1. Faduma, Orishatukeh, “Thoughts For The Times; Or the New Theology” AME Church Review, 7 (10 1890): 139–143;Google ScholarChristian Recorder (13 11. 1890), p. 3.Google Scholar

2. See Williams, Daniel Day, God's Grace and Man's Hope (New York, 1961), p. 22.Google Scholar For a brief profile of Protestant liberalism see Averill, Lloyd J., American Theology in the Liberal Tradition (Philadelphia, 1967), pp. 69–94Google Scholar and Reardon, Bernard M. G., ed., Liberal Protestantism (Stanford, Calif., 1968).Google Scholar

3. On King see Cone, James H., Martin & Malcolm & America: a Dream or a Nightmare (New York, 1991) p. 19;Google ScholarCone, James H., “The Theology of Martin Luther King, Jr.,” Union Seminary Quarterly Review 40: 4 (1986): 21–39.Google ScholarGarrow, David, “The Intellectual Development of Martin Luther King, Jr.: Influences and Commentaries,” Union Seminary Quarterly Review 40: 4 (1986): 5–20.Google ScholarOn Howard Thurman see Smith, Luther E. Jr, Howard Thurman: The Mystic as Prophet (New York, 1987).Google Scholar

4. Wills, David notes that the “history of theological liberalism and the social gospel has generally been written as if these movements—and the current of thought which prompted them—left no mark on the black churches.”Google ScholarWills, David W. and Newman, Richard, Black Apostles at Home and Abroad: Afro-Americans and the Christian Mission (Boston, 1982), pp. xxiii–xxiv.Google ScholarSee also Marty, Martin E., Righteous Empire: The Protestant Experience in America (New York, 1970), p. 193Google Scholarand Wills, David W., “Aspects of Social Thought in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1884–1910” (Ph. D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1975),Google Scholarand Higginbothan, Evelyn Brooks, Righteous Discontent: the Woman's Movement in the Black Baptist Church, 1880–1920 (Cambridge, 1993) pp. 136–149.Google Scholar

5. See July, Robert T. W., The Origins of Modern African Thought (London, 1968)Google Scholarand Ayandele, E. A., The Missionary Impact in Modern Nigeria, 1842–1914 (New York, 1967);Google Scholar“An Important Notice,” Sierra Leone Weekly News (5 08. 1887).Google ScholarFor the heated controversy which accompanied Faduma's change of name see “My View of Things,” Sierra Leone Weekly News, 20 08. 1887.Google Scholar

6. Chadwick, Owen, The Victorian Church, 2 vols., 2d ed. (London, 1972);Google ScholarWebb, Clement C. J., A Study of Religious Thought in England from 1850 (Oxford, 1933);Google ScholarElliott-Binns, L. E., English Thought 1860–1900, The Theological Aspect (London, 1956)Google Scholarand Moore, James R., The Post-Darwinian Controversies: A Study of the Protestant Struggle to come to Terms with Darwin in Great Britain and America, 1870–1900 (Cambridge, 1979).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7. Peterson, John, Province of Freedom: A History of Sierra Leone, 1787–1870 (Evanston, Ill., 1969);Google ScholarFyfe, Christopher, A History of Sierra Leone (London, 1962), p. 350;Google Scholarand Spitzer, Leo, Creoles of Sierra Leone, pp. 24–25.Google Scholar

8. Lynch, Hollis, Edward Wilmot Blyden: Pan-Negro Patriot, 1832–1912 (London, 1967), pp. xv–xvi.Google Scholar Exposure to progressive secular and religious thought in both the United States and Britain, coupled with a growing appreciation of Islamic and indigenous African culture and religion resulted in Blyden's increasingly strident rejection of traditional Protestant theology and missiology. Gayraud Wilmore has observed that “Blyden…did not consider himself an orthodox Christian in the tradition of American evangelicalism. Theologically, he felt a greater congeniality with the most nonconforming luminaries of New England Protestantism—the Channings, Theodore Parkers, and Emersons” (Wilmore, Gayraud, Black Religion and Black Radicalism [Maryknoll, 1983], p. 117).Google ScholarSee also Holden, Edith, Blyden of Liberia: An Account of the Life and Labors of Edward Wilmot Blyden, LL. D. As Recorded in Letters and in Print (New York, 1966).Google Scholar

