Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-94fs2 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-17T14:00:01.786Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Nazifying Christian Theology: Walter Grundmann and the Institute for the Study and Eradication of Jewish Influence on German Church Life

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Susannah Heschel
Affiliation:
Ms. Heschel is the Abba Hillel Silver Associate Professor of Jewish Studies at Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio.

Extract

The Third Reich's Kirchenkampf (church struggle) is sometimes mistakenly understood as referring to the Protestant churches' resistance to National Socialism. In fact, the term refers to an internal dispute between members of the Bekennende Kirche [Confessing Church (hereafter BK)] and members of the Deutsche Christen [German Christians (hereafter DC)] over control of the Protestant church. While not all members of the BK opposed Hitler's policies, the movement called for an autonomy of the church from National Socialist legal measures, particularly the racial laws, motivated both by theological and political considerations. The DC, by contrast, sought to introduce National Socialist policies and ideology into the church, especially Nazi racial laws, and modify church doctrine in accord with National Socialist ideology. Yet the antisemitism at the heart of the DC has been either ignored or marginalized by most historians. Indeed, some historians have incorrectly suggested that the DC underwent a dissolution at the end of 1933, from which it never recovered, or have presented the DC as a political creation of National Socialism, ignoring its theological roots.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1994

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

I would like to thank several colleagues for their careful and critical reading of this article as it developed: Prof. Robert Ericksen, Olympic College; Prof. Donald Niewyk and Prof. Richard Cogley, both at Southern Methodist University. I would also like to thank the many gracious archivists who assisted me in gathering material for this ongoing research project. I am especially grateful to Dr. David Marwell, Berlin Document Center; Pastor Heinz Koch, LKA Eisenach; Frau Marget Hartleb, University Archive, Jena; Dr. Freifrau von Boselager, Foreign Ministry Archive, Bonn; Dr. Renger, University Archive, Heidelberg; and the archivists at the YIVO Institute, New York, the Zentralarchiv der Kirche, Berlin, and the Bundesarchiv in Potsdam.

1. See, for example, Scholder, Klaus, The Churches and the Third Reich, vol. 1, Preliminary History and the Time of Illusions, 1918–1934 (London, 1987);Google Scholar originally published as Die Kirchen und das Dritte Reich, vol. 1, Vorgeschichte und Zeil der Illusionen 1918–1934 (Frankfurt, 1977).Google ScholarSonne, Hans-Joachim, Die politische Theologie der Deutschen Christen: Einheit und Vielfalt deutsch-christlichen Denkens, dargestellt anhand des Bundes für Deutsche Kirche, der Thüringer Kirchenbewegung “Deutsche Christen” und der Christlich-Deutschen Bewegung (Göttingen, 1982).Google Scholar Neither Scholder nor Sonne recognize antisemitism as a central element of DC ideology.

2. Cochrane, Arthur C., The Church's Confession Under Hitler (Philadelphia, 1962);Google ScholarBuchheim, Hans, Glaubenskrise im Dritten Reich: Drei Kapitel Nationalsozialistischer Religionspolitik (Stuttgart, 1953).Google Scholar

3. For a brief survey of Protestant and Catholic responses to Chamberlain, see Field, Geoffrey, Evangelist of Race (New York, 1981), p. 236.Google Scholar

4. A comprehensive history of these debates remains a scholarly desideratum. On the Old Testament, see Nicolaisen, Carsten, Die Auseinandersetzungen um das Alte Testament im Kirchenkampf 1933–1945 (Hamburg, 1966).Google Scholar

5. English-language introductions to the history of the DC can be found in Conway, John S., The Nazi Persecution of the Churches, 1933–1945 (New York, 1968);Google ScholarHelmreich, Ernst Christian, The German Churches under Hitler (Detroit, 1979);Google Scholar and Zabel, James A., Nazism and the Pastors: A Study of the Ideas of Three Deutsche Christen Groups (Missoula, Mont., 1976).Google Scholar

6. Leffler and Leutheuser were early activists in the National Socialist movement in Bavaria. Both joined the NSDAP on the same day, 1 June 1929; Leffler received membership number 138 841, Leutheuser 138 836. Berlin Document Center (BDC), NSDAP Master Files, Leffler materials, Leutheuser materials.Google Scholar

7. Helmreich, p. 150.

8. For an extensive discussion of Kittel's involvement in National Socialist activities, see Ericksen, Robert P., Theologians Under Hitler: Gerhard Kittel, Paul Althaus and Emanuel Hirsch (New Haven, 1985, 1987);Google ScholarSiegele-Wenschkewitz, Leonore and Nicolaisen, Carsten, eds., Theologische Fakultäten im Nationalsozialismus (Göttingen, 1993).Google Scholar

