¹ Blewitt, Octavio, A Hand-book for Travellers in Central Italy (London: Murray, 1850), 265Google Scholar.

² Hutton, Edward, Cities of Umbria (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1905), 23Google Scholar. Cf. Guide to Italy and Sicily, 6th ed. (London: Macmillan, 1911): “The town … owes its celebrity and interest entirely to St. Francis” (55).

³ The history of visual imagery is too extensive to incorporate here and will constitute another phase of this research.

⁴ Franchot, Jenny, Roads to Rome: The Antebellum Protestant Encounter with Catholicism (Berkeley: University of California, 1994)Google Scholar. Williams, Peter described a similar ambivalence in his “A Mirror for Unitarians: Catholicism and Culture in Nineteenth Century New England Literature” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1970)Google Scholar. Arnstein, Walter L., Protestant Versus Catholic in Mid-Victorian England (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1982)Google Scholar, provides useful background.

⁵ Franchot, Roads to Rome, 5, 202–3, 256.

⁶ Smith, Ryan K., Gothic Arches, Latin Crosses: Anti-Catholicism and American Church Designs in the Nineteenth Century (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 8, 15, 123Google Scholar.

⁷ Lears, T. J. Jackson, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880–1920 (New York: Pantheon, 1981), xiii, 142–44, 151–54, 161Google Scholar.

⁸ See, for example, Fox, Richard Wightman, Jesus in America: Personal Savior, Cultural Hero, National Obsession (San Francisco: Harper, 2005), 283Google Scholar. On “seekers,” see Schmidt, Leigh Eric, Restless Souls: The Making of American Spirituality from Emerson to Oprah (San Francisco: Harper, 2005)Google Scholar.

⁹ For detailed historical and theoretical discussion, see Albanese, Catherine, Nature Religion in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989)Google Scholar, and her Reconsidering Nature Religion (Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 2002).

¹⁰ None of these was in any sense unbiased, of course; in particular, all reflected political agendas for the future of the Franciscan Order and authority within it. For a more complete bibliography see Moorman, John, A History of the Franciscan Order from its Origins to the Year 1517 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968), 593–613Google Scholar; Armstrong, Regis J. and Brady, Ignatius C., eds., Francis and Clare: The Complete Works (New York: Paulist, 1982), 6–10, 245–46Google Scholar.

¹¹ Luke Wadding, Annales Ordinis Minorum, 8 vols., 1625–1654, and his Scriptores Ordinis Minorum, 1650.

¹² “Francis of Assisi,” New York Times, Jan. 8, 1888, 11 (review of Alger, Abby Langdon, ed., The Little Flowers of Saint Francis of Assisi, Translated with a Brief Account of the Life of St. Francis, [Boston: Roberts Bros., 1887]Google Scholar).

¹³ See, for example, “Saint Francis of Assisi,” Lend a Hand 1:5 (May 1886, 277–83), 277; Knox Little, William John, St. Francis of Assisi: His Times, Life, and Work (London: Isbister, 1897), 1–3Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Stephen, James, “St. Francis of Assisi,” Edinburgh Review, or Critical Journal 86 (1847): 1–42Google Scholar; [Stephen, ], “[Life of St. Francis],” Littell's Living Age 14 (1847): 348–64Google Scholar; [Stephen, ], “St. Francis of Assisi,” Eclectic Magazine of Foreign Literature and Art 12 (1847), 83–105Google Scholar; Stephen, , “Saint Francis of Assisi,” in Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography (London: Longman, Green, Brown, and Longmans, 1849), 89–153Google Scholar. The biographies he cited were de Malan, Emile Chavin, Histoire de Saint François d'Assise (Paris: Sagnier et Bray, 1845)Google Scholar; and Delécluse, E. J., St. François d'Assise (Paris, 1844)Google Scholar, (i.e. Delécluze, E.-J., Gregoire VII, saint François d'Assise, saint Thomas d'Aquin [Paris: J. Labitte, 1844]Google Scholar). Stephen was later Regius Professor of Modern History at Cambridge and was the grandfather of Virginia Woolf ([Leslie Stephen], L. S., “Stephen, Sir James,” Dictionary of National Biography [London: Smith, Elder, 1898], 54:163–64Google Scholar; Gordon, Lyndall, “Woolf [née Stephen], (Adeline) Virginia,” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004], 60:257–66)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Stephen, “St. Francis” (1847), 1–2.

