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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 18 May 2010
Today, most Catholics attending Mass come forward to receive communion as a matter of course. But this fact actually belies a very long history of low communion frequency and an institution's often losing struggle to have Catholics regularly receive the body of Christ. Already by the end of the fourth century, communion frequency in the Church, both East and West, had declined rapidly. Thereafter, outside small circles of especially devout communicants, communion at Mass remained for most Catholics an infrequent act. Yet during the mid-twentieth century, in the space of just a few decades, this situation showed signs of quite dramatic reversal. In the nineteenth century in Australia, average communion frequency among most practising Catholics was relatively nominal—perhaps three or four times a year was typical. On the eve of the Second Vatican Council, however, most Catholics in Australia were partaking of communion fortnightly and even weekly. Why this shift? What happened in the course of a generation which turned around a situation spanning many centuries in the Church's tradition of eucharistic worship?
1 The New Dictionary of Sacramental Worship, ed. Peter Fink (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 1990), 241–45.
2 Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, trans. Rev. H. J. Schroeder OP (St. Louis, Mo.: B. Herder, 1941), 147.
3 Heinz, Andreas, “Liturgical Rules and Popular Religious Customs Surrounding Holy Communion between the Council of Trent and the Catholic Restoration in the 19th Century,” in Bread of Heaven: Customs and Practices Surrounding Holy Communion, ed. Caspers, Charles, Lukken, Gerard, and Rouwhorst, Gerard, 123 (Netherlands: Kok Pharos, 1995)Google Scholar.
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7 Nissen, “Mobilizing the Catholic Masses,” in Bread of Heaven, 147–48.
8 Ibid., 150.
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10 The Sacred Congregation of the Council was responsible for the discipline of secular clergy and the laity. This meant that the Congregation administered, for example, the observation of ecclesiastical precepts, the granting of dispensations, the regulation of pious sodalities and unions, mass stipends, and ecclesiastical property.
11 Sacra Tridentina Synodus (December 20, 1905) in Catechetical Documents of Pope Pius X, ed. Joseph B. Collins, 46 (Paterson, N.J.: Saint Anthony Guild, 1946).
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18 Australasian Catholic Record (July 1924): 28. This article on moral theology discussed the interpretation of Pius X's decree on the relaxation of the eucharistic fast for the seriously ill. (Hereafter, Australasian Catholic Record will be referred to as ACR.)
19 Catechetical Documents of Pope Pius X, ed. Collins, 61.
20 Most historians agree that a devotional revival took place within nineteenth-century Catholicism. It should be noted that disagreements persist regarding the nature of this revival; for example, was it “ultramontane” or more localized? As a representative sample, see Chinnici, Joseph P. OFM, Living Stones: The History and Structure of Catholic Spiritual Life in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1989), 146–56Google Scholar; Taves, Ann, The Household of Faith: Roman Catholic Devotions in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1986), 21–45Google Scholar; Heimann, Mary, Catholic Devotion in Victorian England (Oxford: Clarendon, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Duffy, Eamon, Saints and Sinners: A History of the Popes (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997), 225–28Google Scholar.
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28 John Bede Polding, an English Benedictine, arrived in Australia in 1833. In 1834, Polding was consecrated as Australia's first bishop. He became archbishop of Sydney in 1842, the year a Catholic hierarchy was set up. See O'Donoghue, Frances, The Bishop of Botany Bay: The Life of John Bede Polding, Australia's First Catholic Archbishop (London: Angus and Robertson, 1982)Google Scholar.
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32 The People's Eucharistic League (PEL) was established in 1859 by Peter Julian Eymard. It was introduced to Australia by a Jesuit, Father Patrick Tighe, in 1914. Members of the League were required to spend one hour in prayer before the Blessed Sacrament each month. Both the People's Eucharistic League and the Priest's Eucharistic League derived from nineteenth-century French spirituality. Though possessing the same aims, each was separately established and canonically approved. The key difference in membership requirements was the frequency of prayer before the Blessed Sacrament: in the People's League, one hour per month was required; in the Priest's League, one hour per week was mandated.
33 Australian Manual of the Crusaders of the Blessed Sacrament (Melbourne: St. Patrick's College, ca.1950s), 8–9.
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35 Pastoral Letter of the Archbishops and Bishops of Australasia in Plenary Council Assembled to the Clergy and Laity of their Charge (November 29, 1885) in Moran, History of the Catholic Church in Australasia, 690.