9. Blyden's reflections upon the problematic of race, religion, and modernity were presented in 1887 in his major work entitled, Christianity, Islam, and the Negro Race. See Blyden, Edward, Christianity, Islam, and the Negro Race, (London, 1887).Google Scholar In 1890 Blyden became an honorary member of the American Society of Comparative Religion and was forced by illness to decline an invitation to give a paper on comparative religion at the World's Parliament of Religion in 1893. Unfortunately, his major theological work entitled Comparative Theology has not been located. Lynch, , Blyden, pp. 78–79, 82Google Scholarand Holden, , Blyden of Liberia, pp. 646 and 848.Google Scholar

10. Faduma to Tanner (20 08 1887), published as part of an editorial by Tanner, : “The Review in Foreign Lands,” AME Church Review 4 (5 07 1888) p. 5.Google Scholar

11. The AME Church Review was established by the General Conference of the AME Church in 1884 as the literary and scholarly supplement to the denomination's official organ, the Christian Recorder. Daniel, Walter C., Black Journals of the United States (Westport, 1982) pp. 27–32.Google Scholar Educated at Avery College and Western Theological Seminary, Tanner sought to keep his readers abreast of the issues of the era. Wills, “Aspect,” p. 68.

12. For assessments of the religious crisis perceived by the white religious community during this era see Francis Weisenburger, , Ordeal of Faith: The Crisis of Church-Going America, 1865–1900 (New York, 1959);Google ScholarSchlesinger, Arthur M. Sr,. “A Critical Period in American Religion, 1875–1900,” in Mulder, John M. and Wilson, John F., Religion in American History: Interpretive Essays (New Jersey, 1978), pp. 302–317Google Scholarand Szasz, Ferenc Morton, The Divided Mind of Protestant America, 1880–1930 (Alabama, 1982).Google Scholar

13. Munger, Theodore T., “The New Theology,” quoted in Mathisen, Robert R., ed., The Role of Religion in American Life, An Interpretive Historical Anthology (Lanham, Md., 1982), pp. 252–258.Google Scholar

14. Members of this group included Newman Smyth, Egbert C. Smyth, George Harris, George A. Gordon, William Newton Clarke, Lewis French Stearns, Washington Gladden, William Adams Brown, and Lyman Abbott. Hutchison, William R., The Modernist Impulse in American Protestantism (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 122–132;Google ScholarAverill, , American Theology, pp. 30–49;Google Scholarand Reardon, , Liberal Protestantism, pp. 9–65. The fact that not all of the formulators or subsequent adherents of the New Theology interpreted and emphasized its characteristic tenets and concerns in the same way and to the same degree gave rise to different varieties of theological liberalism.Google ScholarSee Cauthen, Kenneth, The Impact of American Religious Liberalism (New York, 1962), pp. 26–37.Google Scholar

15. Wills, and Newman, , Black Apostles at Home and Abroad, pp. 23–24.Google Scholar

16. Wills, David, “Aspects,” pp. 88–158Google Scholarand Washington, James Melville, Frustrated Fellowship: The Black Baptist Quest for Social Power (Macon, 1986), pp. 184, 192–193, 212–213.Google ScholarOn theological ferment and controversy within West Africa during this era see Toboku-Metzger, , “Missionary Effort,” AME Church Review 6 (07 1889);Google Scholar“Letter to the Editor,” Sierra Leone Weekly News, 24 09. 1887;Google Scholarand “The Dress Reform Society,” Methodist Herald 21 12. 1887.Google Scholar

17. Campbell, Jabez P., “A Scriptural View, Or the Statement Concerning Paradise that Was Lost Regained,” AME Church Review 1 (07 1884): 12.Google ScholarHandy, James A., “The Mystery of Man,” AME Church Review 2 (07 1885): 20.Google Scholar

18. Holly, James Theodore, “Biblical Criticism,” AME Church Review 4 (04 1888): 367.Google ScholarTanner, Benjamin T., “The Higher Criticism,” AME Church Review 10 (07 1893): 115.Google ScholarQuoted in Wills, , “Aspects,” p. 89.Google Scholar

