Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2009
From the 1920s onward, many individuals and denominations have referred to themselves as Baptist-fundamentalists or fundamentalist-Baptists. Increasingly, however, scholars are emphasizing the stark contrast between fundamentalism and Baptist life.1 More than any other, the life of J. Frank Norris stands as an example of the tension, if not irreconcilability, between the two camps. The enigmatic, or perhaps oxymoronic, nature of Norris's theological life was paralleled by his political endeavors in which he claimed to be a Democrat, but almost always supported Republican candidates. Being from Texas, it was natural that Norris would begin his career as a Baptist Democrat. In time, however, he evolved into a fundamentalist Republican. He actually attempted to be a fundamentalist-Baptist religiously and a Republican-Democrat politically. The fusion of these two religious traditions was no less problematic than fusion of the political parties.
1. See: Garrett, James Leo Jr, Hinson, E. Glenn, and Tull, James E., Are Southern Baptists “Evangelicals”? (Macon, Ga., 1983).Google ScholarGarrett argues that Southern Baptists are evangelicals as long as the latter term is not used as a synonym for fundamentalists (see p. 206). Hinson, on the other hand, argues that Baptist history is antithetical to fundamentalism and evangelical Protestantism as well. He cites specifically the creedalism exhibited by evangelical Protestantism (see p. 174).Google ScholarSee also Leonard, Bill J., “Southern Baptist Relationships With Independent Baptists,” Baptist History and Heritage 25 (1990): 43–51.Google ScholarLeonard focuses on how independent Baptists who are fundamentalists differ from Southern Baptists. See also Hill, Samuel S. Jr, “Fundamentalism and the South,” Perspectives on Religious Studies 13 (Fall 1986): 49–55.Google ScholarHill, perhaps the preeminent historian of religion in the South, argues that Independent Baptists and Southern Baptists represent different aspects of Southern evangelical Protestantism—the former representing the “truth party” and the latter the “conversion party.”Google Scholar
2. Norris's papers contain more than one hundred pieces of correspondence between himself and Connally, covering the period from the late twenties to the early fifties. Though he communicated with Rayburn much less, the letters were as cordial as those from Connally. Norris's papers are at the Dargen-Carver Library of the Southern Baptist Historical Society in Nashville. Several institutions have full microfilmed sets of these papers including the Texas Collection at Baylor University and the Roberts Library at Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary in Fort Worth. Among other Baptists who became leaders in the fundamentalist movement were John Roach Straton (1875–1929), William Bell Riley (1861–1947), J. C. Massee (1871–1965), T. T. Shields (1873–1955), A. C. Dixon (1854–1925), and W. A. Criswell (1909-).Google Scholar
3. Cordell Hull to Winston Churchill, 28 08 1941;Google ScholarA photostatic copy of this letter appeared in Norris's newspaper, the Fundamentalist 5 09 1941, p. 1.Google ScholarWendell Wilkie to Winston Churchill, 18 08 1941, photostatic copy in Fundamentalist 5 09 1941, p. 2.Google ScholarFor Norris's report on his meeting with Churchill see “‘I Have the Same Faith I Received From My Mother,’” Fundamentalist, 26 09 1941, pp. 1 and 7. The article's title is allegedly a quote from Churchill to Norris during their meeting.Google Scholar
4. “Pope Meets Baptist Ministers,” New York Sun, 5 09 1947;Google Scholarphotostatic copy in Fundamentalist, 19 09 1947, p. 4.Google Scholar
