1. Gossett, Thomas F., Race: The History of an Idea in America (New York, 1963), pp. 176–197,Google Scholar and passim; Logan, Rayford W., The Betrayal of the Negro: From Rutherford B. Hayes to Woodrow Wilson (New York, 1965), pp. 171–173, 183 and 273–275Google Scholar; and Reimers, David M., White Protestantism and the Negro (New York, 1965), pp. vii, 53–54 and 79–80.Google Scholar See also Ahlstrom, Sydney E., A Religious History of the American People (New Haven and London, 1972), pp. 691 and 923Google Scholar; Ahlstrom, , “Introduction,” Theology in America: The Major Protestant Voices from Puritanism to Neo-Orthodoxy (Indianapolis and New York, 1967), p. 75Google Scholar; Bucher, Glenn R., “Social Gospel Christianity and Racism” Union Seminary Quarterly Review 28 (Winter, 1973): 146–173Google Scholar; Dorn, Jacob Henry, Washington Gladden: Prophet of the Social Gospel (n.p., 1966), pp. 291–294Google Scholar; Fredrickson, George, The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817–1914 (New York, 1971), pp. 288, 320–304Google Scholar and passim; Grant, Curtis Robert, “The Social Gospel and Race” (Ph. D. diss., Stanford University, 1968)Google Scholar; Hopkins, Charles Howard, “Foreword in the 1967 Edition,” The Rise of the Social Gospel in American Protestantism: 1865–1915 (New Haven, 1967), p. viiGoogle Scholar; May, Henry F., “Introduction to the Torchbook Edition,” Protestant Churches and Industrial America (New York, 1967), p. ixGoogle Scholar; Miller, Robert Moats, American Protestantism and Social Issues, 1919–1939 (Chapel Hill, 1958), pp. 9–10Google Scholar; and Scheiner, Seth M., “The Negro Church and the Northern City, 1890–1930,” Seven on Black: Reflections on the Negro Experience in America, ed. Shade, William G. and Herrenkohl, Roy C. (Philadelphia and New York, 1969), p. 108.Google Scholar

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3. Gossett, , Race, p. 197.Google Scholar

4. Abbott, Lyman, “Remarks on ‘How Can Northern and Southern Christians Best Cooperate for the Moral and Spiritual Elevation of the Negroes?’” Second Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question: Held at Lake Mohonk, Ulster County, New York, June 3, 4, 5, 1891, ed. Barrows, Isabel C. (Boston, 1891), pp. 69–70.Google Scholar

5. Schlesinger, Arthur Meier, “A Critical Period in American Religion, 1875–1900,” Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings 64 (1932): 523–547.Google Scholar For criticism of the Schlesinger thesis and its implications of discontinuity in nineteenth-century religious reform, see Handy, Robert T. and Mead, Sidney E., review of May, Henry F., Protestant Churches and Industrial America, Journal of Religion 30 (01, 1950): 67–69Google Scholar; Handy, , “The Protestant Quest for a Christian America, 1830–1930,” Church History 22 (03, 1953): 9–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Smith, Timothy L., Revivalism and Social Reform: American Protestantism on the Eve of the Civil War (New York, 1965), pp. 148–162 and passim.Google Scholar

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7. Mead, Sidney E., The Lively Experiment: The Shaping of Christianity in America (New York, 1963), p. 63.Google Scholar See also Miller, Perry, “From the Covenant to the Revival,” The Shaping of American Religion: Religion in American Life, ed. Smith, James Ward and Jamison, A. Leland (Princeton, 1961), p. 354.Google Scholar

8. Moss, Rev. Lemuel, “Results of Home Mission Work,” Baptist Home Missions in North America: Including a Full Report of the Proceedings and Addresses of the Jubilee Meeting, and a Historical Sketch of the American Baptist Home Mission Society, Historical Tables, Etc., 1832–1882 (New York, 1883), p. 205.Google Scholar