¹⁶ von Hase, Karl, A History of the Christian Church, trans. from the 7th German edition by Blumenthal, Charles E. and Wing, Conway P. (New York: Appleton, 1855)Google Scholar; and the works by Montalembert and Milman discussed below.

¹⁷ de Montalembert, Charles Forbes, Les moines d'Occident depuis saint Benoît jusqu’à saint Bernard, 7 vols. (Paris: Lecoffre, 1860–77)Google Scholar; Montalembert, , The Monks of the West, from St. Benedict to St. Bernard, Authorised translation (Edinburgh: W. Blackwood, 1861–79)Google Scholar; Montalembert, , The Monks of the West, from St. Benedict to St. Bernard, vol. 1 (Boston: Marlier, [1860?]Google Scholar).

¹⁸ Milman, Henry Hart, History of Latin Christianity, Including that of the Popes to the Pontificate of Nicolas V, 8 vols. (New York: Sheldon, 1860–62)Google Scholar. Some later magazines use almost direct quotes from this; it was probably a source. The section on Francis was not changed for the revised edition of 1903 (Milman, , History of Latin Christianity, Including that of the Popes to the Pontificate of Nicolas V, 8 v. in 4 [New York: Armstrong, 1903]Google Scholar). Abbé Migne's magisterial Theological Encyclopedia was also in progress; Arnold and Sabatier referred to it (see discussion below), but few others did.

¹⁹ von Hase, Karl, Franz von Assis: Ein Heiligenbild (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1856)Google Scholar. One American source mentions a Histoire de St. Francois d'Assise (Paris, 1861) by “E. Daurignac” (possibly J. M. S. Daurignac, a pseudonym of J. M. S. Orliac); see [Gage, M. G.], “Saint Francis of Assisi,” Christian Examiner 78 (January 1865, 47–64): 47, 50Google Scholar. Chalippe's, CandideVie de Saint François d'Assise (Paris, 1728)Google Scholar was translated in 1853 (cited in Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Order, 598). It seems to have occasioned little popular notice.

²⁰ Stephen, “St. Francis” (1847), 40–42.

²¹ Stephen, “St. Francis” (1847), 41; “Saint Francis of Assisi,” Lend a Hand, 283; see also [Adams, C.K.], “St. Francis and His Time,” The New Englander 29 (July 1870, 371–99), 399Google Scholar.

²² [Adams], “St. Francis,” 382, 371; see also Caldwell, Samuel L., “The Mendicant Orders [St. Francis of Assisi and the Franciscans],” Baptist Quarterly 11:2 (April 1877, 233–56), 255–56Google Scholar; “St. Francis of Assisi,” Littell's Living Age 173:2240 (May 28, 1887, 515–25): 515–17, 520–21. This article claims to be a reprint from the London Quarterly Review.

²³ Caldwell, “Mendicant Orders,” 256; see also “St. Francis and the Franciscans,” American Journal of Education, National Series, 8:30 (June 15, 1873, 393–400), 400, and “Saint Francis of Assisi,” Lend a Hand, 280.

²⁴ “St. Francis of Assisi,” Littell's, 522; “[St. Francis of Assisi],” Quarterly Review 189:377 (1899, 1–31), 10–11, 22; Heath, Richard, “The Crown of Thorns that Budded,” Contemporary Review 46 (1884: 838–55), 843Google Scholar. Heath also, however, associated Francis with “Soul” and the sacredness of the universe (838, 847). Philip Schaff's standard-setting encyclopedia in 1882 devoted one sober page to Francis, but gave twice as much space to St. Patrick, emphasizing his role as a missionary (J. G. V. Engelhardt, “Francis of Assisi, St.,” vol. 1, p. 830; Albrecht Vogel, “Benedict of Nursia,” vol. 1, pp. 240–41; Robert W. Hall, “Patrick, St.,” vol. 3, pp. 1763–65, in Schaff, Philip, ed., A Religious Encyclopedia, or Dictionary of Biblical, Historical, Doctrinal, and Practical Theology, 3 vols. [New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1882]Google Scholar).

²⁵ “Francis of Assisi,” in Cyclopædia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature, ed. John McClintock and James Strong (New York: Harper, 1870), 648–49.

²⁶ Stephen, “St. Francis,” 1.