5. As yet there is no scholarly, published biography of Norris. Four of his associates have written books that are to varying degrees laudatory. They are Louis Entzminger's The J. Frank Norris I Have Known for Thirty-Four Years (Fort Worth, Tex., 1948),Google ScholarTatum's, E. RayConquest or Failure? (Dallas, 1966),Google ScholarFalls's, Roy E.A Fascinating Biography of j. Frank Norris: The Most Outstanding Fundamentalist of the 20th Century (Euless, Tex., 1975),Google Scholarand Ritchie's, HomerThe Life and Legend of J. Frank Norris The Fighting Parson (Fort Worth, Tex., 1991).Google ScholarFor an unpublished, scholarly biography, see: Morris, Clovis Gwin, “He Changed Things: The Life and Thought of J. Frank Norris” (Ph.D. diss., Texas Tech University, 1973).Google ScholarThe best published biographical piece on Norris is chapter two of Russell's, C. AllynVoices of Fundamentalism: Seven Biographical Studies (Philadelphia, 1976).Google ScholarFor an in-depth analysis of Norris's political activity see Hankins, Barry, “Saving America: Fundamentalism and Politics in the Life of J. Frank Norris” (Ph.D. diss., Kansas State University, 1990).Google Scholar
6. Kirkland, E. P. to Groner, F. S., 27 10 1922, Norris File, Roberts Library, Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, Fort Worth. This letter is published in McBeth, Leon, ed., A Sourcebook for Baptist Heritage (Nashville, 1990), p. 488. As of 7 01 1991, this letter could no longer be located in the Norris file. I have a copy of the letter that I received from McBeth.Google Scholar
7. Judge Hosey, George E., “Resume of the Norris Cases” 29 11 1927, L. R. Scarborough Correspondence, Roberts Library, Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary. Judge Hosey was not Norris's trial judge, but he claimed that the presiding judge had biased the jury in favor of Norris. He states that he was convinced that Norris was guilty of burning the church. Contemporary newspaper accounts corroborate that Norris's trial judge biased the jury in Norris's favor.Google ScholarSee “Jury Acquits Norris on First Ballot,” Fort Worth Star Telegram 24 01 1914, p. 1.Google Scholar
8. “Norris Found Not Guilty Weeps Aloud,” Fort Worth Record Telegram, 26 01 1927, p. 1.Google ScholarSee also the untitled items in Norris's newspaper, the Searchlight, 16 07 1926, p. 1;Google Scholarand Searchlight, 23 07 1926, pp. 1 and 5.Google ScholarNorris killed Chipps in 07 1926, but because of pretrial maneuvers and a change of venue, the trial did not take place until January 1927. It was held in Austin, nearly two-hundred miles south of Fort Worth.Google Scholar
9. Fort Worth Star Telegram, 15 09 1922, p. 1. “A Statement and a Pledge,” copy in Scarborough, L. R. Correspondence, Roberts Library, Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary.Google Scholar
10. Marsden, George, Fundamentalism and American Culture (New York, 1980), pp. 4, 149.Google ScholarSee also Dollar, George F., A History of Fundamentalism in America (Greenville, S.C., 1973), p. xv. A fundamentalist himself, Dollar wrote, “Historic Fundamentalism is the literal exposition of all the affirmations and attitudes of the Bible and the militant exposure of all non-Biblical affirmations and attitudes.”Google Scholar
11. “Convention Side Lights,” Watchman-Examiner 8 (1 07 1920): 834. Quoted in Marsden, p. 159.Google Scholar
12. Marsden, , p. 195.Google ScholarFor the beginning of the neo-evangelical movement and how it differentiated itself from fundamentalism, see Marsden, George, Reforming Fundamentalism: Fuller Theological Seminary and the New Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1987).Google Scholar
13. For a discussion of premillennial dispensationalism and its relationship to fundamentalism, see Sandeen, Ernest, The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism, 1800–1930 (Chicago, 1970)Google Scholarand Weber, Timothy, Living in the Shadow of the Second Coming (New York, 1979).Google Scholar
14. See Marsden, , Fundamentalism and American Culture, pp. 42–64.Google Scholar
15. Morris, , “He Changed Things,” pp. 302–307.Google Scholar
16. The Baptist Fundamentalist 29 04 1927, p. 1. Norris dropped “Baptist” from the title beginning with the 27 01 1928 issue.Google Scholar
17. Morris, , “He Changed Things,” p. 371.Google Scholar
18. “Baptist Meeting Thrown in Disorder as Rev. J. Frank Norris Makes Query,” Atlanta Journal Constitution, 7 05 1947, pp. 1–2.Google ScholarThe Journal Constitution was especially interested in Norris because Newton was pastor of Druid Hills Baptist Church in Atlanta. The newspaper itself was soon embroiled in controversy with Norris when the editor, McGill, Ralph, wrote a column calling Norris a “pistol toting divine.” After Norris sued the newspaper, the Journal Constitution printed a retraction.Google ScholarSee McGill, Ralph, “Editorial,” Atlanta Journal Constitution, 8 05 1947.Google Scholar