9. See Griffin, Clifford S., “Religious Benevolence as Social Control, 1815–1860,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 44 (12, 1957): 423–444CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Griffin, , Their Brothers' Keepers: Moral Stewardship in the United States, 1800–1865 (New Brunswick, 1960)Google Scholar; and Foster, Charles I., An Errand of Mercy: The Evangelical United Front, 1790–1837 (Chapel Hill, 1960).Google Scholar These studies of the voluntary associations have focussed on them as mechanisms of social control, but while the voluntary societies had no single reform program for slavery and race relations, some promoted missions to slaves, others supported colonization and still others pushed antislavery reform. Correctly locating the roots of antislavery reform in earlier voluntary benevolence, Lois W. Banner challenged the social control interpretation in “Religious Benevolence as Social Control: A Critique of an Interpretation,” Journal of American History 60 (06, 1973): 23–41.Google Scholar In questioning the social control motive, Banner went too far, because social reform and social control are functions of each other, except where perfectionism drives the reformer to radical withdrawal from union with social sin. See Ralph E. Luker, “Religion and Social Control in the Nineteenth Century American City,” in a forthcoming issue of the Journal of Urban History.

10. Thomas, John L., “Romantic Reform in America, 1815–1865,” American Quarterly 17 (Winter, 1965): 656–681Google Scholar; and Fredrickson, George M., The Inner Civil War: Northern Intellectuals and the Crisis of the Union (New York, 1965).Google Scholar

11. See, for instance, Power, Richard Lyle, “A Crusade to Extend Yankee Culture, 1820–1865,” New England Quarterly 13 (12, 1940): 638–653CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and McPherson, James M., “What Yankee ‘Schoolmarms' Taught Post-Civil War Blacks,” University: A Princeton Quarterly 57 (Summer, 1973): 1–6 and 29–33.Google Scholar

12. No doubt many spokesmen for social Christianity thought of themselves as bold advocates of reform, but Henry May is basically correct in identifying a conservative's preoccupation with social order in the early years of the movement. Over the course of time, many of them came to see industrial conflict as a symptom of prior economic dislocation. See May, Protestant Churches and Industrial America; and, for example, Dorn, , Washington Gladden, pp. 203–235.Google Scholar

13. Abbott, Lyman, Reminiscences (Boston and New York, 1923), p. 243.Google Scholar See also Brown, Ira Vernon, Lyman Abbott, Christian Evolutionist: A Study in Religious Liberalism (Cambridge, 1953), pp. 37–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

14. Among others, one might also mention Collyer, Robert, Colwell, Stephen, Frothingham, Octavius Brooks, and Tying, Stephen H. Jr See Swint, Henry Lee, The Northern Teacher in the South, 1862–1870 (Nashville, 1942), pp. 171–174.Google Scholar

15. Rose, Willie Lee, Rehearsal for Reconstruction: The Port Royal Experiment (Indianapolis. 1964), pp. 76, 101–102, 363–370Google Scholar and passim. See also: [Gannett, William Channing and Hale, Edward Everett], “The Freedman at Port Royal,” North American Review 101 (07, 1865): 1–28Google Scholar; [Gannett, William Channing and Hale, Edward Everett], “The Education of the Freedmen,” North American Review 101 (10, 1865): 528–549Google Scholar; and Pease, William H., “William Channing Gannett: A Social Biography” (Ph.D. diss., University of Rochester, 1955), pp. 31–86 and 255–256.Google Scholar

