129. Ethics, 41.Google Scholar