²⁷ “St. Francis of Assisi,” Littell's, 515–25.

²⁸ In 1865 some 40,000 Americans traveled to Europe (Brendon, Piers, Thomas Cook: 150 Years of Popular Tourism [London: Secker & Warburg, 1991], 105Google Scholar), while in 1891, 90,000 Americans returned from abroad through New York alone (Bradbury, Malcolm, Dangerous Pilgrimages: Transatlantic Mythologies and the Novel [New York: Viking, 1996], 180Google Scholar).

²⁹ Bradbury, Dangerous Pilgrimages, 7, 145–47; Baker, Paul R., The Fortunate Pilgrims: Americans in Italy, 1800–1860 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964), 3–4Google Scholar. For American tourists, travel also shaped a sense of national identity. Social inequality, monarchy, and state churches contrasted with democracy; poverty and religious “superstition” with respectable Protestantism (Baker, 202–24).

³⁰ Buzard, James, The Beaten Track: European Tourism, Literature, and the Ways to Culture, 1800–1918 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993), 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bradbury, Dangerous Pilgrimages, 155–57. Buzard's idea of “anti-tourism”—the search for authenticity in the out-of-the-way places, often associated with poverty, peasantry, and pre-modernity—has suggestive implications for travelers’ attraction to St. Francis, but is too complex to document in the present paper.

³¹ Stowe, William W., Going Abroad: European Travel in Nineteenth-Century American Culture (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994), 19Google Scholar and passim; Bradbury, Dangerous Pilgrimages, 188.

³² Baker, Fortunate Pilgrims, 60; Buzard, Beaten Track, 47–49.

³³ Murray, John, A Handbook for Travellers in Central Italy. Part I: Southern Tuscany and Papal States (London: John Murray, 1857), 255Google Scholar.

³⁴ James, Henry, Transatlantic Sketches (Boston: James R. Osgood, 1875), 332Google Scholar, originally published as “A Chain of Italian Cities,” Atlantic Monthly, Feb. 1874. “Baedeker” is a reference to a popular series of travel guides.

³⁵ On the evolving role of clergy and religion in art appreciation, see Morgan, David, Protestants and Pictures: Religion, Visual Culture, and the Age of American Mass Production (New York: Oxford, 1999), 290, 317–19Google Scholar.

³⁶ Murray, Handbook for Travellers, 257. Nathaniel Hawthorne took a similar view in 1858 (Hawthorne, Nathaniel, Passages from Hawthorne's Note-Books in France and Italy, vol. 1, Nathaniel Hawthorne's Works, 19 vols. [Boston: James R. Osgood, 1872], 257–61Google Scholar).

³⁷ Mrs. (Anna Brownell Murphy) Jameson, , Legends of the Monastic Orders, as Represented in the Fine Arts, Sacred and Legendary Art, 2nd series (London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1850)Google Scholar; Jameson, , Legends, 2nd ed. (London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1852Google Scholar; Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, n.d.). Jameson referred to Stephen on pages xv and 235. Like Margaret Oliphant (below), Jameson supported herself and a number of family members by writing. She lived independently, apart from a brief unsuccessful marriage. She produced significant work in travel writing and women's rights as well as in art history, her primary field (Barwell, Claire, “Jameson, Anna Brownell,” in The Europa Biographical Dictionary of British Women, ed. Crawford, Anne, Hayter, Tony, and Hughes, Ann [Detroit: Gale, 1983], 221Google Scholar; Johnston, Judith, “Jameson [née Murphy], Anna Brownell,” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004], 29:752–54Google Scholar; Maugham, H. Neville, The Book of Italian Travel [New York: E. P. Dutton, 1903], 95Google Scholar).

³⁸ Jameson, Legends (1852), xvii.

³⁹ Ibid., 227–38, 239–69, and introduction.

⁴⁰ See, for example, Calvert, G. H., Scenes and Thoughts in Europe, 2 vols. (Boston: Little, 1863)Google Scholar: “The fictions of the Catholic Church are mostly unsuitable to the Arts; nor can martyrs or emaciated anchorites be subjected to the laws of Beauty” (172). Jameson urged the reader not to be led astray by the vogue for medieval art: “Ugliness is ugliness; the quaint is not the graceful” (Jameson, Legends, 1852, xviii).