16. Drake, Richard Bryant, “The American Missionary Association and the Southern Negro, 1861–1889” (Ph.D, diss,, Emory University, 1957), pp. 275–276Google Scholar; and Brewer, H. Peers, “The Protestant Episcopal Freedmen's Commission, 1865–1878,” Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church 26 (12, 1957): 378.Google Scholar These proportions do not take into account large private philanthropic gifts, such as the Peabody and Slater Funds. In addition to Drake and Brewer, the most important studies of the Northern missions in the South are Morrow, Northern Methodism and Reconstruction; Johnson, Henry M., “The Methodist Episcopal Church and the Education of Southern Negroes” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1939)Google Scholar; Pool, Frank Kenneth, “The Southern Negro in the Methodist Episcopal Church” (Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1939)Google Scholar; Baker, Robert Andrew, “The American Baptist Home Missionary Society and the South, 1832–1894” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1947), pp. 147–227Google Scholar; Murray, Andrew E., Presbyterians and the Negro: A History (Philadelphia, 1966), pp. 161–202Google Scholar; and Anscombe, Francis Charles, “The Contribution of the Quakers to the Reconstruction of the Southern States” (Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina, 1926), pp. 116–279.Google Scholar

17. Among others, one might also mention Aaron L. Chapin, Harlan Paul Douglass, A.J. Lyman, Frederick A. Noble, Francis Amasa Walker, and William Hayes Ward. This list is drawn from Drake, “American Missionary Association,” pp. 289–293, the pages of the American Missionary, and occasional papers of the A. M. A. The major studies of the social gospel have not mentioned the Association and have given little attention to home missions in general.

18. Power, , “A Crusade to Extend Yankee Culture,” pp. 638–653.Google Scholar

19. Abott, Lyman, “Southern Evangelization,” New Englander 22 (10, 1864): 701Google Scholar (cited in Brown, , Lyman Abbott, p. 37)Google Scholar. On Northern social Christianity's fear of a declension into barbarism in the South see Gladden, Washington, “Moral Reconstruction,” in The Nation Still in Danger; or Ten Years After the War: A Plea by the American Missionary Association, with Confirmatory Articles by Rev. T. D. Woolsey, D.D., L.L.D., Hon. Frederick Douglass, Rev. Washington Gladden, Gov. D. H. Chamberlain, and Hon J. P. Hawley (n.p., 1875), p. 15Google Scholar; Josephus Cook, The Three Despised Races in the United States; or, The Chinaman, the Indian, and the Freedman. An address …, American Missionary Association Pamphlet no. 3 (New York, 1878), pp. 18–30Google Scholar; Cook, , “Enfranchised Ignorance in the South,” Boston Monday Lectures, Conscience, with Preludes on Current Events (Boston, 1879), pp. 117–123Google Scholar; Cook, , “Equal Educational Rights for Black and White,” Boston, Monday Lectures. Marriage, with Preludes on Current Events (Boston, 1879), pp. 169–179Google Scholar; Mayo, Amory Dwight, “The South, the North, and the Nation Keeping School,” in Christian Educators in Council. Sixty Addresses by American Educators; with Historical Notes upon the National Educational Assembly Held at Ocean Grove, N. J., August 9–12, 1883. Also Illiteracy and Education Tables from the Census of 1880, ed. Hartzell, John C. (New York, 1883), p. 160Google Scholar; Mayo, National Aid to Education: An Address Before the American Social Science Association, at the Saratoga Meeting of 1882 (Boston, 1883), p. 19Google Scholar; Ascombe, , “Contributions of the Quakers to Reconstruction,” p. 36Google Scholar; and Morrow, , Northern Methodism and Reconstruction, pp. 33 and 127.Google Scholar

20. On the tendency to identify Christianity with Americanism in this period, see Mead, , The Lively Experiment, pp. 134–155.Google Scholar On the concept of “christianizing” as the social strategy of the church in later social Christianity, see Gladden, Washington, Tools and the Man: Property and Industry under the Christian Law (Boston and New York, 1893), p. 1Google Scholar; Batten, Samuel Zane, The task of Christianity: A Summons to the New Crusade (New York, 1911), pp. 78–79Google Scholar; Raùschenbusch, Walter, Christianizing the Social Order (New York, 1912)Google Scholar; Stackhouse, Max L., “Introduction” to Rauschenbusch, The Righteousness of the Kingdom (Nashville, 1968), p. 37Google Scholar; and Handy, , A Christian America, pp. 156–170 and 265 n.Google Scholar

