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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 May 2017
Chocolate has early associations in the West with Spanish Catholic missionaries to America. From the middle of the sixteenth century, chocolate was employed in many useful ways, including economic capacities. However, till now, there have been no associations with the liquid drink and financial survival during and after periods of war or revolution. Yet during the Napoleonic years (1798–1814), chocolate was employed to support certain impoverished Italian clerics during the leanest years of the period. Leading one of these initiatives was Mauro Cappellari, the future Pope Gregory XVI (r. 1831–1846), who, along with others in his Camaldolese order, produced and retailed the chocolate throughout Italian lands. This article draws on Italian archival materials in Rome and Camaldoli in order to piece together this hitherto overlooked food enterprise. In addition, this article will also reveal much about the chocolate trade and production in Italian lands in general.
1 On health-related matters, see Grivetti, Louis Evan, “Medicinal Chocolate in New Spain, Western Europe, and North America,” in Chocolate: History, Culture and Heritage, ed. Grivetti, Louis Evan and Shapiro, Howard-Yana (Hoboken, N.J., 2009), 67–88 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2 See Grivetti, Louis Evan and Cabezon, Beatriz, “Ancient Gods and Christian Celebrations,” in, Chocolate: History, Culture and Heritage, ed. Grivetti, and Shapiro, , 27–35 Google Scholar.
3 Technically, Columbus was first, but he felt the product was unimportant: Norton, Marcy, “Tasting Empire: Chocolate and the European Internalization of Mesoamerican Aesthetics,” The American Historical Review 111, no. 3 (2006): 675–676 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. There is some debate on Cortéz's role: compare Norton with Weinberg, Bennett Alan and Bealer, Bonnie K., The World of Caffeine: The Science and Culture of the World's Most Popular Drug (New York: Taylor & Francis, 2001), 55Google Scholar.
4 Based on a key argument in Norton's article, “Tasting Empire,” 676–677, that acquiring a taste for chocolate was proof of the native Indian influence on the Spaniards, who initially found the drink unpalatable.
5 See, for example, Prinz, Deborah R., On the Chocolate Trail: A Delicious Adventure Connecting Jews, Religions, History, Travel, Rituals and Recipes to the Magic of Cacao (Woodstock, Vt.: Jewish Lights, 2013), 128–130 Google Scholar; and Cabezon, Beatriz, “Cacao, Haciendas, and the Jesuits: Letters from New Spain 1693–1751,” in Chocolate: History, Culture, and Heritage, ed. Grivetti, and Shapiro, , 609Google Scholar.
6 Weinberg and Bealer, The World of Caffeine, 55.
7 Norton, “Tasting Empire,” 680.
8 Ibid.
9 Weinberg and Bealer, The World of Caffeine, 56–57. One possible documented exception is the anecdote of Pope Paul V in the following paragraph.
10 Gage, Thomas, A New Survey of the West-Indies: Or the English American His Travel by Sea and Land (London: 1677), 17Google Scholar; also quoted in Norton, “Tasting Empire,” 680.
11 On sweetened chocolate not being a novelty of Europe, see Norton, “Tasting Empire,” 684n.
12 “Liquidum non frangit jejunum,” accessed February 1, 2015, http://kuirejo.de/2008/02/liquidum-non-frangit-jejunum/.
13 Forrest, Beth Marie and Najjaj, April L., “Is Sipping Sin Breaking Fast? The Catholic Chocolate Controversy and the Changing World of Early Modern Spain,” Food and Foodways 15, no. 1–2 (2007): 31–32 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
14 Coe, Sophie D. and Coe, Michael D., The True History of Chocolate (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1996), 214Google Scholar; in addition to chocolate, lemonade also became a popular breakfast drink. Hard chocolate did not become popular until much later.
15 Ibid., 213–214.
16 Ibid., 214.
17 See note 95.
18 On Dutch trade of Venezuelan cacao in the first half of the eighteenth century, see Klooster, Wim, Illicit Riches: Dutch Trade in the Caribbean, 1648–1795 (Leiden: KITLV 1998), 126, 207–233 Google Scholar.
