¹ Is the Reformation Over? An Evangelical Assessment of Contemporary Roman Catholicism (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2005).

² Tripp, David, “The Image of the Body in the Formative Phases of the Protestant Reformation,” in Coakley, Sarah, ed., Religion and the Body (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 131–52Google Scholar at 142.

³ Games, Alison, “Beyond the Atlantic: English Globetrotters and Transoceanic Connections,” William and Mary Quarterly 63, no. 4 (October 2006), 675–92Google Scholar at 679.

⁴ For the literature on the economic and political transformations after 1750, see Darwin, John, After Tamerlane: The Global History of Europe Since 1405 (New York: Bloomsbury/MacMillan, 2008)Google Scholar, Chapters 3 and 4, “The Early Modern Equilibrium,” and “The Eurasian Revolution,” 104–217.

⁵ Young, B. W., “Religious History and the Eighteenth-Century Historian,” The Historical Journal 43, no. 3 (September 2000), 849–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 863. For the change in the writing of Protestant history, see Fleischer, Dirk, Zwischen Tradition und Fortschritt [Between Tradition and Progress], 2 vols. (Waltrop: Verlag Harmut Spenner, 2006), 1:130–75Google Scholar. For the North American context, see Hughes, Richard T. and Allen, C. Leonard, Illusions of Innocence: Protestant Primitivism in America, 1630–1875 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1988)Google Scholar.

⁶ Accurate statistics are nearly impossible to recover; for an assessment of particular settlements, see Wellenreuther, Hermann, “The Herrnhuters in Europe and the British Colonies (1735–1776),” in Religious Refugees in Europe, Asia and North America (6^th–21^st century), ed. Lachenicht, Susanne (Hamburg: Litt Verlag, 2007), 171–95Google Scholar at 181–85; as late as 1775 the number of people ministered to by Moravians for the Baltic region did not exceed 15,000. See Meyer, Dietrich, “Zinzendorf und Herrnhut,” in II Geschichte des Pietismus: Der Pietismus im achtzehnten Jahrhundert, ed. Brecht, Martin et al. , (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995), 3–106Google Scholar at 66; by 1769 there were perhaps 800 locations in Germany where the Moravians were active in addition to outposts in the Americas, the Levant, and Asia.

⁷ On Gradin's mission to Constantinople, see Cranz, David, The Ancient and Modern History of the Brethren: or, A Succinct Narrative of the Protestant Church of the United Brethren, or Unitas Fratrum … trans. Latrobe, Benjamin (London, 1780)Google Scholar, at 246: “ the descent of the United of the Brethren from the Greek church was acknowledged.” Zinzendorf did obtain the letter eventually though not in the timely fashion he had hoped for. On Moravian interest in the Greek Orthodox and Coptic communities as missionary territory, see Arthur Manukian, “Zinzendorf und die Herrnhuter Brüdergemeinde im Kontak zur Orthodoxen Kirche im Orient (Konstantinopel und Kairo): eine Protestantisch-Orthodoxe Begegnung im 18. Jht,” (PhD diss., Theological Faculty, University of Göttingen, 2009). I am grateful to Dr. Manukian for permission to cite his unpublished work; see also Meyer, Dietrich, “Zinzendorf und die griechisch-orthodoxe Kirche,” in Der Pietismus in seiner europäischen Ausstrahlung, ed. Laine, Esko M. (Helsinki: Suomen Kirkkohistoriallinen Seura, 1992), 183–203Google Scholar, especially at 197–201.

⁸ Johann Valentin Haidt (1700–1781), “The Act of Parliament of 1749,” Moravian Archives, Bethlehem, Pa., reprinted with permission. The nine personalities who fought for the British bill include from left to right Augusta; Princess of Wales; Esther Gruenbeck; General William Oglethrope, who holds a letter addressed to bishop David Nitschmann; Thomas Penn; Abraham von Gersdorf; an unidentified Scot; an unidentified Anglican bishop; and the Lord Chancellor Philip Yorke, First Earl of Hardwicke. Besides the three scenes detailing Gradin's Constantinople visit, the fourth panel portrays Zinzendorf meeting Thomas Mamucha, a Persian he met in Riga, demonstrating further the Moravian approach to the East to show churches more ancient than any in the West. I am grateful to Paul Peucker for discussion and clarification of the persons and scenes depicted.

