¹ Dahn, F., Sechtsphilosophische Studien (Berlin, 1883), 82fGoogle Scholar. Dahn connects this with the period of the Sophists. On the conflict of laws in Sophocles, Hippias, etc., see Barker, E., Greek Political Theory: Plato and his Predecessors, (London, 1918), 57, 64ff.Google Scholar

² See for example: Bryce, J., Studies in History and Jurisprudence, 2 vols. (N. T., 1901)Google Scholar; Charmont, J., La Renaissance au droit naturel (Paris, 1927)Google Scholar; Fuller, L. L., The Law in Quest of Itself, (Chicago, 1940)Google Scholar; Gresh, L. D., Natural Law in Contemporary German Politicial Thought (unpublished dissertation, University of California, 1934)Google Scholar; Guisan, P., “Note sur le droit naturel,” Revue de -théologie et de philosophie, N. S., XVIII (1940), 216–232Google Scholar; Haines, C. G., The Revival of Natural Law (Cambridge, Mass., 1930)Google Scholar; Piot, A., Droit naturel et réalisme, (Paris, 1930)Google Scholar; Pound, R., Introduction to the Philosophy of Law, (New Haven, 1922)Google Scholar; Law and Morals (Chapel Hill, N. C., 1924)Google Scholar; Contemporary Juristic Theory, (Clermont, California, 1940)Google Scholar; Taylor, F. M., “The Law of Nature,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, I (1890), 558–85.Google Scholar

³ Robson, W. A., Civilization and the Growth of Law (London, 1935), 245.Google Scholar

⁴ Leviathan, I, 14.Google Scholar

⁵ Civil Government, II, ii, 6.Google Scholar

⁶ De republica, III, 22Google Scholar. Lactantius, , Institutes, VI, viiiGoogle Scholar. Altered from Coxe, A. G.'s translation in Ante-Nicene Fathers, VII, 170fGoogle Scholar. Text in Hardingham, G. G., The Republic of Cicero (London, 1884), 256Google Scholar. Hardingham supplies a translation in which he makes “Reason” “the author … of this law”; the text reads not “ratio” but “Deus, ille.” For similar phraseology cf. the De legibus, I, 5–10Google Scholar; II, 4, 10.

⁷ When A. Lang says that Cicero under Platonic influence so modified the Stoic doctrine “that the natural laws inherent in human nature received at the same time a theonomic, divinely obligating character” he well describes Cicero's expression of the doctrine, while he seems to ascribe to Cicero a more important role in its evolution than, can be safely affirmed. Cicero's utterances on natural law were frequently cited, however, by Christian writers of all periods. Lang, 's study appeared in German as Die Reformation und das Naturrecht (Gütersloh, 1909)Google Scholar. The quotation is from Machen, J. G.'s translation, “The Reformation and Natural Law,” Princeton Theological Review, VII (1909), 177–218: see 210. (German edition, 41.).Google Scholar

⁸ Rom. 2:14–15 (American Revised Version). Cf. 1:19–20. Chrysostom holds (Homilies on Romans, V)Google Scholar that Paul's “by nature” means “by the reasonings of nature.” (Φσει δε ὅταν εἴποι, τοῖς ϰ φσεως λγει λογισμοῖς). Migne, , Patrologia Graeca, LXX, 428Google Scholar. Father Bolan, P., in his learned commentary, St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans (Dublin, 1934)Google Scholar, renders Chrysostom's words: “in virtue of their natural rational knowledge,” and quotes other patristic and scholastic opinions (39).

⁹ Confessions, II, 4Google Scholar. For a modern Jesuit commentary on this passage see Grou, J. N., Morality Extracted from, the Confessions of Augustine (1786) Translated … by Huddleston, R., (London, 1934), 78fGoogle Scholar. Cf. Aquinas, , Summa theologica, II, i, 94:6.Google Scholar

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¹¹ Summa theologica, II, i, 95:2, 3.Google Scholar

¹² Troeltsch, E., Social Teaching of the Christian Churches. Translated by Wyon, O. (N. Y., 1931), I, 343ff.Google Scholar