21. For a defense of this multi-function mission, see “Address of Rev. A. J. Lyman,” American Missionary 44 (12, 1890): 403–404.Google Scholar

22. Cited, in Johnson, , “Methodist Episcopal Church,” p. 296.Google Scholar See also ibid, pp. 300–301; Morrow, , Northern Methodism and Reconstruction, pp. 20–21Google Scholar; Swint, , Northern Teachers in the South, p. 58Google Scholar; and McPherson, James M., The Struggle for Equality: Abolitionists and the Negro in the Civil War and Reconstruction (Princeton, 1964), p. 393.Google Scholar

23. Strong, Josiah, Our Country: Its Possible Future and Its Present Crisis (New York, 1885), p. 165.Google Scholar

24. See, for instance, Curti, Merle, The Growth of American Thought, 3rd ed. (New York, 1964), pp. 652–653Google Scholar; Gabriel, Ralph Henry, The Course of American Democratic Thought: An Intellectual History Since 1815 (New York, 1940), pp. 341–343Google Scholar; Gossett, , Race, pp. 185–190Google Scholar and passim; Hays, Samuel P., The Response to Industrialism, 1885–1914 (Chicago, 1955), p. 166Google Scholar; Hofstadter, Richard, Social Darwinism in American Thought, rev. ed. (Boston, 1955), pp. 178–179Google Scholar; Logan, , Betrayal of the Negro, pp. 172–173Google Scholar; and Reimers, , White Protestantism and the Negro, p. 53.Google Scholar Jurgen Herbst and Hans Kohn have handled Strong's cultural imperialism intelligently, while his most spirited defense has come from Dorothea R. Muller. See Herbst, Jurgen, “Introduction' to Josiah Strong, Our Country: Its Possible Future and Its Present Crisis (Cambridge, 1963), ix–xxviGoogle Scholar; Kohn, Hans, American Nationalism: An Interpretative Essay (New York, 1957), pp. 157–160 and 251–252Google Scholar; Muller, Dorothea R., “The Social Philosophy of Josiah Strong: Social Christianity and American Progressivism,” Church History 28 (06, 1959): 183–201CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Muller, , “Josiah Strong and the Social Gospel: A Christian Response to the Challenge of the City,” Journal of the Presbyterian Historical Society 39 (09, 1961); 150–175Google Scholar; and Muller, , “Josiah Strong and American Nationalism: A Reevaluation,” Journal of American History 53 (12, 1966): 487–503.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

25. Bowen, J. W. E., “Why?” Christian Educator 4 (08, 1892): 6Google Scholar; and Crummel, Alexander, Africa and America: Addresses and Discourses (Springfield, Massachusetts, 1891), p. 46.Google Scholar

26. Richard Hofstadter first linked racism to imperialism, seeming to suggest that the former was the necessary assumption of the latter. Hofstadter, , Social Darwinism in American Thought, pp. 170–200Google Scholar. He was left, however, with the anomaly of white southern Democrats forming the base of political anti-imperialism. Ibid., p. 192. by conceiving the two logically as polar opposites, the tendency of Northern Republicans to imperialism and of southern Democrats to anti-imperialism becomes understandable.

27. Strong, Josiah, Religious Movements for Social Betterment (New York, 1900), p. 54.Google Scholar The objection that Northern missionaries to the South did not expect the freedmen to be equal participants in Anglo-Saxon culture is specious. Like most antislavery Northerners, they believed the freedmen were heir to the cultural burdens of slavery, but these would in time be shed. Moreover, the missionaries preferred to operate integrated institutions where that was feasible and often sent their children to the mission schools. Yet the task of evangelizing the South finally took priority over integration. Like most conservatives, the missionaries ultimately believed that social order was the necessary assumption for social justice. See, for example, Swint, , Northern Teacher in the South, p. 19Google Scholar; and Lyman Abbott to Samuel J. May, Jr., February 23, 1866, Lyman Abbott Correspondence, Samuel J. May Anti-Slavery Collection, Olin Library, Cornell University.