36 Pastoral Letter of the Archbishops and Bishops of Australia assembled in Second Plenary Council (Sydney, December 8, 1895), 11.
37 Pastoral Letter of the Archbishops and Bishops of Australasia in Plenary Council, in Moran, History of the Catholic Church in Australasia, 690.
38 Pastoral Letter of the Archbishops and Bishops of Australasia in Plenary Council, in Moran, History of the Catholic Church in Australasia, 690.
39 Pastoral Letter of the Archbishops and Bishops of Australia assembled in Second Plenary Council, 18.
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41 See, for example, Zimmerman, Beverly, The Making of a Diocese: Maitland, its bishop, priests and people, 1866–1909 (Carlton South: Melbourne University Press, 2000), 32–33Google Scholar. Zimmerman identifies a small body of 350 Catholics who received communion weekly at St. John's, West Maitland, in 1857. Undoubtedly, the same phenomenon existed in Melbourne.
42 The paschal precept had to be fulfilled within a given time span. Traditionally, this covered the period between Palm Sunday and the first Sunday after Easter. In Australia, the obligation of the paschal precept could be fulfilled between Ash Wednesday and the Octave of the Feast of SS. Peter and Paul, July 6—a generous spread of time. Source: The Catholic Almanac and Directory of the Church in Victoria (Melbourne: Advocate, 1921), 45.
43 In Australia, the Holy days of obligation were all Sundays, Circumcision (January 1), Ascension (May 25), Assumption (August 15), All Saints (November 1) and Christmas day (December 25). It was customary for many Catholics to receive communion on some of these important feast days of the Church. Source: The Jesuit Directory and Year Book (Melbourne: Advocate Press, 1933), 9.
44 Episcopal Visitation Record for Bulli (1894), Archdiocese of Sydney Archives. (Hereafter: ASA.)
45 Episcopal Visitation Record for Bulli (1897), ASA.
46 Episcopal Visitation Record for Concord (1896), ASA.
47 Episcopal Visitation Record for Bulli (1915), ASA.
48 Episcopal Visitation Record for Bulli (1927), ASA.
49 Episcopal Visitation Record for Bulli (1942), ASA.
50 Episcopal Visitation Record for Concord (1913), ASA.
51 Episcopal Visitation Record for Concord (1927), ASA.
52 Episcopal Visitation Record for Concord (1946), ASA.
53 The Holy Name Society for men, to take one example, was established in Australia in 1921. In 1938, there were four hundred branches with approximately fifty-two thousand members, reaching one hundred thousand members in 1953. The second rule of the Society stipulated that members were required to attend “monthly communion on the stated Sunday in company with the local Holy Name men.” Taken from Hogan, S. M. OP, Manual of the Holy Name Society (Middle Camberwell, Victoria: Holy Name Society Headquarters, ca.1950s), 31–32Google Scholar.
54 Anne-Marie Whitaker explores the historiography attached to this episode in “William Davis, James Dempsey and Father Jeremiah O'Flynn,” Journal of the Australian Catholic Historical Society (hereafter JACHS) 17 (1996): 29–43. See also Keely, Vivienne, “The Reverend Jeremiah Flynn, Persecution, and the Evidence of Michael Hayes,” ACR 85 (January 2008): 3–14Google Scholar; Hosie, John, “Davis, Dempsey and the Leaving of the Blessed Sacrament—The Controversy and a Possible Solution,” ACR 67 (January 1990): 81–86Google Scholar; Collins, Paul, “Jeremiah O'Flynn: Persecuted Hero or Vagus?” ACR 63 (January 1986): 87–95 and 63 (April 1986): 179–94Google Scholar. Very Rev. Msgr. Duffy, C., “The Leaving of the Consecrated Host by Father J. O'Flynn,” JACHS 2 (1967): 1–20Google Scholar.
55 Hosie, “Davis, Dempsey and the Leaving of the Blessed Sacrament—The Controversy and a Possible Solution,” 82.
56 Cardinal Patrick Francis Moran was archbishop of Sydney between 1884 and 1911. See Ayres, Philip, Prince of the Church: Patrick Francis Moran, 1830–1911 (Carlton, Victoria: Miegunyah, 2007)Google Scholar.