¹³ Summa theologica, II, i, 100:11.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Gratian, , Decretum, Part I, Distinct. 1Google Scholar. Richter, A. L. and Friedberg, A., Corpus juris canonici, I (Leipzig, 1879), 2Google Scholar. Aquinas, , Summa theologica, II, i, 94Google Scholar:4. Robson, (Civilisation, 224)Google Scholar, points out that SirFortescue, John in De natura legis naturae, I, 4Google Scholar, saw the natural law expressed, from the time of Christ, in the Golden Rule. Similarly Sir Thomas Elyot holds that reason bids us obey the Golden Rule and society says: love thy neighbor.—The Book Called the Governour (1530), III, iii.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Troeltsch, , Social Teaching, I, 346.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Cf. note 7 above.

¹⁷ Gurvitch, G., in L'Idée du droit social (Paris, 1932), 174f.Google Scholar, and in the article “Natural Law” in the Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, refers the beginning of the secularization of natural law to the distinction drawn by Aquinas between lumen naturale and lumen divinum, and regards Biel and Vasquez as anticipating Grotius in their views of natural law. Cf. de Lagarde, G., Recherches sur l'esprit politique de la Réforme (Paris, 1926), 32f.Google Scholar; Gierke, O., Johannes Althusius (Breslau, 1913), 74Google Scholar, On Ferdinand Vasquez (d. 1566), François Connan (d. 1551), and Johannes Oldendorp (d. 1561) see especially von Kaltenborn, C., Die Vorläufer des Hugo Grotius auf dem Gebiete des ius naturae et gentium sowie der Politik im Reformationszeitalter, Abt. I, 124–32Google Scholar; 233–36; Abt. II, 1–25. The last of these sections consists of extracts from Oldendorp, 's luris naturalis isagoge (1539)Google Scholar. On Connan see also the chapter on Cujas, Jacques (83–108)Google Scholar in MacDonnell, J., Great Jurists of the World.Google Scholar

¹⁸ “La notion du droit naturel chez Luther” in Etudes de théologie et d'histoire, publiées par MM. les professeurs de la faculté protestante de Paris en hommage à la faculté de théologie de Montauban (Paris, 1901), 287–320, especially 302ff., 317f. A. Lang (Die Reformation, note 7 above) and Doumergue, E., Jean Calvin, les hommes et les choses de son temps, V (Lausanne, 1917), 458ff.Google Scholar, have commented critically on Ehrhardt's study.

¹⁹ Troeltsch, , Social Teaching, II, 530 (cf. II, 504f.)Google Scholar, and his essaya “Das christliche Naturrecht” and “Das stoisch-christliche Naturrecht und das moderne profane Naturrecht” in Gesammelte Schriften, edited by Baron, Hans (Tübingen, 1925), IV, 156–191, especially 161f., 180ff.Google Scholar

²⁰ “Der Neubau der Sittlichkeit” in Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte (Tübingen, 1921), I, 131–244, especially 207ff.Google Scholar

²¹ Doumergue, , Jean Calvin, V, 458ff.Google Scholar

²² Evangelische Ethik des Politischen (Tübingen, 1936), 126ff.Google Scholar; Evangelische Wirtschaftsethik (Tübingen, 1927), 566ff.Google Scholar

²³ Cf. Brunner, E., Das Gebot und die Ordnungen (Tübingen, 1932)Google Scholar. Translated by Wyon, O. as The Divine Imperative (London, 1937)Google Scholar; Natur und Gnade (Tübingen, 1935)Google Scholar; Barth, K., Nein, Antwort an Emil Brunner (“Theologische Existenz Heute,” No. 14, Munich, 1934)Google Scholar; Schlink, E., Gesetz und Evangelium (“Theologische Existenz Heute,” No. 53, Munich, 1937).Google Scholar

²⁴ Zur Frage des Naturrechts bei Martin Luther (Munich, 1937)Google Scholar. The book is a Tübingen dissertation. Arnold, who is concerned in his preface (1936) with the “Bolshevik world peril” and has his hat off to Hitler as the savior therefrom, writes as a Roman Catholic in an irenic spirit toward Protestantism. His Die Staatslehre des Kardinals Bellarmin (Munich, 1934)Google Scholar contains a care fully written introductory sketch of the natural law doctrines of the Reformers (24–37). Arnold is a pupil of Otto Schilling.