19 Weinberg and Bealer, The World of Caffeine, 57.
20 Boettcher, Jürgen, ed., Coffee Houses of Europe (London: Thames and Hudson, 1990), 131Google Scholar.
21 Weinberg and Bealer, The World of Caffeine, 89.
22 Clarence-Smith, William Gervase, Cocoa and Chocolate, 1765–1914 (London: Routledge, 2000), 10CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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24 Consumption declined even earlier with the suppression of the Jesuits in 1773, see Coe and Coe, The True History of Chocolate, 210–211; and Clarence-Smith, Cocoa and Chocolate, 9.
25 The historiography is rich. See, for example, Menozzi, Daniele, “La rivoluzione francese e la Chiesa italiana,” Cristianesimo nella Storia, no. 2 (1989), 221–225 Google Scholar; Jedin, Hubert, ed., The Church between Revolution and Restoration, transl. Becker, Peter (London: Burns & Oates, 1981), 85–104 Google Scholar; Leflon, Jean, La crise révolutionnaire 1789–1846 (Paris: Bloud & Gay, 1949)Google Scholar; Chadwick, Owen, Popes and European Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), 466–471 Google Scholar, 484. On religious orders more specifically, see Naselli, Carmolo Amedeo, La soppressione napoleonica delle corporazioni religiose (Rome: Pontificia Università Gregorian, 1986)Google Scholar; and most articles in Trolese, Francesco G. B., ed., Il Monachesimo Italiano dale Riforme Illuministiche all'unità nazionale (1768–1870) (Cesena: Badia de Santa Maria del Monte, 1992)Google Scholar.
26 See previous footnote.
27 Giabbani, Anselmo, “L'Ambiente Monastico di Don Mauro Cappellari,” in Miscellanea Historiae Pontificiae 13 (1948): 188–189 Google Scholar. They did not, however, have possession of material assets, preserving their vow of poverty: Michelangelo Fumè, Faenza, August 10, 1795, Sec. A, fol. 1, file 6, Archivio di Camaldoli (hereafter citations from Archivio di Camaldoli will use the following format: AC.A.1.6).
28 Misc. Cappellari financial writings, AC.F.1.1.
29 This would change later. See Mueller, Wolf, Bibliographie des Kaffee, des Kakao, der Schokolade, des Tee und deren Surrogate biz zum Jahre 1900 (Wien: Bad Bocklet, Kreig Verlag 1960), 37Google Scholar: Towards the end of the nineteenth century, Trappist monks at the abbey of Notre Dame d'Aiguebelle in France began producing chocolate.
30 Clarence-Smith, Cocoa and Chocolate, 3, provides a rather detailed historiography.
31 Chadwick, Popes and European Revolution, 517.
32 Key histories of the order include: Meneghin, Vittorino, S. Michele in Isola di Venezia, 2 vols. (Venezia: Stamperia di Venezia, 1962)Google Scholar; Gibelli, Alberto, Monografia dell'antico monastero di S. Croce di Fonte Avellana. I suoi priori ed abati (Faenza: P. Conti, 1895)Google Scholar; Croce, Giuseppe M., “Monaci Ed Eremiti Camaldolesi in Italia dal Settecento all'Ottocento. Tra soppressioni e restaurazioni (1769–1830),” in Il monachesimo italiano dalle riforme illuministiche all'Unità nazionale (1768–1870) (Cesena: Badia di Santa Maria del Monte, 1992), 199–306 Google Scholar.
33 The return date is based on his earliest extant letter from Rome: March 17, 1800, AC.F.2.1.
34 The list of works about this period in the Roman State is long; examples include works by the following authors: Mario Battaglini, Antonio Cretoni, Fiorella Baroccini, Domenico Rocciolo, Maria Pia Donato, David Armado, Massimo Cattaneo, Maria Formica, and the collaborative effort of Boutry, Philippe, Travaglini, Carlo and Pitocco, Francesco, eds., Roma tra fine Settecento e inizi Ottocento (Rome: Archivo Guido Izzi, 1994)Google Scholar.
35 Il Diario di Roma, November 6, 1799, 4.
36 Hales, Edward Elton Young, Revolution and Papacy (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1960), 116Google Scholar.
37 Chadwick, Popes and European Revolution, 467; see also Hales, Revolution and Papacy, 117.
38 For more on the economic situation at the time, see first Gross, Hanns, Rome in the Age of Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; then Pane, Luigi Dal, Lo stato pontificio e il movimento riformatore del Settecento (Milan: D. A. Giuffrè, 1959)Google Scholar; as well as works by Alberto Caracciolo and Vittorio E. Giuntella.