19. Tanner, Benjamin T., “The Origin of Man” AME Church Review 4 (10. 1887): 203–213.Google Scholar

20. Johnson, Charles A., “Heaven and the Divinity as Seen By the Poets,” AME Church Review 4 (07 1887): 527.Google Scholar In 1891 Upshaw presented a critical appreciation of biblical criticism. See Upshaw, A. W., “Biblical Criticism,” AME Church Review 8 (10. 1891): 198–201.Google ScholarNote also the sympathetic treatment of evolution by Phillips, Henry L. in “Alfred Russell Wallace, LL.D., F.L.S., Etc., On Darwinianism,” AME Church Review 6 (10. 1889): 161–165.Google ScholarUpshaw, A. W., “Reason and Revelation,” AME Church Review 5 (04 1889): 327–328.Google Scholar

21. Alfred Moss observed that “though they produced a number of creative theological reconceptualizations, and were, at times, perceptive and courageous in tackling some sources of social injustice, these religious liberals were unable to transcend the orthodox racism of the day.” (Moss, Academy, p. 8 and Wills, “Aspects,” pp. 124–125, 127.) See Bucher, Glenn R., “Social Gospel Christianity and Racism,” Union Seminary Quarterly Review 28 (Winter, 1973): 146–157;Google ScholarGossett, Thomas, Race: The History of An Idea in America (New York, 1965): 144–197.Google ScholarSee also Luker, Ralph E., The Social Gospel in Black and White: American Racial Reform, 1885–1912 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1991), pp. 268–311Google Scholarand White, Ronald C., Liberty and Justice for All: Racial Reform and the Social Gospel (1877–1925), (San Francisco, 1990).Google Scholar

22. Tanner, Benjamin T., The Negro's Origin: And is the Negro Cursed? (Philadelphia, 1869)Google Scholarand Tanner, Benjamin T., The Descent of the Negro (Philadelphia, 1898).Google Scholar Tanner concluded the latter work with the assertion: “The Negro is a man. He is of Adam. He is of Noah. The Negro is a brother, and will be until science can demonstrate the Bible is no more than a fable—that Moses made mistakes, and that the divine Son of God with men hitherto supposed to be inspired, endorsed them.” (Tanner, The Descent of the Negro, pp. 6, 23.)

23. Faduma, , “The New Theology,” p. 139.Google Scholar

24. Ibid.

25. On Sabatier, one of the major formulators of a “thoroughly liberalized Protestantism,” see Reardon, Liberal Protestantism, pp. 10, 31, 34, 44–58, 65, 163. “The Life of Dogmas,” Homiletic Review (05 1890),Google Scholarquoted by Faduma, , “The New Theology,” p. 142.Google Scholar

26. Faduma, , “The New Theology,” pp. 142–143.Google ScholarCompare with Blyden's “Christian Missions in West Africa,” in Blyden, Christianity, Islam and the Negro Race, pp. 46–70.Google ScholarHutchison, William has provided perhaps the most comprehensive analysis of the changes fostered in American missiology by Protestant liberalism and the New Theology.Google ScholarSee by Hutchison, , Errand to the World: American Protestant Thought and Foreign Missions (Chicago, 1987);Google ScholarAmerican Protestant Thought: The Liberal Era (New York, 1968);Google Scholarand “Modernism and Missions: The Liberal Search for an Exportable Christianity, 1875–1935” in Fairbank, John K., ed. The Missionary Enterprise in China and America (Cambridge, 1974), pp. 110–131.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

27. Faduma, , “The New Theology,” pp. 143–144Google Scholar and Cauthen, Impact, pp. 33–34. On the relationship between the New Theology and the Social Gospel Movement, see Hopkins, Charles H., The Rise of the Social Gospel in American Protestantism, 1865–1915 (New Haven, 1940)Google Scholarand Handy, Robert T., The Social Gospel in America, 1870–1920: Gladden, Ely, Rauschenbusch (New York, 1966).Google Scholar