19. See Thompson, James J. Jr, Tried as by Fire: Southern Baptists and Religious Controversies of the 1920s (Macon, Ga., 1982). Thompson portrays the SBC as a “bastion of orthodoxy” that experienced very little challenge from modernism.Google Scholar
20. For a discussion of Norris's dispensational views see Howe, Danny, “An Analysis of Dispensationalism and its Implications for the Theologies of James Robinson Graves, John Franklyn Norris and Wallie Amos Criswell,” (Ph.D. diss., Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1988). Sometimes Norris spoke of three dispensations—law, grace, and the millennium.Google Scholar
21. Norris, , “Mussolini A Type of the Beast of Prophecy,” Fundamentalist, 6 04 1928, p. 2;Google Scholar“Joseph Stalin of Russia and the Ear Marks of the Beast,” Fundamentalist, 2 10 1931, pp. 2, 4, and 6;Google Scholarand “Is Hitler the Antichrist?,” Fundamentalist, 17 05 1940, p. 5.Google Scholar
22. Norris, , “WWI Needed to Fulfill the Word of the Bible,” Searchlight, 3 07 1919, p. 3.Google Scholar
23 Norris, , “And the Mule Under Him Went Away,” Fundamentalist, 9 11 1928, p. 1Google Scholar
24. “Evangelist to War on Moderns,” Chicago Tribune, 22 01 1925;Google Scholarreprinted in Searchlight, 30 01 1925, p. 1.Google Scholar
25. While the field of Baptist historiography is far too vast to cover here, a good summary statement of the distinctives of Baptist life can be found in Brackney, William Henry, The Baptists (New York, 1988). Brackney's five main chapters very nearly parallel the five distinctives I am using. His book is enhanced by a biographical dictionary of Baptists and a historiographical essay organized by topics.Google ScholarSee also Torbet, Robert G., A History of the Baptists, 3d ed. (Valley Forge, Pa., 1973).Google Scholar
26. See Norris, to Vick, Eloise, 23 07 1949, Norris Papers, Texas Collection, Baylor University.Google Scholar
27. Norris, George to “Dear Friend,” 26 01 1945, Norris File, Roberts Library Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, Fort Worth. This letter details George's experience at First Baptist including his resignation. It appears to have been intended for the members of the church. See also Item in File, 10 1944, Norris Papers, Texas Collection, Baylor University. This document is a transcript of some church proceeding having to do with George's departure. It reads like a trial transcript in which George is the defendant.Google Scholar
28. Norris, to Norris, George, 22 03 1940, Norris Papers, Texas Collection, Baylor University.Google Scholar
29. Norris, to Norris, George, 23 03 1940, Norris Papers, Texas Collection, Baylor University.Google Scholar
30. Vick, G. B. to Norris, , 17 05 1950, Norris Papers, Texas Collection, Baylor University.Google Scholar
31. Vick, G. B. and Dowell, D. E. interview, 27 07 1973, Baylor University Institute for Oral History, Tape BP79Z10D–1;Google Scholarand Vick, G. B. and Bartlett, Billy Vick interview 28 02 1974, Baylor Institute for Oral History, Tape BP79Z10B–1.Google Scholar
32. Quoted in Toulouse, Mark G., “A Case Study in Schism: J. Frank Norris and the Southern Baptist Convention,” Foundations 24 (01–03 1981): 50.Google Scholar
33. Mclntire, Carl, “Truman Violates Constitution and Appoints Ambassador to Rome,” Fundamentalist, 2 11 1951, p. 1. Though this article is by fundamentalist leader Carl Mclntire, one can presume that Norris agrees with it. He never printed anything in his newspaper that he disagreed with unless he was setting it up for attack.Google Scholar
34. Norris, , “Ethiopia Stretches Forth Her Hands to God,” Fundamentalist, 4 10 1935, p. 7. In this address he accused Roosevelt of making no references to God and of surrounding himself with atheists in his cabinet.Google ScholarSee also “The NRA and the Mark of the Beast,” Fundamentalist, 18 10 1935, p. 6.Google ScholarFor a discussion of F. D. R.'s civil religion see Pierard, Richard and Linder, Robert, Civil Religion and the Presidency (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1988), pp. 161–183.Google Scholar