9. The thousands of membership cards for the more radical Thuringian branch of the DC are in the possession of the Thuringian Church archive in Eisenach, but were not yet officially accessioned as of 1993.Google Scholar

10. Bergen, Doris, “One Reich, One People, One Church: The German Christian Movement and the People's Church, 1932–1945” (Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1991), pp. 119120.Google Scholar

11. Meier, Kurt, Die Deutschen Christen: Das Bild einer Bewegung im Kirchenkampf des Dritten Reiches (Göttingen, 1964).Google Scholar

12. Meier, Kurt, Kreuz und Hakenkreuz: Die evangelische Kirche im Dritten Reich (Munich, 1992), p. 166.Google Scholar

13. Zentralarchiv der Kirche (ZAK), Berlin, fols. 1/A4/175 and 1/A4/168.Google Scholar

14. ZAK, fols. 7/4166 and 7/4167. The Godesberg Declaration was printed in the Gesetzblatt der deutschen evangelischen Kirche, 5 (6 04 1939): 1.Google Scholar

15. Other provisions of the addendum, including founding a central office in the church to fight against the misuse of religion for political goals, were not carried through.Google Scholar

16. ZAK, fol. 7/4166. Werner joined the NSDAP on 1 January 1931; membership 411 184. See BDC, Werner materials.Google Scholar

17. Grundmann, Walter, Die Entjudung des religiösen Lebens als Aufgabe deutscher Theologie und Kirche (Weimar, 1939), pp. 9, 10.Google Scholar

18. ZAK, fol. 7/4166.

19. See Ericksen, Robert, Theologians Under Hitler (New Haven, 1987), p. 204 n. 6.Google Scholar

20. NSDAP membership 382 544; BDC, Grundmann materials; Meier, Die Deutschen Christen, p. 484.Google Scholar

21. He received membership number 1032691. Thuringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar. Personalakte Walter Grundmann.Google ScholarFor further information about SS supporting membership, see Koehl, Robert Lewis, The Black Corps: The Structure and Power Struggles of the SS (Madison, Wise, 1983).Google Scholar

22. Meyer-Erlach joined the NSDAP on 15 May 1933; membership 3 135 571; BDC Meyer-Erlach materials.Google Scholar

23. Universitatsarchiv Jena (UJ) D, 986; the order, dated 5 October 1938, was issued by Zschintzsch as representative of the Reich Ministry for Science, Teaching and Education.Google Scholar

24. UJ, vol. 910, Die Anstellung ordentlicher Professoren, 1936–1938, vol. 7.Google Scholar

25. UJ, vol. 910, Meyer-Erlach to the Thüringen Ministerium für Volksbildung (TMV) 6 March 1937, regarding Eisenhuth's appointment to the position in systematic theologyGoogle Scholar

26. UJ, vol. 910, Meyer-Erlach to TMV dated 23 October 1937.Google Scholar

27. UJ, fol. D, No. 986, Personalakten des Thüringischen Volksbildungsministeriums in Weimar über Grundmann, vol. 1, 1936; Meyer-Erlach to TMV, 23 October 1937.Google Scholar

28. Eisenhuth, born in Frankfurt am Main in 1903, joined the NSDAP on 1 August 1933; see BDC, Eisenhuth materials.Google Scholar

29. Landeskirchenarchiv Eisenach (Thüringen) (LKA), Akten betreff; DC: Hochschulangelegenheiten, 1937–1940; memorandum dated May 1938 to Reichsministerium für die kirchliche Angelegenheiten.Google Scholar

30. Hintzenstern, delivered a paper based on his thesis at an Institute conference in March 1940. It was published as “Das religiose Problem im Bayreuther Kreis,” in Walter Grundmann, , ed., Christentum und Judentum; Studien zur Erforschung ihres gegenseitigen Verhältnisses, Sitzungsberichte der ersten Arbeitstagung des Institutes zur Erforschung des jüdischen Einflusses aufdas deutsche Kirchliche Leben vom 1. bis 3. März 1940 in Wittenberg (Leipzig, 1940), pp. 167192.Google Scholar

31. UJ, fol. J, no. 90: Promotionsaklen der Theologischen Fakultät, 1939–1941.Google Scholar

32. UJ, fol. J, no. 90.Google Scholar

33. Meier, , Kreuz und Hakenkreuz, 165–166;Google ScholarFaulenbach, Heiner, Ein Weg durch die Kirche: Heinrich Josef Oberheid (Köln, 1992), p. 181;Google ScholarStegemann, Erich, Der Kirchenkampf in der Thüringer Evangelischen Kirche 1933–1945 (Berlin, 1984), p. 104.Google Scholar