57 Dr. William Ullathorne arrived in Australia in 1833 as an official ecclesiastical representative of the Catholic Church. Bishop Morris in Mauritius, with responsibility for Catholics in the colony, appointed Ullathorne as his Vicar-General, resident in Australia.
58 Moran, History of the Catholic Church in Australasia, 65.
59 Ibid., 66–67.
60 O'Farrell, The Catholic Church and Community in Australia, 15.
61 Addresses Delivered at the Twenty-Ninth Eucharistic Congress, Sydney, Australia, September 1928 (Sydney: Green, 1929), 18.
62 Rev. Fox, William SSS, The Golden Hour and the People's Eucharistic League (Melbourne: Australian Catholic Truth Society, 1936), 4Google Scholar.
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64 See Jones, Paul H., Christ's Eucharistic Presence: A History of the Doctrine (New York: Peter Lang, 1994), particularly 91–105Google Scholar.
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69 Karl Rahner suggests that the metonymical association attached to the host is “unknown to tradition.” See Theological Investigations IV (Baltimore: Helicon, 1966), 299. See also, Mitchell's, Nathan comments in Cult and Controversy: The Worship of the Eucharist Outside Mass (New York: Pueblo, 1982), 401–2Google Scholar.
70 Stanislaus, Brother, A Novena of Visits to Jesus in the Most Holy Sacrament (Sydney: Pellegrini, 1927), no page numbersGoogle Scholar.
71 Australian Messenger of the Sacred Heart (September 1, 1925), 544. The poem also appeared in Monstrance (January 1941), 8. Monstrance was the main devotional organ attached to the Blessed Sacrament Fathers in Melbourne.
72 Daniel, Ivor, “The ‘Prisoner’ of the Tabernacle,” Furrow 6 (April 1955): 236Google Scholar.
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74 Addresses Delivered at the Twenty-Ninth Eucharistic Congress, Sydney, Australia, September 1928, 19–20.
75 Advocate (September 22, 1938), 20.
76 Ibid.
77 Emmaus 14 (April 1953), 508.
78 Catechism of Christian Doctrine, Eighteenth Edition (Sydney, 1962), 46.
79 Ibid.
80 Ibid., 47.
81 Ibid.
82 Beovich, Companion to the Catechism, 64.
83 Rev. Power, Albert, “Effects of Holy Communion,” Annals of Our Lady of the Sacred Heart (April 1, 1932): 220Google Scholar.
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85 Abide in My Love being excerpts from the writings of Blessed Peter Julian Eymard, compiled by Sister Emmanuel OSB (Melbourne: ACTS, 1944), 4.
86 Ibid., 15.
87 Rev. Perkins, John, Your Communion Day (Melbourne: Australian Catholic Truth Society, 1948), 2Google Scholar.
88 See Douglas, Mary, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concept of Pollution and Taboo (London: Routledge, 2002, 1966), 1–7Google Scholar. Also Natural Symbols: Explorations in Cosmology (London: Routledge, 1978), particularly in relation to the Eucharist, 69–76.
89 Catechism of Christian Doctrine, 50–52.
90 Most Rev. Sheehan, M., A Simple Course of Religion or Religion by Letter (Melbourne: Advocate, 1955), 57Google Scholar.
91 Instruction “For those who are to be admitted for the first time to Holy Communion,” ACR (January 1911), 80.
92 Camporesi, Piero, “The Consecrated Host: A Wondrous Excess,” in Fragments for a History of the Human Body, ed. Feher, Michel, Naddaff, Romana and Tazi, Nadia, 228 (New York: Zone, 1989)Google Scholar.
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95 See The Altar Manual, or Devotions for Confession and Communion (Dublin: James Duffy and Sons, ca.1870); Loyola, Mother Mary, Confession and Communion for Religious and for those who Communicate Frequently (London: Burns & Oates, 1908)Google Scholar; McEvoy, Hubert S.J., Devotions for Holy Communion (London: Burns & Oates, 1959)Google Scholar.
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97 Hymns Used by the Pupils of the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Australia (Ballarat: John Fraser & Son, 1953), 30.
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100 See Lang, Bernhard, Sacred Games: A History of Christian Worship (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997), 344–45Google Scholar.
101 Prayer Book or Manual of the Children of Mary (Sydney: Pellegrini, 1959), 118.
102 The Treasury of the Sacred Heart (London: Burns & Oates, 1923), 166.
103 Ibid.
104 Rev. McKenna, Joseph, “Qurant'Ore or the Forty Hours' Prayer,” Clergy Review 6 (September 1933), 186–87Google Scholar.