28. Faduma, , “The New Theology,” p. 143.Google Scholar Thus, unlike Tanner and other black conservatives who were fearful of the racial as well as religious implications of the new sciences and theology, Faduma readily, though critically, appropriated them and proclaimed that they exposed the old scientific and theological props of racism as “pseudo-science” and “pseudo-theology.” Faduma, Orishatukeh, “African Negro Education,” Sierra Leone Weekly News, 24 08 1918.Google ScholarFor a more realistic appraisal of America's racial situation during this era, see Logan, Rayford W., The Betrayal of the Negro from Rutherford B. Hayes to Woodrow Wilson (New York, 1965).Google Scholar

29. Faduma, , “The New Theology,” p. 143.Google Scholar

30. Ahlstrom, Sydney, A Religious History of the American People, (New Haven, 1972), pp. 775–776.Google Scholar

31. All sought to clarify the issues and challenges presented to their respective disciplines by the new scientific and intellectual currents. See Bainton, Roland, Yale and the Ministry: A History of Education for the Christian Ministry of Yale from the Founding in 1701, (New York, 1957), pp. 169–170, 178–183, 189–190, 202, 225, 219.Google Scholar Letter from Faduma to Dean Luther Allan Weigle, 10 May 1945. Alumni File, Yale Divinity School. During Faduma's enrollment the divinity school also added a number of courses to the traditional curriculum which reflected the impact that the new scientific and academic currents were having within progressive seminaries throughout the nation. For example, in 1892 a course on “The Religious and Theological Conditions in Germany” was offered by Dr. Stuckenberg, pastor of the American Church in Germany. Its purpose was to inform students of current theological trends in Germany. In 1891 and 1892 courses in missions were introduced into the curriculum. The 1892 course, entitled “Modern Missions in the East,” was taught by the Congregationalist missionary and liberal mission theorist, Edward A. Lawrence. It sought to help “the men of the seminary to more intelligent ideas on missions.” See “Lectures at Yale Divinity School,” The Congregationalist 77 (17 11 1892): 448Google Scholarand Lawrence, Edward A., Modern Missions in the East; Their Methods, Successes and Limitations (New York, 1895).Google Scholar

32. Washington, James M., “Pan-African Religionists at Yale University,” n.d., Private papers of James M. Washington, Union Theological Seminary, New York, New York. Proctor, Between Black and White, pp.40–43, 45, 95, 106–108;Google ScholarKnight, , Children, pp. 84–85.Google Scholar

33. Proctor, , Between Black and White, p. 42.Google Scholar

34. See Faduma, Orishatukeh, “Africa or the Dark Continent,” AME Church Review 9 (11. 1893): 1–8Google Scholarand Faduma, Orishatukeh, “Religious Beliefs and Worship of the Yorubas in West Africa,” AME Church Review 12 (07 1895): 150–158.Google Scholar Faduma's efforts to similarly appropriate the teachings and tenets of comparative religion were also illuminated in a number of articles published in the AME Review during this period. See for example Faduma, Orishatukeh, “Materials for the Study of the World Religions,” AME Church Review 12 (04 1896): 461–473.Google ScholarHe argued elsewhere that that “the study of comparative religion is vital in the study of religion.” Faduma, Orishatukeh, “Drawbacks and Successes of Missionary Work in Africa,” Sierra Leone Weekly News, 20 04. 1918.Google Scholar

35. Faduma, Orishatukeh, “The Pastoral Epistles,” AME Church Review 11 (10. 1894): 215–230.Google Scholar

36. Faduma, Orishatukeh, “The Faith that Is In Me,” Sierra Leone Weekly News, 16 06 1923, p. 1.Google Scholar

37. On the traumatic nature of this examination for some liberals see Swift, David E., “Conservative Versus Progressive Orthodoxy In Latter 19th Century Congregationalism,” Church History: Studies in Christianity and Culture 16 (03 1947): 22–31CrossRefGoogle Scholarand Hutchison, , Modernist Impulse, p. 134.Google ScholarFaduma, , “The Faith That Is In Me,” Sierra Leone Weekly News, 2 06 1923, pp. 1–2.Google Scholar

38. His initial assignment as superintendent of Peabody Academy and pastor of the Congregational Church at Troy, North Carolina marked the start of what would eventually be a thirty-nine year tenure as an AMA missionary and educator. See “Rev. Orishatukeh Faduma,” American Missionary 58 (01. 1904): 15;Google Scholarand “Reverend Orishatukeh Faduma,” Sierra Leone Weekly News, 2 08. 1902, p. 4.Google Scholar