²⁵ Zur Frage des Naturrechts, 27, 114Google Scholar. Wolf, B. in a critical review (Theologische Litteraturblatt, LXIII (1938), 180f.)Google Scholar thinks Arnold's analysis inadequate to the weight of his quoted and cited material.

²⁶ Cf. de Lagarde, G., Recherches sur l'esprit politique de la Réforme (Paris, 1926), 134ff.Google Scholar; d'Entrèves, A. P., The Medieval Contribution to Political Thought (Oxford, 1939), 2, 94ff.Google Scholar

²⁷ Arnold, , Zur Frage des Naturrechts, 27ffGoogle Scholar.; Art. “Synderesis” in Baldwin, J. M., Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology, II, 655ff.Google Scholar; Aquinas, , Summa theologica, I, 79:12Google Scholar. It was St. Jerome who gave this word to Western thought in the sense of “scintilla conseientiae,” the spark of conscience left in Adam at the Fall. Christopher St. German (d. 1540), in his celebrated Doctor and Student, (Dial. I, chs. xiii–xv) treats lucidly “synderesis,” “reason,” and “conscience.” According to St. German, “synderesis is a natural power of the soul set in the highest part thereof, moving and stirring it to good and abhorring evil” (1787 edition, 39).

²⁸ Arnold, , Zur Frage des Naturrechts, 112ffGoogle Scholar. Cf. Cicero, , De Officiis, I, 10.Google Scholar

²⁹ “Naturaliter enim impressa est menti lex naturae et indelebiliter testimonium de bonis bonum et de malis malum.” Ficker, J., Luther's Vorlesung zum Römerbrief, 1515–16 (Leipzig, 1908), 20Google Scholar. In a scholium on Rom. 4:7, Luther associates a synteresis “which inclines to good” with the will. Luther does not follow Augustine in the peculiar view that the “Gentiles” in this passage are Gentile Christians. Cf. Bolan, , St. Paul's Epistle to the Bornons, 39Google Scholar. Had this source been available to Kaltenborn he would hardly have suggested that “Gentiles” in this passage was not taken in a general sense by Luther (“soviel ich weiss, nicht allgemein gefasst.”) Die Vorläufer, Abt. I, 208.Google Scholar

³⁰ Auslegung des 14, 15 u. 16 leap. Johannis (1538)Google Scholar. , E. A., XLIX, 298fGoogle Scholar. Arnold, , Zur Frage des Naturrechts, 71.Google Scholar

³¹ Erklärung zum 101 Psalm (1534–1535)Google Scholar. , W. A. LI, 242Google Scholar; , E. A., XXXIX, 284Google Scholar. Cf. , E. A., LXI, 357Google Scholar, and Arnold, , Zur Frage des Naturrechts, 107.Google Scholar

³² Von weltlicher Obrigkeit (1523)Google Scholar. , W. A., XI, 249Google Scholar; Epistel aus dem Propheten Jeremia, (1527)Google Scholar, , E. A., XLI, 216.Google Scholar

³³ Auslegung des 1 ana 2 Kapitels Johannis (1537–1538)Google Scholar, , E. A., XLVI, 84Google Scholar. Cf. Auslegung des in Psalm (1530)Google Scholar, , E. A., XXXIX, 288f.Google Scholar

³⁴ Arnold, , Zur Frage des Naturrechts, 49ff.Google Scholar, with numerous references.

³⁵ Die erste Disputation gegen die Antinomer (1537)Google Scholar, , W. A., XXXIX, i, 374Google Scholar; Auslegung von der zehn Gebote (1528)Google Scholar, , E. A., XXXVI, 401.Google Scholar

³⁶ Summa theologica, II, i, 99Google Scholar:2; 100:11.

³⁷ , W. A., XVIII, 310ff.Google Scholar; , E. A., XXIV, 271ff.Google Scholar; Works of Martin Luther, IV (Philadelphia, 1931), 226ff.Google Scholar

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³⁹ See, however, Holl's criticism, Gesammelte Aufsätze, I, 211Google Scholar. Holl takes the ground that Luther is probably not the author of the Auslegung der Bergpredigt of 1532. Cf. , E. A., XVI, 83Google Scholar; , W. A., XXXIIGoogle Scholar, Ixxvi and Wünsch, G., Evangelische Ethik des Politischen, 134, footnote 1.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Twice, for example, in his Von weltlicher Obrigkeit.