⁹ Sheehan, Jonathan, “Enlightenment, Religion, and the Enigma of Secularization: A Review Essay,” American Historical Review 108 (October 2003), 1061–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 1073.

¹⁰ This paragraph summarizes Flanagin, David Zachariah, “Extra Ecclesiam Salus non est—Sed Quae Eccleasia?: Ecclesiology and Authority in the Later Middle Ages,” in A Companion to the Great Western Schism (1378–1417), ed. Rollo-Koster, Joelle and Izbicki, Thomas M. (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 333–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar, quotation at 356. Protestant self-understanding did not explicitly invoke the theology of Ockham. The temptation to move in what opponents called an “antinomian” direction, however, appears to have achieved real traction by the eighteenth century. See Roeber, , “The Migration of the Pious: Methodists, Pietists, and the Antinomian Character of North American Religious History,” in Visions of the Future in Germany and America, ed. Finzch, Norbert and Wellenreuther, Hermann (Oxford: Berg, 2001), 25–47Google Scholar.

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¹² The Book of Concord: The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, ed. Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2000), 94; for the Greek assessment of the Augsburg Confession, see Wayne James Jorgensen, “The Augustana Graeca and the Correspondence Between the Tübingen Lutherans and Patriarch Jeremias: Scripture and Tradition in Theological Methodology,” (PhD diss., Boston University, 1979), at 134 on the significance of the filioque in the exchanges; Mastrantonis, George, Augsburg and Constantinople: The Correspondence between the Tübingen Theologians and Patriarch Jeremiah II of Constantinople on the Augsburg Confession (Brookline, Mass.: Holy Cross Orthodox, 1982)Google Scholar; for the seventeenth century contacts between Constantinople and Helmstedt, see Davey, Colin, Pioneer for Unity: Metrophanes Kritopoulos (1589–1639) and Relations between the Orthodox, Roman Catholic and Reformed Churches (London: British Council of Churches, 1987), at 147–252Google Scholar; Arvid Gradin, Bericht von Schweden, (R.- 19.- F.a.4.:10 is not paginated; the excerpts cited here are at 10a recto and verso.)

¹³ On the Unity and the connections between Comenius, Jablonski, and episcopacy, see Korthaase, Werner, “Johann Amos Comenius und Daniel Ernst Jablonski: Einflüsse, Kontinuitäten, Fortentwicklungen,” in Daniel Ernst Jablonski: Religion, Wissenschaft und Politik um 1700, ed. Bahlcke, Joachim and Korthaase, Werner (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2008), 385–408Google Scholar; Atwood, Craig D., The Theology of the Czech Brethren from Hus to Comenius (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2009), 77–78Google Scholar; 232–37; 321–24; Hutton, Joseph E., History of the Moravian Church (London: Moravian Publishing Office, 1909), 357–59Google Scholar.

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¹⁵ Ward, W. R., “The Eighteenth-Century Church: A European View,” in The Church of England c. 1689–c. 1833: From Toleration to Tractarianism, ed. Walsh, John, Haydon, Colin, and Taylor, Stephen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 285–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 295.

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¹⁷ See the essays in Bahlke and Korthaase, eds., Daniel Jablonski. Religion, Wissenschaft und Politik.

¹⁸ Sugiko Nishikawa, “Die Fronten im Blick. Daniel Ernst Jablonski und die englische Unterstützung kontinentaler Protestanten,” in Daniel Ernst Jablonski, ed. Bahlcke and Korthaase, 151–68 at 152–53; Sheehan, Jonathan, “Temple and Tabernacle: The Place of Religion in Early Modern England,” in Making Knowledge in Early Modern Europe: Practices, Objects, and Texts, 1400–1800, ed. Smith, Pamela H. and Schmidt, Benjamin (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 248–72Google Scholar at 272.

¹⁹ On the 1731 incident, Taylor Hamilton, J. and Hamilton, Kenneth G., History of the Moravian Church: The Renewed Unitas Fratrum 1722–1957 (Bethlehem, Pa.: Interprovincial Board of Christian Education, Moravian Church in America, 1967), 40–41Google Scholar.