39. Faduma, Orishatukeh, “The African Movement,” African Mail, 4 12. 1914Google Scholarand Faduma, Orishatukeh, “Some of My Experiences in the Southland,” The Expected (07 1943): 9.Google Scholar

40. Cauthen, , Impact, p. 5.Google Scholar

41. Although major studies of the theological convictions of most of these figures have yet to be produced, close scrutiny of their educational backgrounds, writings and ministries warrants confidence in labeling them evangelical liberals of various stripes and commitment. On Sutton Griggs see Fullinwider, S. P., The Mind and Mood of Black America: 20th Century Thought, (Homewood, 1969), pp. 73–74;Google ScholarGriggs, Sutton, Guide to Racial Greatness or the Science of Collective Efficiency (Memphis, 1923);Google ScholarGriggs, Sutton, New Thoughts for a New Era, (Memphis, 1913)Google Scholarand Griggs, Sutton, The Story of My Struggles, (Memphis, 1914).Google ScholarOn Waldron see Fullinwider, , Mind and Mood of Black America, pp. 47, 63.Google ScholarOn Ransom see Ransom, Reverdy C., The Pilgrimage of Harriet Ransom's Son (Nashville, n.d.), pp. 38, 866–887, 93Google Scholarand Morris, Calvin S., Ransom, Reverdy C.: Black Advocate of the Social Gospel, (Lanham, Md., 1990).Google ScholarOn Wright see Wills, , “Aspects,” p. 230Google Scholarand Wright, Richard R. Jr, 87 Years Behind the Black Curtain: An Autobiography (Philadelphia, 1965).Google ScholarOn Proctor and Powell see Proctor, Hugh Henry, Between Black and White: Autobiographical Sketches (Boston, 1925)Google Scholarand Powell, Adam Clayton Sr, Against the Tide: An Autobiography (New York, 1938).Google ScholarOn Haynes, see Roberts, Samuel K., “George Edmund Haynes: Advocate for Interracial Cooperation,” in Burkett, and Newman, , eds., Black Apostles, p. 114.Google ScholarOn Ferris see Ferris, William H., The African Abroad: Or His Evolution in Western Civilization; Tracing His Development Under Caucasian Milieu, Vols. I, II (New Haven, 1913).Google Scholar On Moorland and Steward see footnotes 43 and 45 below.

42. For example, the American Missionary Association (AMA), sponsored primarily by Congregationalists, supplied monies and staff for schools which provided a significant proportion of black secondary and college-level education in the South. The “heritage of liberal Christianity” in AMA schools has been noted by Clifton H. Johnson. See Johnson, Clifton H., Our American Missionary Association Heritage (New York, 1967), p. 40Google Scholarand Richardson, Joe M., Christian Reconstruction: The American Missionary Association and Southern Blacks, 1861–1890 (Athens, Ga. 1986).Google Scholar

43. Moorland was granted the Doctor of Divinity degree from Howard University in 1906. See Moorland, Jesse E., The Demand and the Supply of Increased Efficiency in the Negro Ministry, American Negro Academy Occasional Papers, No. 13 (Washington, D. C., 1909), pp. 9–10Google Scholarand Moss, Alfred A. Jr, The American Negro Academy Voice of the Talented Tenth (Baton Rouge, La., 1981), pp. 117, 133–134, 142–146, 159, 164–165, 223–224, 245,261.Google Scholar

44. See Woodson, , History of the Negro Church, pp. 250–251;Google ScholarMeier, August, Negro Thought in America, 1800–1915: Racial Ideologies in the Age of Booker T. Washington (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1966), pp. 133, 232, 271Google Scholarand Roberts, “George Edmund Haynes,” pp. 112–113. Its impact is noted in the biography of Ras Makonnen who observed that the “Y” operated with a “new theology” which insured that its concern “wasn't only religion” nor “provincial.” To Makonnen who later became a “Y” secretary and an important theorist of modern Africa, the YMCA “helped to portray in the most dramatic manner the role of Christ in the modern world.”Google ScholarSee Makonnen, Ras, Pan-Africanism From Within (London, 1973), pp. ix–xi, 41–51, 47, 77, 105–283.Google Scholar