34. Meier, , Kreuz und Hakenkreuz, pp. 166–167.Google Scholar

35. LKA Eisenach, “Erkenntnis und Wahrheit: Aus meinem Leben” [typescript], p. 45.Google Scholar

36. Sigrune, 4:28 (9 07 1939).Google Scholar

37. ZAK, fol. 7/4166.

38. Paret joined the NSDAP on 20 July 1934. BDC, Paret materials; Kiefer joined the NSDAP on 10 July 1937; University of Heidelberg archive, fol. PA-B3099: Personalakten Erwin Kiefer.Google Scholar

39. Delling, Gerhard became professor of New Testament at the University of Greifswald in 1947;Google ScholarPreisker, Herbert succeeded Grundmann as professor of New Testament at the University of Jena in 1947;Google ScholarSchneider, Carl was director of the Evangelische Akademie in Enkenbach after the war;Google ScholarMeyer, Rudolf was appointed professor of Old Testament at the University of Jena in 1947;Google ScholarBertram, joined the NS Lehrerbund on 1 12 1933, membership 227 288; BDC, Bertram materials.Google Scholar

40. Jesus der Galiläer und das Judentum (Leipzig, 1940).Google Scholar

41. “Der Heiland der Deutschen,” p. 46, in Deutsche mit Gott: Ein deutsches Glaubensbuch (Weimar, 1941).Google Scholar

42. Heinonen, Reijo E., Anpassung und Identität: Theologie und Kirchenpolitik der Bremer Deutschen Christen 1933–1945 (Gottingen, 1978).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

43. Miiller, Ludwig, Deutsche Gotteswort (Weimar, 1936).Google ScholarSee also Müller's defense of the project, “Warum ich die Bergpredigt ‘verdeutschte’,” Briefe an Deutsche Christen, 5:8 (15 04 1936): 82.Google Scholar

44. LKA Eisenach, Akten betr. Grosser Gott Wir Loben Dich.Google Scholar

45. Meyer-Erlach, Wolf, Der Einfluss der Juden aufdas englische Christentum (Weimar, 1940), pp. 4, 29.Google Scholar

46. Leipoldt, Johannes, “Jesus und das Judentum,” in Christentum und Judentum, pp. 29–52.Google Scholar

47. Bertram, Georg, “Philo und die judische Propaganda in der antiken Welt,” in Christentum und Judentum, pp. 79–106.Google Scholar

48. Das Heil Kommt von den Juden: Eine Schicksalsfrage an die Christen deutscher Nation,” Deutsche Frömmigkeit 9 (09 1938): 1.Google Scholar

49. Deutsche mit Gott: Ein deuisches Glaubensbuch, p. 46.Google Scholar

50. Grundmann, Walter and Euler, Karl Friedrich, Das religiöse Gesicht des Judentums: Entstehung und Art (Leipzig, 1942), forward.Google Scholar

51. Grundmann, Walter, “Das Messiasproblem,” in Grundmann, , ed., Germanentum, Christentum und Judentum: Studien zur Erforschung ihres gegenseitigen Verhältnisses, Sitzungesberichte der zweiten Arbeitstagung des Instituts zur Erforschung des jüdischen Einflusses aufdas deutsche Kirchliche Leben vom 3. bis 5. März 1941 in Eisenach (Leipzig, 1942), p. 381.Google Scholar

52. Schlatter, Adolf, Geschichte Israels von Alexander dem Grossen bis Hadrian (Stuttgart, 1925), p. 318:Google Scholar“Die Unterwerfung der Galiläer unter die Juden erfolgte durch Zwangsbeschneidung und Zwangsannahme der jüdischen Religion. Wer sich weigerte, wurde von seinem Boden vertrieben;”" cited by Grundmann, Jesus der Galiläer, p. 169.Google Scholar

53. Alt, Albrecht, “Galilaische Probleme,” Palestinajahrbuch (1937) 33:52; (1938) 34:80; (1939) 35:64.Google Scholar

54. Lohmeyer, Ernst, Galilda und Jerusalem (Gottingen, 1936).Google Scholar

55. Archiv des Auswärtiges Ami Bestand Inland, I-D 3/4, Signatur R98796: Überwachung von Arbeitstagungen der Arbeitsgemeinschaft ‘Germanentum und Christentum’ und ihrer Leiter Professor Wolf Meyer-Erlach und Professor Grundmann, Verweigerung von Reisesichtvermerken, 1942–1944.Google Scholar

56. LKA Eisenach, Akten betr. Institut.Google Scholar

57. In some cases the church of Thuringia reimbursed, for example, for five pastors from Austria; LKA Eisenach, Akten betr. Institut.Google Scholar

58. Report on March 1944 Tagung, held in Predigerseminar in Thüringen. Report signed by Bertram, Georg;Google ScholarLKA Eisenach, Akten des Landeskirchenrats der Evangelisch-Lutherischen Kirche in Thüringen über Entjudung der Kirche, 1939–1947; fol. A., no. 921.Google Scholar