35. Entzminger, Louis, “United States Government Approves Fundamental Baptist Institute As A Theological Institution,” Fundamentalist, 9 02 1945, p. 1;Google Scholar“A Theological Or Divinity School Within the Purview of the Law,” Fundamentalist, 16 02 1945, p. 1;Google Scholarand “Bible Baptist Seminary—Why it was Necessary to Change,” Fundamentalist, 23 02 1945, p. 1.Google Scholar
36. “Bible Baptist Seminary Now Legally Gives All And More Degrees Than Any Other Seminary,” Fundamentalist, 12 10 1945, pp. 1 and 8. Quote on page 8.Google Scholar
37. “Bible Baptist Seminary Given Greater Standing By State Board of Education of Texas,” Fundamentalist, 7 04 1950, p. 1.Google Scholar
38. Norris, to Vick, , 31 03 1950, Norris Papers, Texas Collection, Baylor University.Google Scholar
39. Lumpkin, William L., Baptist Confessions of Faith, rev. ed. (Valley Forge, Pa., 1969), p. 16.Google Scholar
40. Russell, , Voices of Fundamentalism, p. 98.Google Scholar
41. Norris, to Scarborough, , 25 09 1923, Scarborough Correspondence, Roberts Library, Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, Fort Worth.Google Scholar
42. Searchlight, 28 11 1924, p. 1.Google Scholar
43. For a copy of the letter see Baylor, president Samuel P. Brooks's report to the Baptist General Convention of Texas, Annual of the Baptist General Convention of Texas, 20–22 11 1924, pp. 61–62.Google Scholar
44. “Fundamentalists Win Historic Victory in Oklahoma Convention By Vote of 5 to 1—Funds Withheld From Institutions Which Refuse to Sign,” Fundamentalist, 11 11 1927, p. 1.Google Scholar
45. Rev. Norton, W. B., “Chicago Crowds Hear Rivals in War of Creeds,” Searchlight, 30 01 1925, p. 1.Google ScholarThis was a reprint of an article that appeared in the Chicago Tribune.Google Scholar
46. Matthews, C. E. to Scarborough, 23 11 1921, Scarborough Correspondence, Roberts Library, Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary.Google ScholarIn this letter, Matthews, Norris's former Sunday school superintendent, reported the case of Cora Goodly, whom Norris had allowed to join the church without baptism.Google ScholarSee also Claybrook, Lyn to Thornton, D. A., 5 07 1923, Scarborough Correspondence. This was a notarized, sworn statement by Claybrook, attesting to the fact that he had overheard Norris tell Goodly that she would not have to be baptized to join.Google Scholar
47. “First Baptist Church Invites Baptist General Convention of Texas to Use Auditorium,” Fundamentalist, 2 11 1945, p. 4.Google ScholarThat Norris invited the state convention to use the auditorium of the First Baptist Church was obviously a propaganda ploy intended to portray himself as the forgiving one. After more than two decades of war with the state convention, Norris could not have thought seriously that the BGCT would accept his offer.Google Scholar
48. “Differences Between Fundamental Baptists and Convention Baptists,” Fundamentalist, 30 07 1948, pp. 1 and 5–6.Google ScholarNorris's accusation that convention Baptists denied the virgin birth was part of his attack on Dawson, Joseph M., one of Texas's best-known pastors. Norris had accused Dawson of modernism for years, at one time attributing to Dawson liberal theological views contained in a book Dawson had reviewed for a journal.Google Scholar
49. For a few of the many examples of Norris's attacks on Smith, see “The Conspiracy of Rum and Romanism to Rule This Government,” Searchlight, 5 02 1926, pp. 1 and 6;Google Scholar“Why Al Smith Should Not Be President of the United States,” Fundamentalist, 20 05 1927, pp. 1–2;Google Scholar“Talk About Religious Freedom and Intolerance,” Fundamentalist, 17 02 1928, p. 3;Google Scholar“Address on the Candidacy of Al Smith,” Fundamentalist 03 1928, pp. 2 and 6;Google Scholarand “Al Smith Habitual Drinker,” Fundamentalist, 17 08 1928, p. 1.Google ScholarFor a discussion of Norris's involvement in presidential politics see Hankins, Barry, “The Fundamentalist Style in American Politics: J. Frank Norris and Presidential Elections, 1928–1952,” American Baptist Quarterly, 9 (03 1992): 76–95.Google Scholar