105 The designation of “forty hours” was also understood as the forty days Christ spent in the wilderness, or the forty days spent on earth after the resurrection. It should also be noted that early in the devotion's history, it was probably not celebrated before the Blessed Sacrament exposed. This practice appeared later. See McKenna, “Qurant'Ore,” 187.
106 Polding, John, Occasional Pastoral on Eucharistic Devotion (1870), in The Eye of Faith, 331Google Scholar.
107 Polding, John, Lenten Pastoral (1860), in The Eye of Faith, 112Google Scholar.
108 Henri de Lubac, Corpus Mysticum: Essai sir l'Eucharistie et l'Eglise au Moyen Age was originally published in 1944, but has not appeared in English translation. De Lubac's thinking in this area has been explicated in a number of works. See McPartlan, Paul, The Eucharist Makes the Church: Henri de Lubac and John Zizioulas in Dialogue (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993), particularly 84–85Google Scholar; Pickstock, Catherine, After Writing: On the Liturgical Consummation of Philosophy (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), 158–66Google Scholar; Cavanaugh, William T., Torture and the Eucharist: Theology, Politics, and the Body of Christ (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), 205–21Google Scholar; Kantorowicz, Ernst H., The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1957), 194–206Google Scholar.
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110 de Certeau, Michel, The Mystic Fable, Volume One: The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 82Google Scholar.
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112 Polding, John, Occasional Pastoral on the Archbishop of Paris (25 March 1857), in The Eye of Faith, 240Google Scholar.
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114 Ibid., 165.
115 Polding, John, Lenten Pastoral (1871), in The Eye of Faith, 167Google Scholar.
116 The Eye of Faith, 201.
117 Hahnenberg, Edward P., “The Mystical Body of Christ and Communion Ecclesiology: Historical Parallels,” Irish Theological Quarterly 70 (2005): 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
118 See Himes, Michael J., “The Development of Ecclesiology: Modernity to the Twentieth Century,” in The Gift of the Church: A Textbook on Ecclesiology, ed. Phan, Peter C., 59 (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 2000)Google Scholar. For an in-depth treatment of Mohler's ecclesiology, see Himes, Michael J., Ongoing Incarnation: Johann Adam Mohler and the Beginnings of Modern Ecclesiology (New York: Crossroad, 1997)Google Scholar.
119 Hahnenberg, “The Mystical Body of Christ and Communion Ecclesiology,” 8.
120 Ibid., 8–9.
121 See also Dulles, Avery, “A Half Century of Ecclesiology,” Theological Studies 50 (1989): 421–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
122 Pius, Pope XII, Mystici Corporis in The Papal Encyclicals, 1939–1958, ed. Carlen, Claudia IHM, 39 (USA: Consortium, 1981)Google Scholar.
123 Ibid., 41.
124 Ibid.
125 Frean, Commentary on the Catechism, 163–68.
126 ACR 23 (October 1946): 305.
127 Ibid.
128 Ibid., 306.
129 Ibid.
130 Ibid., 307.
131 Ibid., 308.
132 On Prosper Gueranger, see a series of articles published by Franklin, R. W.: “Gueranger: A View on the Centenary of His Death,” Worship 49 (June–July 1975): 318–28Google Scholar; “Gueranger and Pastoral Liturgy: A Nineteenth Century Context,” Worship 50 (1976): 146–62; “Gueranger and Variety in Unity,” Worship 51 (September 1977): 378–99; and “The Nineteenth Century Liturgical Movement,” Worship 53 (1979): 12–39. As to whether Lambert Beauduin's efforts inaugurated the liturgical movement, it must be noted that there remain some differences in scholarly opinion about when the liturgical movement properly began and, indeed, how many liturgical movements there actually were and are. Some scholars hold that the work of Gueranger and Pius X were antecedent to “the” liturgical movement of the twentieth century. See, for example, Koenker, Ernest, The liturgical Renaissance in the Roman Catholic Church (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954), 11–12Google Scholar (though Koenker actually dates the beginning of the liturgical movement to the first liturgical week for the laity at Maria Laach Abbey in 1914); A Dictionary of Liturgy and Worship, ed. J. G. Davies (London: SCM, 1972), 217; and Botte, Bernarad OSB, From Silence to Participation: An Insider's View of Liturgical Renewal (Washington D.C.: Pastoral, 1988), 10Google Scholar. James White, on the other hand, identifies two liturgical movements: one beginning in the 1830s with Gueranger, continuing with Pius X, Beauduin and others, and a second movement which only began after Mediator Dei in 1947. See his Roman Catholic Worship: Trent to Today (New York: Paulist, 1995), 69–114. More recently, Frank Senn has identified four liturgical movements with differing, though overlapping, agendas. See “Four liturgical movements: restoration, renewal, revival, retrieval,” Lutheran Theological Journal 40 (December 2006): 143–55.