28. Adams, Myron W., A History of Atlanta University (Atlanta, 1930), p. 22Google Scholar; Elsie Strong to the author, September 29, 1967; Eliot, Samuel A., “Francis Greenwood Peabody: His Work and Hopes for Hampton,” Southern Workman 66 (03, 1937): 71–79Google Scholar; Peabody, Francis Greenwood, Education for Life: The Story of Hampton Institute (Garden City, New York, 1919)Google Scholar; and Gates, Isabel S., The Life of George Augustus Gates (New York, 1915), pp. 46–64.Google Scholar One might also cite the case of William H. Crawford, author of The Church and the Slum, who served as professor of historical theology at Gammon Seminary in Atlanta before returning north in 1893 to become president of Allegheny College; or of Edward Everett Hale, Charles Cuthbert Hall, and Washington Gladden, who were trustees of Wilberforce University, Atlanta University and Berea Colleges, respectively. See The [Allegheny College] Campus 67 (03 9, 1944): 1–2Google Scholar; Edward Everett Hale to J. W. Hamilton, December 5, 1892, in “Opinions Not Put Off So Easily,” Christian Educator 4 (01, 1893); 46Google Scholar; Bacote, Clarence, The Story of Atlanta University: A Century of Service, 1865–1965 (Atlanta, 1969), pp. 115–118Google Scholar; and Dorn, , Washington Gladden, p. 295.Google Scholar

29. Gladden, Washington, “Congregationalism and the Poor,” American Missionary 45 (12, 1891): 472Google Scholar; and DuBois, William Edward Burghardt, The Souls of Black Folk (Chicago, 1903), p. 100.Google Scholar See also “Virginia,” Spirit of Missions 53 (07, 1889): 279–280Google Scholar; Ryder, Charles J., “Fifty Years of the American Missionary Association,” New England Magazine, n.s. 15 (10, 1896): 242Google Scholar; and Emerson, Harriet E., Annals of a Harvester: Reviewing Forty Years of Home Missionary Work in the Southern States (East Andover, New Hampshire, ca. 1915), pp. 51–96.Google Scholar

30. Gates, George A., “The Relations of the American Missionary Association Work to the Kingdom of God,” American Missionary 48 (01, 1894): 34–35.Google Scholar For similar sentiments, see “Address of Professor Graham Taylor,” American Missionary 48 (01, 1894): 35–38Google Scholar; and Noble, Frederick A., “Response of President Noble,” American Missionary 52 (12, 1898): 194–196.Google Scholar

31. Fitzgerald, Oscar P., “A Good Book, But Obsolete,” Methodist Quarterly Review, n.s. 13 (10, 1892): 62–64.Google Scholar

32. Dudley, Thomas Underwood, “How Shall We Help the Negro,” Century Magazine 30 (06, 1885): 273–280.Google Scholar See also Wynes, Charles E., “Bishop Thomas U. Dudley and the Uplift of the Negro,” Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 65 (07, 1967): 230–238Google Scholar; and Sims, L. Moody, “Thomas Underwood Dudley: A Forgotten Voice of Dissent,” Mississippi Quarterly 20 (Fall, 1967): 217–233.Google Scholar