²⁰ Paul Peucker, “The Ideal of Primitive Christianity as a Source of Moravian Liturgical Practice,” Journal of Moravian History 61 (Spring 2009), 7–29; Peucker, , “Kreuzbilder und Wundenmalerei. Form und Funktion der Malerei in der Herrnhuter Brüdergemeine um 1750, Unitas Fratrum: Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Gegenwartsfragen der Brüdergemeine, 55–56 (2005), 125–74Google Scholar; on Zinzendorf and the Augsburg Confession, see Bauer, Holger, Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf und das lutherische Bekenntnis: Zinzendorf und die Augsburger Konfession von 1530 (Herrnhut: Hernnhuter Verlag, 2004)Google Scholar. Hans Schneider has traced Zinzendorf's fascination with the Philadelphians. See Schneider, , “Der radikale Pietismus im 18. Jahrhundert,” in Geschichte des Pietismus: II: Der Pietismus im achtzehnten Jahrhundert, ed. Brecht, Martin et al. (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995)Google Scholar, at 155, 165; Schneider, , “Philadelphische Brüder mit einem lutherischen Maul und mährischen Rock: Zu Zinzendorfs Kirchenverständnis,“ in Neue Aspekete der Zinzendorf-Forschung, ed. Brecht, Martin and Peucker, Paul (Herrnhut: Herrnhuter Verlag, 2005), 11–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar, see especially at 23, 32–34. Schneider's analysis omits the overtures to Constantinople and Uppsala.

²¹ Ward, W. L., Early Evangelicalism: A Global Intellectual History, 1670–1789 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 187–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar on the later history of undenominationalism; Hans Schneider, “Understanding the church—Issues of Pietist Ecclesiology” (unpublished paper presented at the international conference “Pietism and Community in Europe and North America: 1650–1850,” Emory University, Atlanta, Ga., November, 2006).

²² On the tension between interior and the external dimensions of the Church traced to Augustine, see McGinn, Bernard, The Foundations of Mysticism: Origins to the Fifth Century (New York: Crossroad, 1991), 228–62Google Scholar; Kelly, J. N. D., Early Christian Doctrines (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1978), 412–17Google Scholar; on the role of the anonymous Theologia Deutsch for Reformation Protestantism, and the continued importance of the Lord's Supper within the quest for holiness, see McGinn, , The Harvest of Mysticism in Medieval Germany (1300–1500) (New York: Crossroad, 2005), 392–404Google Scholar. On the ambivalence in Luther (and Lutheranism) on justification/sanctification, see Oberman, Heiko, “‘Simul Gemitus et Raptus’: Martin Luther and Mysticism,” in The Reformation in Medieval Perspective, ed. Ozment, Steven E. (Chicago: Quadrangle, 1971), 219–51Google Scholar; and Steinmetz, David C., “Religious Ecstasy in Staupitz and the Young Luther,” Sixteenth Century Journal 11, no. 1 (1980), 23–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the extension of this dispute into pietism, see Meyer, Dietrich and Sträter, Udo, eds., Zur Rezeption mystischer Traditionen im Protestantismus des 16. Bis 19. Jahrhunderts: Beiträge eines Symposiums zum Tersteegen-Jubiläum 1997 (Cologne: Rheinland-Verlag, 2002)Google Scholar; on Halle's hostility against the Moravians, Folgeman, Aaron, Jesus is Female: Moravians and the Challenge of Radical Religion in Early America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 60–65Google Scholar; 176–84; Halle's London representative Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen was more positive about the Moravians than was Gotthilf August Francke; see Podmore, Colin, The Moravian Church in England, 1728–1760 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998), 8–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar; 16–27. On observers' reaction to Moravian liturgical celebration, see ibid., 143–49. For the connection between the Lord's Supper and the objective of “union with Christ,” see Atwood, Craig D., Community of the Cross: Moravian Piety in Colonial Bethlehem (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2004), 164–200Google Scholar. On Charles Wesley's Eucharistic devotion as part of his mysticism reflected in the 1745 collection of hymns (Hymns on the Lord's Supper) and reliance upon the Calvinist sacramental theology of Daniel Brevint's The Christian Sacrament and Sacrifice, see Allchin, A. M., “Orthodox and Anglican: An Uneasy but Enduring Relationship,” in Anglicanism and Orthodoxy 300 Years after the ‘Greek College’ in Oxford, ed. Doll, Peter M. (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2006), 329–54Google Scholar at 340–51; Borgen, Ole, John Wesley on the Sacraments (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Francis Asbury Press, 1972)Google Scholar; Rattenbury, J. Ernest, The Eucharistic Hymns of John and Charles Wesley, to which is appended Wesley's Preface extracted from Brevint's Christian Sacrament and Sacrifice together with Hymns for the Lord's Supper (London, 1928)Google Scholar; Ward overlooks this theme—see Early Evangelicalism, 130.