133 I have taken this characterisation (“bringing the people to the liturgy”) from Searle, Mark, Called to Participate: Theological, Ritual, and Social Perspectives (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 2006): 1–14Google Scholar. I am persuaded that Searle's characterisation of the history and aims of the liturgical movement is the most enlightening approach.
134 The best work on the liturgical movement in the United States is Peckler's, KeithThe Unread Vision: The Liturgical Movement in the United States of America: 1926–1955 (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 1998)Google Scholar. On Virgil Michel, see also Marx, Paul OSB, Virgil Michel and the Liturgical Movement (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 1957)Google Scholar.
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140 Roberts, Cornelius, “The Sacrament of Glory,” ACR (April 1953): 110Google Scholar.
141 It was not uncommon during the pre–Vatican II period for communion to be distributed before, during (in addition to after the priest's communion) and after the Mass. Similarly, reserved communion hosts were often distributed for communion, rather than hosts consecrated at a given Mass. Though such practices were not seen as wholly consistent with tradition—see, for example, O'Kane's, JamesNotes on the Rubrics of the Roman Ritual (Dublin: James Duffy, 1922)Google Scholar, 331–32—they were permitted as a necessary pastoral provision. See, Mitchell, Nathan D., “History of the Relationship between Eucharist and Communion,” Liturgical Ministry 13 (Spring 2004): 57–65Google Scholar. Mitchell's, excellent Cult and Controversy: The Worship of the Eucharist Outside Mass (Collegeville, Minn.: Pueblo, 1997)Google Scholar is also highly informative on this development.
142 Pius, Pope XII, Mediator Dei (London: Catholic Truth Society, 1947), 47–48Google Scholar.
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146 See Congar, Yves, Lay People in the Church (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1985)Google Scholar. On the emergence of the laity in theological thinking, see Lakeland, Paul, The Liberation of the Laity: In Search of an Accountable Church (New York: Continuum, 2003), esp. 17–75Google Scholar. Of continuing use is Rosemary Goldie's “Lay, Laity, Laicity: A Bibliographical Survey of Three Decades,” in Elements for a Theology of the Laity, Special issue of “The Laity Today” (Vatican City: Pontifical Council for the Laity, 1979), 107–18.
147 Searle, Called to Participate, 8–12.
148 Of course the extent to which one needs to, or even should, adapt the liturgy to suit modern needs represents the nub of the issue when discussing post–Vatican II liturgical reform. See Baldovin, John F., Reforming the Liturgy: A Response to the Critics (Collegeville, Minn.: Pueblo, 2008)Google Scholar. Nichols's, AidanLooking at the Liturgy (San Francisco: Ignatius, 1996)Google Scholar gives the more cautious appraisal.
149 Pius XII, Christus Dominus in ACR: 96–97.
150 Ibid., 98.
151 Rev. John F. Kelly, “Liturgy in Sub-Primary Classes,” in Australian Liturgical Week, 143–44.
152 Sixth National Education Conference of Directors of Catholic Education and Diocesan Inspectors of Schools, 20–22 April, 1953. Material quoted from Archbishop Beovich's Papers, “Catechetics and National Projects,” 1958–1972, Box 374, Adelaide Catholic Archives.
153 Roberts, “The Sacrament of Glory,” ACR: 110–11.
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155 Ibid., 5.
156 Ibid., 29.
157 Australian Messenger of the Sacred Heart (September 1, 1959): 524.
158 Australian Messenger of the Sacred Heart (December 1, 1958): 726.
159 See, for example, Irwin, Kevin W., Models of the Eucharist (New York: Paulist, 2005), 5–7Google Scholar. Also, Mitchell, Nathan, Real Presence: The Work of Eucharist (Chicago: Liturgy Training, 2000), 2–3Google Scholar.