33. Haygood, Atticus G., Our Brother in Black: His Freedom and His Future (New York, 1881).Google Scholar See also Mann, Harold W., Atticus Greene Haygood: Methodist Bishop, Editor and Educator (Athens, Georgia, 1965).Google Scholar The most helpful source on Haygood's role in the development of industrial education is Rubin, Louis D., ed., Teach the Freeman: The Correspondence of Rutherford B. Hayes and the Staler Fund for Negro Education, 1881–1893, 2 vols. (Baton Rouge, 1959).Google Scholar That development, then deemed more progressive than the classical curriculum, has since come under heavy attack, with the suggestion of conspiracy. See, for instance, Bullock, Henry Allen, A History of Negro Education: From 1619 to the Present (Cambridge, 1967), pp. 60–88.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Yet, there is solid evidence to the contrary. Industrial education was not a device conceived for the education of Negroes, for it already had a long history in academic centers of abolitionist sentiment, including Oneida Institute, Oberlin, and Berea College. In an era when the classical curriculum at Harvard was being eroded by the elective system and pressures for mass education were becoming intensified, industrial education represented the most advanced thinking in academic reform. Haygood urged the program on his beloved Emory; as a member of Ohio State University's Board of Trustees, Hayes made construction of an industrial education building his first priority; and Henry Demarest Lloyd even sought to endow a school for industrial education at Harvard. See Mann, , Atticus Green Haygood, pp. 177–179Google Scholar; Williams, Charles Richard, ed., Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes, 5 vols. (n.p., 1925), 4: 615, 635–636Google Scholar; 5: 2, 15–16; and Destler, Chester McArthur, Henry Demarest Lloyd and the Empire of Reform (Philadelphia, 1963), p. 594n.Google Scholar For reports on industrial education at Tulane and Washington University in St. Louis, see Mayo, Amory Dwight, Industrial Education in the South (Washington, D. C. 1888), pp. 60–86.Google Scholar Finally, industrial education was in vogue among Negro spokesmen as well in the 1880s. See, for instance, Thornborough, Emma Lou, T. Thomas Fortune: Militant Journalist (Chicago, 1972), p. 75n.Google Scholar

34. Barrows, Isabel C., ed., First Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question: Held at Lake Mohonk, Ulster County, New York, June 4, 5, 6, 1890 (Boston, 1890)Google Scholar; and Barrows, Isabel C., ed., Second Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question: Held at Lake Mohonk, Ulster County, New York, June 3, 4, 5, 1891 (Boston, 1891).Google Scholar

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36. The best account of this division is McPherson, , Struggle for Equality, pp. 287–307,Google Scholar and passim. See also Thomas, John L., The Liberator: William Lloyd Garrison, A Biography (Boston, 1963), pp. 420–435Google Scholar; Bartlett, Irving H., Wendell Phillips: Brahman Radical (Boston, 1961), pp. 276–292Google Scholar; and Edelstein, Tilden G., Strange Enthusiasm: A Life of Thomas Wentworth Higginson (New Haven, 1968), pp. 299–319.Google Scholar

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38. Jones, Jesse H., His Last Battle and One of His Greatest Victories: Being the Speech of Wendell Phillips in Fanueil Hall on the Louisiana Difficulties, January 15, 1875 (Boston, 1897)Google Scholar; Cook, Josephus, Three Despised Races in the United States, pp. 18–19Google Scholar; idem, Enfranshised Ignorance in the South, p. 122; Roche, James Jeffrey, Life of John Boyle O'Reilly, Together with His Complete Poems and Speeches, ed. by MrsO'Reilly, John Boyle (New York, 1891), pp. 142–143Google Scholar; and Betts, John R., “The Negro and the New England Conscience in the Days of John Boyle O'Reilly,” Journal of Negro History 51 (08, 1966): 248.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

39. The indispensable biographies are Turner, Arlin, George W. Cable: A Biography (Durham, 1956)Google Scholar; and Olsen, Otto H., Carpetbagger's Crusade: The Life of Albion W. Tourgee (Baltimore, 1965).Google Scholar Because the social gospel has been interpreted largely in the “response to industrialism” framework and without reference to race relations, Tourgee has received only minor treatment and Cable none at all in this context. See Hopkins, , Rise of the Social Gospel, p. 141Google Scholar; and May, , Protestant Churches and Industrial America, p. 208.Google Scholar