²³ Heather Webb, , “Cardiosensory Impulses in Late Medieval Spirituality,” in Rethinking the Medieval Senses: Heritage, Fascinations, Frames, ed. Nichols, Stephen G., Kablitz, Andreas, and Calhoun, Alison (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 265–85Google Scholar at 283; Porter, Roy, Flesh in the Age of Reason (New York: W.W. Norton, 2003), 26Google Scholar.

²⁴ Starkie, Andrew, The Church of England and the Bangorian Controversy, 1716–1721 (Woodbridge, U.K.: Boydell, 2007), 190Google Scholar.

²⁵ Trepp, Anne-Charlott, “Zur Differenzierung der Religiositätsformen in Luthertum des 17. Jahrhunderts und ihrer Bedeutung für die Deutung von ‘Natur’,” Pietismus und Neuzeit: Ein Jahrbuch zur Geschichte des neueren Protestantismus 32 (2006), 37–56Google Scholar, 56.

²⁶ John and Charles Wesley: Selected Prayers, Hymns, Journal Notes, Sermons, Letters and Treatises, ed. Frank Whaling, with an introduction (New York: Paulist, 1981), 44, 42, 336, 321, 324. See Kimbrough, S. T. Jr., “Theosis in the Writings of Charles Wesley,” St. Vladimir's Theological Quarterly 52, no. 2 (2008), 199–212Google Scholar; Mack, Phyllis, Heart Religion in the British Enlightenment: Gender and Emotion in Early Methodism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 36–41Google Scholar; 56–59; 214–18; Mack misses the shift away from the mystical, sacramental piety. For Wesley's encounter with Gradin, see John Wesley, “A Plain Account of Christian Perfection,” in John and Charles Wesley, 302; Wesley's Account itself does not emphasize sacramental piety.

²⁷ On Gradin's theology, see Hök, Gosta, Herrnhutisk teologi i svensk gestalt, Arvid Gradins dogmatiska och etiska huvudtanker (Uppsala: A–B Lundequistska bokhandeln, 1950)Google Scholar. For the similarities between Gradin and Zinzendorf, see the review of Hök by Nels F. S. Ferre, Journal of the American Academy of Religion 18, no. 4 (1950), 250; John and Charles Wesley, 44.

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⁴¹ Suchard, Marcia Keith, “Leibniz, Benzelius, and the Kabbalistic Roots of Swedish Illuminism,” in Leibniz, Mysticism, and Religion, Coudert, Allison P., Popkin, Richard H., and Weiner, Gordon M. (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic, 1998), 84–106CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁴³ My prosopography is gleaned from Erikson and Nylander, eds., Erik Benzelius' Letters; See letters at 144 to 151 for the early sentiments, and the letter of 26 April 1727 to Ernst Salomon Cyprian at Gotha, 95–96 at 96. See Erikson, Alvar, ed., Letters to Erik Benzelius the Younger Vol. 1: 1697–1722 (Göteborg: Vetenskaps- och Vitterhets-Samhället, 1979)Google Scholar, at 22–23 (1698) and for Halle's reputation, 166–67. For Benzelius's concerns about the influence of the Riksdag over church affairs, see Pleijel, Schwedische Pietismus, 124–26.

⁴⁴ Francke Foundations archives reveal no correspondence with Sweden from the 1730s through the 1760s; The foreign correspondence of Thomas Secker from the 1740s to the 1770s shows no contact with Halle; see Ingram, Robert G., Religion, Reform and Modernity in the Eighteenth Century: Thomas Secker and the Church of England (Woodbridge, U.K.: Boyell and Brewer, 2007), 266–82Google Scholar; Ziegenhagen's papers still elude us along with his view of the Swedish Lutherans. For examples of correspondence through the 1720s, see Pleijel, Schwedische Pietismus, 89–142.

⁴⁵ AFSt/ Cudelierische Correspondenz 1743–44 M: 2K 12:26 letter 26 from Johann Zacharias Kiernander to Andreas Bergner in Stockholm, 14 January 1744.