59. Bertram, Georg, Denkschrift betr. Aufgaben eines theologischen Forschungs-Instituts zu Eisenach, 6 05 1945, 1.Google ScholarLKA Eisenach, fol. A, no. 921: Akten des Landeskirchenrats der Evangelisch-Lutherischen Kirche in Thüringen über Entjudung der Kirche, 1939–1947.Google Scholar

60. LKA Eisenach, fol. A, no. 921: Akten des Landeskirchenrats der Evangelisch-Lutherischen Kirche in Thüringen über Entjudung der Kirche, 1939–1947.Google Scholar

61. The University of Giessen was closed by American military forces in 1945 because of its Nazi sympathies. In 1955 Bertram was reinstated as instructor in Old Testament. He was also given an instructorship in Hebrew at the University of Frankfurt. Bertram died in 1979.Google Scholar

62. 12 December 1945. LKA Eisenach, Akten betr. Institut.Google Scholar

63. Hertzsch to Grundmann, 14 January 1946, LKA Eisenach, Akten betr. Institut.Google Scholar

64. Letter from Thüringen Landesamt für Volksbildung, 13 September 1945, signed Wolf, Landesdirektor: “Wir entlassen Sie daher auf Grund #2 der Verordnung über die Reinigung der öffentlichen Verwaltung von Nazi-Elementen mit sofortiger Wirkung aus dem öffentlichen Dienst;” LKA Eisenach, Akten betr. Institut.Google Scholar

65. UJ, fol. D, no. 986: Personal Akten des Thüringischen Volksbildungsministeriums in Weimar über Grundmann;Google Scholarsee also Meier, , Die Deutschen Christen, p. 205. Preisker had been professor in Breslau.Google Scholar

66. Thiiringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar. Personalakte Walter Grundmann.Google Scholar

67. Pfarrer, Christen und Katholiken: Das Ministerium für Staatssicherheit der ehemaligen DDR und die Kirchen, eds. Besier, Gerhard and Wolf, Stephan, 2nd ed. (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1992), Document 133, p. 653.Google Scholar

68. Meyer-Erlach, Wolf, “Verfolgung durch die Partei,” 12 06 1945.Google ScholarUJ, vol. J, no. 92: Promotionsakten, 1941–1947. Regarding his name, see letter from Gaudozentenbundsführer to Reichsamtsleitung des NSD-Dozentenbundes Dr. Redenz, Munich, 8 August 1938. UJ, fol. D, no. 2031: Wolf Meyer-Erlach Akten.Google Scholar

69. Erkenntnis und Wahrheit” p. 44.Google Scholar

70. Grundmann, , “Der Stimmen aus der deutschen christlichen Studienbewegung,” vol. 81, Gott und Nation. Ein evangelisches Wort zum Wollen des Nationalsozialismus und zu Rosenbergs Sinndeutung (Berlin, 1933), p. 5.Google Scholar

71. Officials in the Ministry of Propaganda and in the Ministry for Church Affairs supported Grundmann's quest to publish an academic journal through the Institute. See letters from Schmidt-Burgk, 13 January 1942, and from Muhs, 24 March 1942; YIVO: Institute for Jewish Scientific Research Archives, G135.Google Scholar

72. BDC, Sasse materials.Google Scholar

73. Meier, , Kreuz und Hakenkreuz, p. 164.Google Scholar

74. LKA Eisenach, Nachlass Grundmann, NG 44, vol. 2; Briefe August 1942—April 1943, dated 18 November 1942.Google Scholar

75. LKA Eisenach, NG 44, vol. 2, dated 5 November 1942.Google Scholar

76. Gerlach, Wolfgang, Ah die Zeugen Schwiegen: Bekennende Kirche und die Juden (Berlin, 1987).Google Scholar

77. ZAK.fol. 1/A4/170.Google Scholar

78. Together with his colleague Bultmann, Rudolf, von Soden was active in formulating the “Marburg Report” of September 1933, which opposed application of the Aryan Paragraph in the realm of the Church.Google ScholarSee Dinkier, E. and von Schubert, E. Dinkier, eds., Theologie und Kirche im Wirken Hans von Sodens; see Briefe und Dokumente aus der Zeit des Kirchenkampfes 1933–1945, vol. 2 (Gottingen, 1984).Google Scholar

79. von Soden, Hans, review of Jesus der Galiläer und das Judentum. Deutsches Pfarrerblatt: Bundesblatt der deulschevangelischen Pfarrervereine und des Bundes der preussischen Pfarrervereine, vol. 46, no. 13/14, 5 04 1942, p. 49.Google Scholar

80. von Soden, Hans Freiherr, “Die Godesberger Erklärung,” n. d., [private archive], University of Marburg.Google Scholar