40. Wilson, Edmund, Patriotic Gore: Studies in the Literature of the American Civil War (New York, 1956), pp. 537 and 559–562.Google Scholar

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44. Roche, , John Boyle O'Reilly, p. 342Google Scholar; Streiby, Michael E., “What the Decade Should Do for the Negro,” Independent 43 (01 1, 1891): 9;Google Scholar and “Political Rights of Negroes,” Andover Review, p. 308. See also the long series of editorials in Abbott's, Christian Union from “The Outlook,” Christian Union 42 (07, 1890): 36Google Scholar to “With Charity Toward All,” Christian Union 43 (02 5, 1891): 166.Google Scholar

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46. Tourgee to W. S. Scarborough, November 27, 1889, W. S. Scarborough Papers, Wilberforce University Library, Wilberforce, Ohio. The letter continues in some elaborate detail explaining how such an organization among southern blacks might be modeled along the lines of the Klan. I am in debt to Professor William Gravely of the University of Denver for bringing this letter to my attention.

47. On the National Citizens Rights Association units at Oberlin and Grinnell, see Olsen, , Carpetbagger's Crusade, p. 313Google Scholar; and Charles L. Fitch to Tourgee, February 24, 1892, no. 6053; Tourgee to Fitch, n.d. (ea. February 28, 1892), no. 6065; Fitch to Tourgee, March 3, 1892, no. 6079; Fitch and Charles D. Seaton to Tourgee, Mary 17, 1892, no. 7614. Albion W. Tourgee Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. The best studies of the social gospel at Oberlin and Grinnell are Barnard, John, From Evangelicalism to Progressivism at Oberlin College, 1866–1917Google Scholar (Columbus, 1969), pp. 61–62, 85–105, and 114–126; and Handy, Robert T., “George D. Herron and the Kingdom Movement,” Church History 19 (1950): 97–115.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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51. From its inception in 1817 to 1847, the Colonization Society received an average annual contribution of $24,144.65 and sent an average of 150 freedmen per year to Africa. From 1848 to 1873, its receipts averaged $64,724.51, while it returned an average of 361 freedmen to Africa. In the years from 1874 to 1899, its receipts averaged only $12,736.40, while it returned an average of only 52 Negroes per year to Africa. Staudenraus, African Colonization, p. 251. In spite of its title, Staudenraus' study affectively carries the story only to 1840, apparently in the belief that thereafter it did not represent a significant factor in the course of American race relations. This has misled other students of the subject. See, for instance: Edwin Redkey, Black Nationalist and Back-to-Africa Movements, 1890–1910 (New Haven, 1969), p. 20Google Scholar; and Draper, Theodore, The Re-discovery of Black Nationalism (New York, 1970), p. 9.Google Scholar But see also Boyd, Willis D., “Negro Colonization in the National Crisis” (Ph.D diss., University of California at Los Angeles, 1953)Google Scholar; and Boyd, , “Negro Colonization in the Reconstruction Era, 1865–1870,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 40 (12, 1956): 360–382.Google Scholar

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53. See, for instance Richards, Reverend C. H., “The Future of the Negro in Our Country.” American Missionary 44 (03, 1890): 88–89Google Scholar; Pearne, Thomas H., “The Race Problem—The Situation,” Methodist Review 72 (09, 1890): 703Google Scholar; Mayo, Amory Dwight, “The Progress of the Negro,” The Forum 10 (11, 1890): 386Google Scholar; Cook, Josephus, “Unsolved Southern Problems,” Our Day 8 (07, 1891): 34Google Scholar: Noble, Frederic Perry, “Christendom's Rum-Trade with Africa: A Modern Devil's Mission,” Missionary Review of the World 18 (06, 1894): 418Google Scholar; Speer, Robert E., Presbyterian Foreign Missions: An Account of the Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. (Philadelphia, 1902), pp. 21–23Google Scholar; idem, Missions and Modern History: A Study of the Missionary Aspects of Some Great Movements of the Nineteenth Century, 2 vols. (New York, 1904), 1:284–285.Google Scholar