45. Steward, Theophilus Gould, Fifty Years In The Gospel Ministry (Philadelphia, 1921), pp. 157–166, 182.Google Scholar Steward's perception of the Darwinian theory and its impact upon the authority and credibility of Scripture was presented in Genesis Re-read; Or the Latest Conclusions of Physical Science, Viewed in their Relation to the Mosaic Record. Citing Christian evolutionists such as James McCosh and George Mivart, Steward concluded: “Evolution has been examined, its debts have been sounded, and no response has come forth inconsistent with the declaration that in the beginning God created the heavens and the earth.” (Steward, Theophilus Gould, Genesis Re-Read; Or the Latest Conclusions of Physical Science, Viewed in Their Relation to the Mosaic Record [Philadelphia, 1885], pp. 248–249).Google ScholarOn Steward's critique of the racism and imperialism of fellow liberal Josiah Strong see Steward, Theophilus Gould, The End of the World; or, Clearing the Way for the Fullness of the Gentiles (Philadelphia, 1888),Google ScholarLuker, , Social Gospel in Black and White, p. 273Google Scholarand Seraile, William, Voice of Dissent: Theophilus Gould Steward (1843–1942), (Brooklyn, 1991), pp. 72, 76, 88–91, 175.Google Scholar

46. On the relationship between Protestant liberalism and progressive educational reform see Smith, H. Shelton, “Christian Education,” in Nash, Arnold S., ed. Protestant Thought in the Twentieth Century: Whence and Whither? (New York, 1951), pp. 225–246;Google ScholarCoe, George A., Education in Religion and Morals (New York, 1904)Google Scholarand Coe, George A., A Social Theory of Religious Education (New York, 1917).Google ScholarSee also Faduma, Orishatukeh, “Lessons and Needs of the Hour,” Sierra Leone Weekly News, 5 10. 1918;Google ScholarFaduma, Orishatukeh, “African Negro or Education,” Sierra Leone Weekly News, 3, 24, 31 08. 1918;Google Scholarand Faduma, Orishatukeh, “The Study of Science in Elementary and Secondary Schools,” Sierra Leone Weekly News, 7 10. 1922.Google Scholar

47. “Addresses on the Congress on Africa,” Missionary Review of the World 9(19 09. 1896): 693.Google ScholarSee Faduma, Orishatukeh, “Christianity and Islam in Africa: A Native African's View of the Situation,” Missionary Review of the World 48 (11. 1925): 865–868.Google ScholarSee also Faduma, Orishatukeh, “Drawbacks to Missionary Work in Africa,” Missionary Echo 24 (04. 1917): 54–56; 24 (May 1917): 71–72.Google ScholarFor the Congress on Africa and Faduma's presentations see Bowen, J. W. E., ed. Africa and the American Negro: Addresses and Proceedings of the Congress on Africa (Miami, 1896, 1969).Google Scholar For additional insight on African and African American thought on African missions during this era see Blyden, Christianty, Islam and the Negro Race; Raboteau, Albert J., “Ethiopia Shall Soon Stretch Forth Her Hands: Black Destiny in Nineteenth-Century America,” University Lecture in Religion, Arizona State University, 27 01 1983;Google ScholarWilliams, Walter L., Black Americans and the Evangelization of Africa (Madison, Wis. 1982);Google ScholarJacobs, Sylvia M., ed., Black Americans and the Missionary Movement in Africa (Westport, Conn. 1982);Google Scholarand Fulop, Timothy E., “The Future Golden Day of the Race: Millennialism and Black Americans in the Nadir, 1877–1901,” Harvard Theological Review 84 (01. 1991): 75–99.Google Scholar

48. Faduma, Orishatukeh, “Lessons and Needs of the Hour,” Sierra Leone Weekly News, 21 09. 1918; 5 Oct. 1918.Google Scholar

49. Faduma, Orishatukeh, “The Faith That Is In Me,” Sierra Leone Weekly News, 2 06, 1923; 16 June, 1923; 14 July, 1923; 21 July, 1923; 28 July, 1923; 18 Aug., 1923; 1 Sept., 1923; 15 Sept., 1923; 20 Oct., 1923; 3 Nov., 1923; 8 Dec., 1923.Google Scholar