50. Norris, to Creager, R. B., Brownsville, Texas, 26 11 1927;Google Scholarand Norris, to Creager, , 19 03 1928, Norris Papers, Texas Collection, Baylor University.Google Scholar
51. Norris, to Hon. Flood, James W., Chicago, 17 09 1928, Norris Papers, Texas Collection, Baylor University.Google Scholar
52. “Will the Papacy Rule The Italian Government and Will Raskobism Capture the White House,” Fundamentalist, 12 06 1931, p. 6.Google ScholarRaskob, John J. was the chairman of the Democratic party.Google Scholar
53. See “Fifteen Bible Reasons Why Support Roosevelt's Recovery,” Fundamentalist, 23 03 1934, pp. 2 and 5–6.Google Scholar
54. Norris corresponded with a variety of leaders in the automobile industry, most frequently with Coyle, M. E., the executive vice president of General Motors.Google ScholarNorris was barely installed at Temple when General Motors provided the church with a piece of property on which to build a structure for revival meetings.Google ScholarSee “Statement of Dr J. Frank Norris, Concerning General Motors Corporation Over WJR 9 A.M., Sunday Nov 3, 1935,” Fundamentalist, 8 11 1935, p. 5.Google ScholarNorris used the occasion of the donation to contrast General Motors' favorable attitude toward religion with the allegedly hostile actions of the presidential administration.Google Scholar
55. Norris, , “Roosevelt's Election the Blackest Day in Blacked-Out Berlin,” Fundamentalist 15 11 1940, p. 1.Google ScholarConfessing that he had not voted for F. D. R., Norris did not reveal whether he had voted for Wilkie, . He may have sat out the election altogether. Prior to the election he endorsed Roosevelt, saying that the president “has been brought to the kingdom for such a time as this, ” and had asked, “Which of the two men [Roosevelt or Willkie] would Hitler want defeated?”Google ScholarSee “Excerpts From Message of Dr. J. Frank Norris on the Draft Law at First Baptist Church and Broadcast Over Radio Network,” Fundamentalist, 25 10 1940, p. 8.Google Scholar
56. Brownwell, Herbert Jr to Norris, , 24 08 1944;Google Scholarand Brownwell, to Norris, , 25 08 1944.Google ScholarBrownwell was chairman of the Republican National Committee and wrote to thank Norris for his offer to help the Dewey campaign. During the 1948 campaign Norris was in contact with both camps.Google ScholarSee Norris, to Dewey, , 28 06, 15 10, and 25 10 1948; and Norris to Truman, 22 06, 15 07, and 15 09 1948, Norris Papers, Texas Collection, Baylor University.Google ScholarIn the 15 09 letter to Truman, he predicted that the Democrat would win, but in a letter to Coyle, M. E. on 1 11, he predicted that Dewey would win. Coyle wrote back dejectedly, “I wondered this morning as I read your letter of 11 1st if you, in common with millions of other people in America, had not wished you had waited a day or two before assuming the result of the election. I think all of us were wrong.”Google ScholarSee Coyle, to Norris, , 4 11 1948, Norris Papers, Texas Collection, Baylor University.Google ScholarAlong with not being able to make up his mind about Truman, , Norris may have been playing both sides in order to retain influence with whomever won.Google Scholar
57. See Norris, to Eisenhower, , 10 07, 11 07, 13 07, and 1607 1952, Norris Papers, Texas Collection, Baylor University;Google Scholar“Eisenhower for President,” Fundamentalist, 18 07 1952, pp. 1–2;Google Scholar“Landslide Texas Election For Dwight D. Eisenhower,” Fundamentalist, 1 08 1952, pp. 1–2;Google Scholarand “Eisenhower's Platform—God, Home and Mother,” Fundamentalist, 8 08 1952, pp. 1–4.Google ScholarThe articles in the Fundamentalist were stenographic reproductions of Norris's radio broadcasts.Google Scholar
58. Fundamentalist, 22 01 1937, p. 1.Google ScholarSee also “The Conspiracy of John L. Lewis to Destroy Present Economic System and Become the Joseph Stalin of U.S.A.,” Fundamentalist, 5 02 1937, p. 1;Google Scholarand “Evangelist Assails Lewis As ‘Most Dangerous Man,’” Pittsburgh Sun-Telegraph 21 10 1938,Google Scholarphotostatic copy in Fundamentalist, 28 10 1938, p. 4.Google Scholar
59. See: “The G.P.U. National Labor Relations Board,” Fundamentalist, 7 01 1938, p. 2;Google Scholarand “The Need for the Right Kind of Labor Board,” Fundamentalist, 14 01 1938, p. 2.Google Scholar