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55. See Gilliam, Edward W., “The African in the United States,” Popular Science Monthly 22 (02, 1883): 436–445Google Scholar; and Frederickson, , Black Image in the White Mind, pp. 239–240 and 245–246.Google Scholar

56. This image of Africa is evident, for example, in the following works: Dennis, James Shepard, Foreign Missions After a Century: Students' Lectures on Missions, Princeton Theological Seminary, 1893 (New York, 1893)Google Scholar; Dennis, , Social Evils of the Non-Christian World (New York, 1899)Google Scholar; Dennis, , Christian Missions and Social Progress: A Sociological Study of Foreign Missions, 3 vols. (New York, 1897–1906)Google Scholar; Mills, Reverend J. S., Africa and Mission Work in Sierra Leone, West Africa (Dayton, 1898)Google Scholar; Noble, Frederic Perry, The Redemption of Africa: A Story of Civilization, With Maps, Statistical Tables and Select Bibliography of the Literature of African Missions, 2 vols. (New York, 1899)Google Scholar; Parsons, Ellen C., Christus Liberator: An Outline Study of Africa (New York, ca. 1906)Google Scholar; and Pierson, Arthur T., The Crisis of Missions: or, The Voice Out of the Cloud (New York, 1886).Google Scholar

57. Dennis, , Christian Missions and Social Progress, 1,Google Scholar opposite p. 152.

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59. Redkey, , Black Exodus, pp. 118–144.Google Scholar See also “Address of President Potter,” Liberia 2 (02, 1893): 17–18Google Scholar; and Potter, Henry Codman, “The Two Africas,” Liberia 4 (02, 1894): 12.Google Scholar

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64. See, for instance, “Bishop Fitzgerald on Lynching,” Independent 44 (06 2, 1892): 765,Google Scholar“Bishop Fitzgerald on Lynching,” Independent 44 (06 23, 1892): 874Google Scholar; Douglass, Frederick, “Lynch Law in the South,” North American Review 155 (07, 1892): 18–24Google Scholar; “Thugs and Fiends,” Richmond Christian Advocate (02 23, 1893),Google Scholar reprinted in “Worse Than Lynch Law,” p. 140; Haygood, , “Black Shadow in the South,” pp. 174–175Google Scholar; Page, , “Last Hold of the Southern Bully,” p. 309Google Scholar; and Slattery, , “South in the Saddle,” p. 1537.Google Scholar

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69. Olsen, , Carpetbagger's Crusade, pp. 325–326 and 334–338.Google Scholar the collapse of efforts at racial reform in the 1890s was not limited to white or bi-racial groups, of course. The Afro-American League died in 1893. See Thornbrough, Emma Lou, “The National Afro-American League, 1887–1908,” Journal of Southern History 27 (11, 1961): 494–512CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Thornbrough, T. Thomas Fortune: Militant Journalist (Chicago, 1972), pp. 105–122.Google Scholar

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72. See Going, Allen J., “The South and the Blair Education Bill,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 44 (09, 1957): 267–290CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Welch, Richard E. Jr, “The Federal Elections Bill of 1890: Postscripts and Prelude,” Journal of American History 52 (12, 1895): 511–526CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Redkey, , Black Exodus, pp. 47–72.Google Scholar

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74. Davis, J. E., “Early Days of the ‘Ogden Movement,’“ Southern Workman 44 (11, 1915): 615–622.Google Scholar See also Harlan, Louis R., Separate and Unequal: Public School Campaigns and Racism in the Southern Seaboard States, 1901–1915 (Chapel Hill, 1958), passim.Google Scholar

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