50. If so, he was among a number of theological liberals who, amid the carnage of World War I and theological liberalism's manifest failure to usher in the “Kingdom of God,” were forced to re-examine and temper their earlier idealism and optimism. Their revised theological schemas reasserted the reality of both individual and collective sin. See Rauschenbusch, Walter, A Theology for the Social Gospel (New York, 1917);Google ScholarSmith, , Changing Conceptions of Original Sin, pp. 200–201;Google Scholarand Cauthen, , Impact, pp. 97–99, 127–143, 61–74.Google Scholar

51 Faduma, , “The Faith That Is In Me,” Sierra Leone Weekly News, 18 08., 1923; 1 Sept., 1923; 15 Sept., 1923; 20 Oct., 1923; 3 Nov., 1923; 8 Dec., 1923.Google Scholar

52. Faduma, Orishatukeh, “The Christian Minister's Attitude Toward Religion and Science;” Gavins, Raymond, Perils and Prospects of Southern Black Leadership: Gordon Blaine Hancock, 1884–1970. (Durham, N.C. 1977), pp. 36–37;Google Scholarand Ferris, William H., “Viewpoint of Science and Religion,” Negro World 13 (13 01. 1923): 4Google Scholarand Negro World 14 (3 03. 1923): 4.Google ScholarSee also Gatewood, Willard, Controversy in the Twenties: Fundamentalism, Modernism, Evolution, (Nashville, Tenn. 1969);Google ScholarFurniss, N. F., The Fundamentalist Controversy, 1918–1931, (New York, 1954)Google Scholarand Cole, Stewart G., The History of Fundamentalism, (New York, 1931).Google Scholar

53. Founded by Congregationalists in the mid-nineteenth century, the Seminary had been under the increasing influence of theological liberalism since the 1880s. See McGiffert, Arthur Cushman Jr, No Ivory Tower: The Story of The Chicago Theological Seminary (Chicago, 1965), pp. 3–5.Google Scholar

54. Official transcript of Orishatukeh Faduma, Chicago Theological Seminary.

55. See Cauthen, , Impact, pp. 147–206;Google ScholarMcGiffert, , No Ivory Tower, pp. 87–90, 123, 165, 187, 218–219, 224, 226Google Scholarand Averill, , American Theology in the Liberal Tradition, pp. 95, 100–106.Google Scholar

56. See Faduma's autobiographical sketch entitled, “An African Background,” and Faduma, Orishatukeh, “Africa, The Unknown,” Mission Herald 43 (11., 12. 1939): 20, 44 (Jan., Feb. 1940): 16–17.Google Scholar

57. Fosdick, ,“Beyond Modernism,” Christian Century 52 (12. 1935): 1549–1552.Google ScholarSee also series of thirty-four articles published under the title, “How my Mind has Changed in this Decade,” in Christian Century 56 (18 01.—20 09. 1939),Google Scholarand Hutchison's assessment of this series in Hutchison, William R., Modernist Impulse in American Protestantism, (Cambridge, 1976) pp. 304–305.Google ScholarCalhoun, Robert L., “A Liberal Bandaged but Unbowed,” Christian Century 56 (3 05 1939): 701–704.Google Scholar

58. Both aspired to unite the leadership of African-American churches in a concerted assault on the myriad social, economic, and political injustices which afflicted the race. On the Fraternal Council see Ransom, Reverdy C., “Why a Federation of Negro Denominations in the United States?,” Negro Journal of Religion 1 (02. 1935): 5;Google Scholar“Thus we Go,” Negro Journal of Religion 1 (02. 1935): 15Google Scholar and Ransom, Pilgrimage, pp. 96–300.