⁴¹ Jameson, Legends (1852), xxii, 269.

⁴² Ibid., 261–62; see also xxii–xxiii, 263–69.

⁴³ Nineteenth-century critics associated these qualities with the religious and political movements of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and, increasingly, with St. Francis himself; see, for example, Taine, H., Italy: Florence and Venice, trans. Durand, J. (New York: Leopoldt & Holt, 1869), 21Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Thode, Henry, Franz von Assisi und die Anfänge der Kunst der Renaissance in Italien (Berlin: Grote, 1885)Google Scholar. See also Jameson, Legends (1852), xxii; Crowe, Joseph Archer and Cavalcaselle, Giovanni Battista, A History of Painting in Italy from the Second to the Fourteenth Century (London: J. Murray, 1864)Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ “Francis of Assisi and the Renaissance,” Church Quarterly Review 26 (July 1888: 340–61), 350, 361. See also H. Taine, Italy; Caldwell, “Mendicant Orders,” 252–53; Heath, “Crown of Thorns,” 848; Darlow, T. H., “M. Sabatier's Life of St. Francis,” Expositor 9 (March 1894): 222–31Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Williams, “Mirror for Unitarians,” 79, 224.

⁴⁷ Ozanam, Antoine Frédéric, Les poètes franciscains en Italie au treizième siècle (Paris: Lecoffre, 1852)Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Jameson, Legends (1852), xii, 228–29.

⁴⁹ Gage, “St. Francis,” 62–63.

⁵⁰ Arnold, Matthew, “Pagan and Christian Religious Sentiment,” Cornhill 9 (April 1864): 422–35Google Scholar; Arnold, , Essays in Criticism (London: Macmillan, 1865)Google Scholar; Arnold, , Essays in Criticism, First Series (London: Macmillan, 1932)Google Scholar; Arnold, , “Pagan and Mediæval Religious Sentiment,” in Matthew Arnold: Lectures and Essays in Criticism, ed. Super, R. H. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1962), 212–31Google Scholar. The quote is found on page 224 of the Super edition.

⁵¹ Arnold, “Pagan and Mediæval Religious Sentiment,” 227.

⁵² In addition to Longfellow and Norton, see Gage, “St. Francis”; Farrington, C., “St. Francis of Assisi,” Old and New 2:2 (August 1870), 159–64Google Scholar.

⁵³ Roberts, Ruth ap, Arnold and God (Berkeley: University of California, 1983), 77–79, 104–9Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Farrington, “St. Francis,” 164; cf. Gage, “Saint Francis,” 50.

⁵⁵ Milman, History of Latin Christianity, 5:269–70; [Adams], “St. Francis,” 395.

⁵⁶ Schaff, Philip, History of the Christian Church, rev. ed. (New York, 1890), 1:853–60, 862–63Google Scholar, in Penzel, Klaus, ed., Philip Schaff: Historian and Ambassador of the Universal Church: Selected Writings (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1991)Google Scholar; Penzel, Schaff, 188–89. The enduring value to liberals of Renan's book is suggested by the Modern Library edition of 1927, reprinted in 1955, with an introduction by John Haynes Holmes, a prominent Unitarian minister, editor, and pacifist.

⁵⁷ Ernest Renan, “Saint François d'Assise, étude historique d'après le Dr. Karl Hase,” Journal des Débats 20–21 Août 1866, repr. in Nouvelles études d'histoire religieuse, 1ère ed. (Paris: Calmann Levy, 1884), 323–51. The references that follow are to the English translation (“Francis d'Assisi and the Franciscans, a.d. 1182,” in Renan, Leaders of Christian and Anti-Christian Thought, London: Mathieson, 1891, 108–27).

⁵⁸ Renan, “Francis,” 116, 122.

⁵⁹ Ibid., 116, 117, 118, 122. Heath made a similar argument about deprivation and freedom, “Crown of Thorns,” 855.