⁴⁶ See Anders Jarlert, “When the Bishop and Chapter of Gothenburg Censored the Writings of Martin Luther,” and Nordbäck, Carola, “Children of God: The Swedish Radical Pietists, 1725–45,” in Pietism, Revivalism and Modernity, 1650–1850, ed. Lieburg, Fred van and Lindmark, Daniel (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2008), 174–84 and 132–60Google Scholar. On Benzelius, Henrik, Pleijel, , Das Kirchenproblem der Brüdergemeine in Schweden: Eine Kirchengeschichtliche Untersuchung (Lund: Gleerup, 1938), at 26–27Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Murray, Robert, “Jesper Swedberg, Bishop of America,” Lutheran Quarterly 2, no. 11 (Spring 1988), 111–32Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Craig, Peter Stebbins, “The Relationship Between Swedish and German Churchmen in the Muhlenberg Era,” in Henry Melchior Muhlenberg—The Roots of 250 years of Organized Lutheranism in North America: Essays in Memory of Helmut T. Lehmann, ed. Kleiner, John W. (Lewiston, N.Y.: E. Mellen, 1998), 111–45 at 129Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Williams, Kim-Eric, The Journey of Justus Falckner (1672–1723) (Delphi, N.Y.: American Lutheran Publicity Bureau, 2003), 19–40Google Scholar; Williams, , “Andreas Rudman, The First Lutheran Bishop in America“ Lutheran Quarterly 14, no. 4 (2000), 459–62Google Scholar. Benzelius's name occurs as Bentzin, Ericus, Riga, Levonu, 22.12.1691 in Weissenborn, Bernhard, and Juntke, Fritz, eds., Album Academiae Vitebergensis: jüngere Reihe (Halle: Historische Kommission für die Provinz Sachsen und für Anhalt, 1952)Google Scholar, 18; I am grateful to Dr. Frauke Geyken and Prof. Dr. Hermann Wellenreuther for confirming the list of matriculants.

⁵⁰ Fea, John, “Ethnicity and Congregational life in the Eighteenth-Century Delaware Valley: The Swedish Lutherans of New Jersey,” Explorations in Early American Culture 5 (2001), 45–78Google Scholar, quotation at 73.

⁵¹ Ingram, Religion, Reform, and Modernity, 209–59; Secker, A Sermon preached before the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign parts; at their anniversary meeting in the parish-Church of St Mary-le-Bow, on Friday, February 20. 1740–41. For Ingram's analysis, see 209–12.

⁵² William Stevens Perry, D.D., Historical Collections Relating to the American Colonial Church, 4 vols., (1870–1873; repr., New York: AMS, 1969), 1:253–56Google Scholar at 255; 357–59 at 358–59; on Blair, , Rouse, Parke Jr., James Blair of Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1971)Google Scholar.

⁵³ Brunner, Halle Pietists in England, 186–97.

⁵⁴ The cooperative and positive relationships between Anglicans and Swedish Lutherans are stressed in Bell, James B., The Imperial Origins of the King's Church in Early America, 1607–1783 (Houndsmills, U.K.: Palgrave MacMillan, 2004), 248CrossRefGoogle Scholar, n. 55.

⁵⁵ Acrelius, , The History of New Sweden, trans. Reynolds, William M. (Philadelphia, 1874), 245–47Google Scholar; see also Craig's discussion in “Relationship,” 118–22, at 119.

⁵⁶ See Cornwall, Robert D., Visible and Apostolic: The Constitution of the Church in High Church Anglican and Non-Juror Thought (Newark, N.J.: University of Delaware Press, 1993), 106–10Google Scholar; Nockles, Peter Benedict, The Oxford Movement in Context: Anglican High Churchmanship, 1760–1857 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 18–19; 156–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁵⁸ Ward, “The Eighteenth-century Church,” quotation at 294, 295.

⁵⁹ Kärkkäinen, Veli-Matti, One with God: Salvation as Deification and Justification (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 2004), 67–86Google Scholar at 68, 69, 79.

⁶⁰ Cohen, Charles L., “The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity,” Church History 72, no. 3 (September 2003), 553–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 568, 566.

⁶¹ Nishikawa, Sugiko, “The SPCK in Defence of Protestant Minorities in Early Eighteenth-Century Europe,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 56, no. 4 (October 2005), 730–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 747.