59. Daniel, , Black Journals of the United States, pp. 279–281.Google Scholar

60. “Editorial,” Negro Journal of Religion 1 (02. 1935): 3.Google Scholar

61. In an editorial section entitled, “A World View of Religion,” Ridley attempted to keep readers informed of the issues involved in the current theological and missiological controversies. See also articles by Wright, R. R. Jr on “The Challenge to the Negro Church,” Negro Journal of Religion 2 (02. 1936): 5Google Scholarand Evans,, Arthur Jr, “Personalism,” Negro Journal of Religion 2 (02. 1936): 6.Google Scholar The second issue of the Journal contained a sympathetic analysis of “Barthianism” and its “theology of crisis.” The author, Charles L. Hill, was dean of Turner Theological Seminary. See Hill, Charles L., “The Religious Crisis of the Present,” Negro Journal of Religion 1 (03. 1935): 5, 6, 13.Google Scholar

62. Faduma, , “Some of My Experiences,” p. 9Google Scholarand Faduma, Orishatukeh, “Africa The Unknown,” Mission Herald 43 (11., 12. 1939): 18.Google Scholar Encourgement of and concern for African students studying in the United States was an important dimension of Faduma's life and work. For example, in 1925 he addressed a joint meeting of the African Students Union and the Student Bible Institute at Hampton Institute on “Africa's Claims and Needs.” Faduma, Orishatukeh, “Africa's Claims and Needs,” Southern Workman 54 (05, 1925): 221–225.Google Scholar

63. On Kalibala see King, Kenneth James, Pan-Africanism and Education: A Study of Race Philanthropy and Education in the Southern States of America and East Africa, (Oxford, 1971), pp. 282, 230, 240–245.Google ScholarSee also Kalibala, Ernest B., “Education for the Villages in Uganda, East Africa” (M.A. Thesis, Teachers College, New York, New York, 1934)Google Scholarand Kalibala, Ernest B., “Africa—The Unknown Quantity,” Part I, Mission Herald 44 (05–06, 1940): 10–12 and Part II (July–Aug. 1940): 11–13.Google ScholarCompare with Faduma's, “Drawbacks and Successes of Missionary Work in Africa,” Sierra Leone Weekly News, 16 03. 1918; 30 Mar. 1918; 6 Apr. 1918.Google Scholar

64. Kalibala's dissertation was entitled, “The Social Structure of the Baganda Tribe” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1946).Google Scholar Note also the experiences of Kwame Nkrumah who would become one of the architects of modern Africa. After coming to the United States in 1935, he obtained a Bachelors of Theology degree in 1942 from Lincoln University and preached in a number of African-American churches. However, his increasingly non-traditional theological orientation and defense of African culture eventually pitted him in theological controversy with Dr. George Johnson, professor of theology and philosophy at Lincoln. On Nkrumah's theological orientation and evolution see Nkrumah, Kwame, Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah, (New York, 1957), pp. 1–13, 31–33Google Scholarand Timothy, Bankole, Kwame Nkrumah: His Rise to Power (London, 1955), pp. 43–44.Google Scholar

65. High Point was the site of a normal and industrial school for African-American students. In 1943 Faduma recalled his experiences with racism during the course of his thirty-nine-year ministry in the South. Faduma, Orishatukeh, “Some of My Experiences,” The Expected (07 1943): 9, 10.Google Scholar

66. When the Divinity School mailed Faduma an alumni information form in 1944, he replied in an aged script that he was a “Retired Missionary” who had spent a total of “57” years at various mission posts and institutions in the United States and Sierra Leone. He also included a listing of fifty of his “literary contributions,” the typescript of his autobiographical sketch entitled, “My Nigerian African Background,” and a copy of his 1943 article, “Some of My Experiences in the Southland,” Alumni File, Yale Divinity School, New Haven, Connecticut. On Dean Weigle who had also been decisively influenced by evangelical liberalism, see Weigle, Luther Allan, The Glory Days: From the Life of Luther Allan Weigle (New York, 1976).Google Scholar

67. Letter from Faduma to Dean Luther Allan Weigle, 10 05, 1945. File, Alumni, Yale Divinity School.Google ScholarSee Bainton, , Yale and the Ministry, pp. 169–170, 178–183, 189–190, 202, 225, 219.Google ScholarLetter from Dean Luther A. Weigle to Faduma, 22 05 1945. File, Alumni, Yale Divinity School.Google Scholar

68. File, Alumni, Yale University. “Certificate of Death,” North Carolina State Board of Health, Bureau of Vital Statistics.Google Scholar

69. Faduma, “My Nigerian African Background,” File, Alumni, Yale Divinity School.Google Scholar