⁶⁰ Oliphant, Margaret, Francis of Assisi, Sunday Library (London: Macmillan, 1870)Google Scholar. Raised as a Scottish Nonconformist, Oliphant ultimately found orthodox theology inadequate. Her husband, an artist, never had a large income, and he died while their three surviving children were young. She supported not only the children (none of whom survived her), but also, at various times, her mother, a distant cousin, two brothers, and several nieces and nephews (Williams, Merryn, Margaret Oliphant: A Critical Biography, [New York: St. Martin's, 1986], 89, 91–97, 139–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar). Recent assessments of her work have been more sympathetic than contemporaneous ones; see, for example, Jay, Elisabeth, Mrs Oliphant, “A Fiction to Herself”: A Literary Life (Oxford: Clarendon, 1995)Google Scholar. Oliphant's most successful series of novels considered problems of power, idealism, and human frailty in small-town churches. Her unfinished autobiography and her letters revealed profound struggles with questions of faith and meaning in the face of personal loss.

⁶¹ Contributing authors included the Christian socialist Charles Kingsley, the medievalist George Macdonald, the Anglo-Catholic Charlotte Yonge, and Catherine Winkworth, a well-known translator of German hymns.

⁶² Oliphant, Francis of Assisi, 14–15.

⁶³ Ibid., xi–xii, 304, xv.

⁶⁴ The following discussion draws on Hilton, Tim, John Ruskin, 2 vols. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Wheeler, Michael, Ruskin's God (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999)Google Scholar; and Bradley, Alexander, Ruskin and Italy (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Both Ruskin and Margaret Oliphant took an interest in Laurence Oliphant (distantly related to the latter), who promoted an American utopian community called the Brotherhood of the New Life, founded by Thomas Lake Harris (Hilton, John Ruskin, 2:145; Williams, Margaret Oliphant, 90, 96).

⁶⁶ Burd, Van Akin, introduction to Christmas Story: John Ruskin's Venetian Letters of 1876–1877, ed. Burd, Van Akin (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1990), 102, 105Google Scholar; Hilton, John Ruskin, 2:279–80.

⁶⁷ [Adams], “St. Francis,” 394; Tulloch, John, “St. Francis, Part II,” Good Words 18 (1877, 449–52), 449Google Scholar; Richards, C. A. L., “A Sunbeam from the 13th Century,” Dial 17 (Sept. 16, 1894, 150–52), 151Google Scholar. Tulloch was a friend of Margaret Oliphant and disapproved of Matthew Arnold's theology (Tulloch, “Amateur Theology,” Blackwood's Magazine 113, June 1873): 678–92.

⁶⁸ In addition to works I have cited, two important books of this period were de Chatel, Père Arsène, ed., Saint François d'Assise (Paris: Plon, Nourrit, 1885)Google Scholar, and Bonghi, Ruggiero, Francesco d'Assisi: Studio (Città del Castello: S. Lapi, 1884Google Scholar). The second edition of Bonghi's book included an introduction by Paul Sabatier, whom I discuss below (Bonghi, , Francesco d'Assisi: Studio, 2. ed. [Città del Castello: S. Lapi, 1909]Google Scholar). Wadsworth, Henry Longfellow also weighed in with “The Sermon of St. Francis,” in Schauffler, Robert Haven, ed., Through Italy with the Poets (New York: Moffat, Yard, 1908)Google Scholar. The poem was first published in 1875 (Longfellow, Samuel, ed., Final Memorials of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow [Boston: Ticknor, 1887], 434Google Scholar) and appeared in a collection in 1877 (Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth, ed., Poems of Places, [vol. 11], Italy [Boston: James R. Osgood, 1877], 71Google Scholar).

⁶⁹ Sabatier, Paul, Vie de S. François d'Assise (Paris: Fischbacher, 1893)Google Scholar; Sabatier, , Life of St. Francis of Assisi, trans. Houghton, Louise Seymour (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1894)Google Scholar; Sabatier, , Life of St. Francis of Assisi, trans. Houghton, Louise Seymour (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1894)Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ The introduction to the Life refers to “‘89,” the founding year of the Second International. Sabatier compares it to the emergent “European consciousness” of the High Middle Ages, and suggests that “the mendicant orders were … . a true International.” Sabatier, Life, xii, xvii.

⁷¹ Brown, R., “Sabatier, Paul,” in New Catholic Encyclopedia (Detroit: Gale, in cooperation with the Catholic University of America, 2002), 453Google Scholar; Rawnsley, H. D., “With Paul Sabatier at Assisi,” Contemporary Review 74 (1898): 505–18Google Scholar.

⁷² Sabatier, , Vie de S. François d'Assise (Paris: Fischbacher, 1893, 1931 printing)Google Scholar, Sabatier, , Life of St. Francis of Assisi, trans. Houghton, Louise Seymour (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1894, 1938 printingGoogle Scholar).