39 No single source on this topic exists for the Napoleonic period. On the very confusing nature of interpreting relative value between different currencies in Rome at this time, see Nicassio, Susan Vendiver, Imperial City: Rome under Napoleon (London: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 151CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See de Caro, Silvana Balbi, La Moneta a Roma e in Italia, vol. 1, Roma e la Moneta (Milan: Banca d'Italia, 1993), 197–205 Google Scholar, for a basic introduction. There is a short but helpful discussion in Gross, Rome in the Age of Enlightenment, 144–151.
40 Chadwick, Popes and European Revolution, 467. During the Roman Republic (1798–1799), the French assignat lost its value.
41 Cappellari to Zurla, May 31, 1800, Manuscripts and Rare Books, sec. S. Gregorio (hereafter cited as S. Greg.), fol. 110, letter 35 (hereafter citations of letters in this collection will use the following format: 110/35), National Library, Rome (hereafter cited as BNR). See also de Caro, Silvana Balbi and Londei, Luigi, Moneta Pontificia da Innocenzo XI a Gregorio XVI (Rome: Quasar, 1984), 137–163 Google Scholar.
42 Cappellari to Bianchi, May 9, 1800, AC.A.10.3. On July 9, 1800 four congregations were established to deal with the various economic issues. For more, see Congregazione Economica, busta 67, State Archives, Rome (hereafter cited as ASR).
43 Silvagni, David, Rome: its Princes, Priests and People, trans. McLaughlin, Fanny (Rome: E. Stock, 1885–1887), 1:337Google Scholar.
44 Chadwick, Popes and European Revolution, 469, 525.
45 “D. Michael Angelus Fumè Abbas Generalis . . . ,” May 18, 1800, AC.A.1.6.
46 Gardini to Zurla, July 4, 1800, 110/168, S. Greg., BNR. It is possible that his commercial dealings with Gardini began much earlier, as there is a reference to 175 lire to be paid into Cappellari's account in 1798 in Cappellari to Zurla, May 12, 1798, 110/31, S. Greg., BNR.
47 Clarence-Smith, Cocoa and Chocolate, 3.
48 Cappellari to Zurla, August 16, 1800, 110/39, S. Greg., BNR.
49 Piñero, Eugenio, “The Cacao Economy of the Eighteenth-Century Province of Caracas and the Spanish Cacao Market,” The Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 1 (1988): 85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
50 S. Romualdo was subsequently demolished (in the twentieth century) to make way for building projects at Venice Plaza.
51 Zanenga letter, August 23, 1803, AC.G.22.1. Zanenga would later become a Benedictine abbot, see Croce, “Monaci Ed Eremiti Camaldolesi in Italia dal Settecento all'Ottocento,” 256n.
52 “Camerlengo,” New Advent, accessed December 10, 2014, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/03217a.htm.
53 As of 1795, 9 paoli Romani was equivalent to 10 Venetian lire, for a total of 2 Roman scudi, see Cappellari to Zurla, 110/9, S. Greg., BNR; Mariangela Allaria to Cappellari, January 1809, AC.G.65.3.
54 Allaria to Cappellari, January 28, 1809, AC.G.65.3.
55 Allaria to Cappellari, February 10, 1809, AC.G.65.3.
56 Cappellari to Zurla, November 5, 1795, 110/9, S. Greg., BNR.
57 Cappellari to Zurla, January 22, 1803, 80/4, S. Greg., BNR.
58 His depiction in the historiography is of a supposedly sheltered existence prior to his election as Pope in 1831. See, for example, Chadwick, Owen, A History of the Popes, 1830–1914 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 1–4 Google Scholar.
59 Cappellari to Federico Mandelli, September 19, 1795, 55/134, S. Greg., BNR.
60 Cappellari to Zurla, November 5, 1795, 110/9, S. Greg., BNR.
61 AC.F.1.2, many letters in this folder.
62 Cappellari to Zurla, November 26, 1803, 110/99, S. Greg., BNR.
63 Cappellari to Zurla, March 13, 1802,110/68, S. Greg., BNR.
64 Cappellari to Zurla, April 10, 1802, 110/7, S. Greg., BNR.
65 Cappellari to Zurla, August 16, 1800, 110/39, S. Greg., BNR.
66 Cappellari to Zurla, May 2, 1801, 110/55, S. Greg., BNR. 105 Venetian lire was equal to about 10 Roman scudi. The pound in Venice and Lombardy for articles like chocolate or coffee was 12 ounces, see Vaussard, Maurice, Daily Life in Eighteenth-century Italy (London: Macmillan, 1962), 194Google Scholar.