⁶² Wellenreuther, Hermann, “Mission, Obrigkeit und Netzwerke/ Staatliches Interesse und Missionarisches Wollen vom 15. bis ins 19. Jahrhundert,“ Pietismus und Neuzeit: Ein Jahrbuch zur Geschichte des Neueren Protestantismus 33 (2007), 193–213Google Scholar; Wellenreuther prefers 1790 as the “turning point“ but acknowledges the 1740s for the Moravians.

⁶³ Peter Vogt, “Zinzendorfs Verständnis des geistlichen Amts,” in Ein Leben für die Kirche: Zinzendorf als Praktischer Theologe, ed. Peter Schilling (Göttingen: Vandenboeck & Ruprecht, forthcoming). I am grateful to Dr. Vogt for permission to read and cite the unpublished version of his essay.

⁶⁴ Conser, Walter H. Jr., Church and Confession: Conservative Theologians in Germany, England, and America, 1815–1866 (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1984)Google Scholar; on the shift to biblicism, Noll, Mark A., America's God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 238–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Brooks Holifield, E., Theology in America: Christian Thought from the Age of the Puritans to the Civil War (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2003), 245–51Google Scholar. On the social emphais in the “New Protestantism,” see Albert, Jürgen, Christentum und Handlungsform bei Johann Hinrich Wichern (1808–1881) Sudien zum sozialen Protestantismus (Heidelberg: Heidelberger Verlagsanstalt, 1997)Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ These conclusions serve as my response to Hartmut Lehmann's criticism of my earlier synopsis of “pietism” that did not sufficiently distinguish holiness impulses from the specific goals and content of the original movement that was itself altered in self-understanding. See Lehmann, , “Engerer, weiterer und erweiterter Pietismusbegriff: Anmerkungen zu den kritischen Anfragen von Johannes Wallmann an die Konzeption der Geschichte des Pietismus,” Pietismus und Neuzeit 29 (2003), 18–36Google Scholar at 26.

⁶⁶ Porter, Andrew, Religion versus Empire? British Protestant Missionaries and Overseas Expansion, 1700–1914 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), 317Google Scholar; Sanneh, Lamin, Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact on Culture, 2nd ed. (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 2009)Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Hiebert, Paul G., Transforming Worldviews: An Anthropological Understanding of How People Change (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2008), 265–305Google Scholar, 314–15 at 315.

⁶⁸ Hamilton and Hamilton, History of the Moravian Church, 99.

⁶⁹ Bödeker, Hans Erich, “Die Religiosität der Gebildeten,” in Religionskritik und Religiosität in der deutschen Aufklärung, ed. Gründer, Karlfried and Rengstorf, Karl Heinrich (Heidelberg: Lambert Schneider, 1989), 145–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 161–66; Martin Tamcke, “Early Protestant Missionaries and their Contacts with the Armenians,” and Tamcke, “Lutheran Contacts with the Syrian Orthodox Church of the St. Thomas Christians and with the Syrian Apostolic Church of the East in India (Nestorians),” and Daniel O'Connor, , “Lutherans and Anglicans in South India,” in Halle and the Beginning of Protestant Christianity in India, ed. Gross, Andreas, Vincent Kumaradoss, Y., Liebau, Heike (Halle: Verlag der Franckesche Stiftungen, 2006), 813–30Google Scholar; 831–78; 767–82, at 779–80. On the Anglican report and its suppression, see Frykenberg, Robert Eric, Christianity in India From Beginnings to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 249–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the self-understanding of the SPG see Strong, Rowan, Anglicanism and the British Empire c. 1700–1850 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁰ Breen, T. H. and Hall, Timothy, “Structuring the Provincial Imagination: The Rhetoric and Experience of Social Change in Eighteenth-Century New England,” American Historical Review 103, no. 5 (December 1998), 1411–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 1433.

⁷¹ Jenkins, Philip, The Next Christendom: The Coming of Global Christianity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 124–32; 217–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar; J. Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu, “Did Jesus Wear Designer Robes?” Christianity Today Magazine, http://www.christianitytoday.com/globalconversation/november2009/ (accessed November 30, 2009).

An earlier version of the essay was presented at the Fifth Annual New Sweden History Conference, “New Sweden and its European Neighbors, 1638–1786,” November 19, 2005. The author thanks Arthur Manukian, Rüdiger Kröger, Paul Peucker, Kim-Eric Williams, Hermann Wellenreuther, Mark Noll, and Craig Atwood for critical readings.