⁷³ Brown, “Sabatier,” 453.

⁷⁴ Baedeker, Karl, Italy: A Handbook for Travelers. Second Part: Central Italy and Rome, 14th rev. ed. (Leipzig: Karl Baedeker, 1904), 71Google Scholar; Blashfield, Edwin Howland and Blashfield, Evangeline Wilbour, Italian Cities (New York: Scribner, 1900), 87Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Robert Steele, “Sabatier's Life of St. Francis,” Academy 46, no. 1162 (Aug. 11, 1894, 96–97), 96; Warfield, Benjamin B., “M. Paul Sabatier's Life of St. Francis of Assisi,” Presbyterian and Reformed Review 6 (1895, 158–61), 159Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Sabatier, Paul, The Road to Assisi: The Essential Biography of St. Francis, ed. Sweeney, Jon M. (Orleans, Mass.: Paraclete, 2003)Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Butler, Edward Cuthbert, “Francis of Assisi, St.,” in Encyclopædia Britannica (New York: Encyclopædia Britannica, 1910, 937–39), 939Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Moorman, History of the Franciscan Order, 596, 598. Sabatier's most distinctive argument was that the Mirror of Perfection, which he reconstructed from fragments in other sources, was an earlier biography than any other. That argument is now generally discounted.

⁷⁹ “Francis of Assisi, St.,” in The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 2nd ed., ed. F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983, 530–31), 531. Hase and Oliphant are still mentioned as important early biographers; similarly in the 3rd edition (1997).

⁸⁰ Moorman, History of the Franciscan Order, 598.

⁸¹ The stumbling-blocks that troubled earlier Protestant writers were red herrings, Sabatier thought. The cloth that Francis sold was his own, not his father's. Clare was an agent in her own decisions, not merely a victim of abduction. Relations between the brothers and sisters, he said, were spiritually intimate but entirely pure. He also made a somewhat strained case that the sisters were as active as the brothers except where they were limited by being cloistered (Sabatier, Life, 57–58, 62, 147–67).

⁸² Sabatier, Life, xiii. Cf. Oliphant, above.

⁸³ Ibid., 181.

⁸⁴ Edgar Tinel, Franciscus, Libretto by Lodewijk de Koninck, Opus 36, Oratorio; Tinel, Edgar, St. Francis of Assisi, trans. Fenton, John (New York: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1890)Google Scholar; “‘St. Francis of Assisi’ to be Presented by Oratorio Society,” New York Times, March 12, 1893, 13. A review notes that the work was first performed in 1888 (“A New Oratorio by Edgar Tinel Produced for the First Time in America,” New York Times, March 19, 1893, 13). See also Shaw, George Bernard, “Poor Old Philharmonic,” in Shaw's Music: The Complete Musical Criticism in Three Volumes, ed. Laurence, Dan H., The Bodley Head Bernard Shaw (London: Bodley Head, 1981)Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Douglas, Eileen, Brother Francis, or, Less than the Least, Red-hot Library (London: International Headquarters, 1895)Google Scholar. Douglas was also the author of George Fox, the Red-hot Quaker (London: International Headquarters, 1895). See also Doyle, A. P., “St. Francis in Salvation Army Uniform,” Catholic World 65 (Sept. 1897), 760–65Google Scholar, who mentions “the twice-told tale of St. Francis” (760).

⁸⁶ Little, St. Francis of Assisi; see also his “The Last Days of St. Francis of Assisi,” Sunday Magazine 26, November 1897:754–62.

⁸⁷ Williams, “Mirror for Unitarians,” 239, 257–58; Lears, No Place of Grace, 262–63.

⁸⁸ Adams, Henry, Mont-Saint-Michel and Chartres (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1959, originally published by American Institute of Architects, 1913)Google Scholar; Samuels, Ernest, Henry Adams (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989), 355–68Google Scholar; Lears, No Place of Grace, 262–63, 279–86; Williams, “Mirror for Unitarians,” 256, 258–59.

⁸⁹ Adams, Mont-Saint-Michel, 375.

⁹⁰ If Jackson Lears is correct that antimodernism also involved psychological rejection of the materialistic father, then Francis's story surely struck that chord as well (Lears, No Place of Grace, 225–40).