67 Allaria to Cappellari, January 1809, AC.G.65, 3.
68 Li 8 Agosto 1821: Memorie per il Sig.r Ercolani, Congr. Deputata ripristinato dei Monasteri Marche, busta 1, ASR.
69 Cappellari to Zurla, May 2, 1801, 110/55, S. Greg., BNR.
70 Ibid.
71 Ibid.
72 Cappellari to Zurla, March 13, 1802, 110/68, S. Greg., BNR.
73 Cappellari to Zurla, n.d. [1800], 110/41, S. Greg., BNR.
74 For more on this concept and the difficulties in defining “gift-giving,” begin with Mauss, Marcel, Essai sur le don: forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaïques, in Sociologie et anthropologie (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1950), 143–279 Google Scholar. Also Davis, Natalie Zemon, The Gift in Sixteenth-Century France (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2010)Google Scholar, in a French context, and how the gift could be variously interpreted, depending on the setting.
75 Jemolo, Arturo, “L'abate L. Cuccagni e due polemiche ecclesiastiche nel primo decennio del pontificato di Pio VI,” in Atti della Reale Accademia delle Scienze di Torino, classe di scienze morali, storiche e filosogiche 67 (1932)Google Scholar, 38n.
76 Donato, Maria Pia, “Lampredi, Urbano,” Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani 63 (2004)Google Scholar, http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/urbano-ampredi_(Dizionario_Biografico)/. His inaugural issue was on February 21, 1798.
77 Jemolo, “L'abate Luigi Cuccagni,” 38n.
78 According to Clark, Eleanor, “G. G. Belli: Roman Poet,” The Kenyon Review 14, no.1 (1952): 32Google Scholar.
79 Nico Valero, “Vizi capitali. I frati e la gola: il cioccolato come lasciapassare,” Il mondo del Belli (blog), accessed November 4, 2014, http://mondodelbelli.blogspot.co.uk/2010/05/vizi-capitali-i-frati-e-la-gola.html.
80 Nor was it the only reason to give chocolates: religious feasts and ceremonies were popular occasions. See note 54 about the feast of S. Romualdo and note 15 on a conclave.
81 Cabezon, Beatriz, Barriga, Patricia, and Grivetti, Louis Evan, “Chocolate and Sinful Behaviors: Inquisition Testimonies,” in Chocolate: History, Culture, and Heritage, ed. Grivetti, and Shapiro, , 37–48 Google Scholar.
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85 Coe and Coe, Chocolate, 205.
86 Chadwick, Popes and European Revolution, 468, 516–520.
87 Gardini to Zurla, July 4, 1800, 110/168, S. Greg., BNR.
88 Becciani, Ugo Gabriele, Il Credenziere (Pistoia: Il Papyrus, 2011)Google Scholar, 29n.
89 Ibid., and Piñero, “The Cacao Economy,” 84. Some believe Soconusco chocolate held that honor according to Coe and Coe, Chocolate, 190; MacLeod, Murdo J., Spanish Central America: A Socioeconomic History, 1520–1720 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), 440Google Scholar; and Coe, Sophie D., “Cacao: Gift of the New World,” in Chocolate: Food of the Gods, ed. Szogyi, Alex (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1997), 148Google Scholar.
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91 Lavedán, Tratado de los usos, 204.
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93 Gardini to Zurla, July 4, 1800, 110/168, S. Greg., BNR.
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122 Although this is established as fact, details of the slave arrangement can be found in Lynch, Simón Bolivar, 8; and McKinley, Pre-Revolutionary Caracas, 47–48.
123 His papal encyclical is given unanimous approbation in the historiography.
124 Lynch, Simón Bolivar, 10. Although unlikely—there were 1,144 plantations in Caracas at this time, according to McKinley, Pre-Revolutionary Caracas, 49.
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