⁴¹ Grosser Sermon von den Wucher (1520)Google Scholar, , W. A. VI, 49Google Scholar; , E. A. XVI, 96Google Scholar; Works of Martin Luther, IV (Philadelphia, 1931), 53Google Scholar; also , W. A., VI, 52Google Scholar; , E. A. XVI, 100Google Scholar: “so doch das naturlich Gesetz sagt: was wir uns wollen und gonnen solten wir auch unserm Nächsten wollen und gönnen”; and Von weltlicher Obrigkeit (1523)Google Scholar, , W. A., XI, 279Google Scholar; , E. A., XXII, 104Google Scholar; Works of Martin Luther, III (Philadelphia, 1930), 272Google Scholar. Cf. Kurzere Auslegung der Epistel an die Galater (1525), 5:14 (§85)Google Scholar (quoting Matt. 7:12): “So ist nun das Gesetz welches da gehet durch alle Welt, allen Mensehen, wohl bekannt, geschrieben in aller Menschen Herzen.” Walch, 's edition, IX, 302Google Scholar. On this point see also Ehrhardt, (“La notion du droit naturel chez Luther,” 302)Google Scholar who citing Luther's Great Sermon on Usury remarks: “Dans se même ecrit il juxtapose à plusieurs reprises la charité et la loi naturelle comme si ces deux choses n'en faissaient qu'une.” Cf. the reference to Gratian above, note 14.

⁴² Tametsi enim omnes homines notitiam quandam naturalem habeant, animis ipsorum insitam, qua naturaliter sentiunt alteri faciendum esse, quod quis velit sibi fieri (quae sententia et similes, quas legem naturae voeamus, sunt fundamentan humani juris et omnium bonorum operum), tarnen adeo corrupta et caeca est vitio diaboli humana ratio, ut illam cognitionem secum natam non intelligat, aut si etiam admonita verbo Dei intelligat, tamen scienter (tanta est potentia Satanae) earn negligat et eontemnat. , E. A. (Lat.) XXX, 357Google Scholar; , W. A., XL, ii, 66f.Google Scholar

⁴³ Brunner, E., The Divine Imperative. Translated by Wyon, O. (London, 1937), 269ffGoogle Scholar. The expression is used of the relation of natural law and Christian ethics in Protestantism.

⁴⁴ The Story of Political Philosophy (New York, 1939), 172Google Scholar. Gurvitch, G. has a similar remark about Ockham: Art. “Natural Law,” Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Arnold, , Zur Frage des Naturrechts, 110fGoogle Scholar. Similarly the Lutheran jurist John Oldendorp rejects Ulpian's views that “ius naturale est quod natura omnia animalia docuit” as an abuse of the word “ius,” and agrees with Cicero: in the brutes there is no ratio hence there is-no ius. Kaltenborn, , Vorläufer, Abt. I, 27f.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Die Vorläufer, Abt. I, 207.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Lang, , The Reformation, 189Google Scholar (German edition, 18.)

⁴⁸ , E. A., XXII, 105Google Scholar; , W. A., XI, 280Google Scholar; I use Schindel, J. J.'s translation. Works of Martin Luther, III (Philadelphia, 1930), 273Google Scholar. Troeltsch, (Social Teaching, II, 508)Google Scholar sees Luther's attitude to the natural and social order becoming more positive as the Sermon on the Mount and natural law were seen to be in harmony.

⁴⁹ Enders, E. L., Luther's Briefwechsel, XII, 78ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Cf. Allen, J. W., “Martin Luther,”Google Scholar in Hearnshaw, F. J. C., The Social and Political Ideas of … the Benaissance and Reformation (New York, undated), 181Google Scholar: “Customary or Imperial law, all merely man-made law, is binding only so far as it conforms to two other systems: to the law of God expressed in the Scriptures and to the law of God expressed in what Luther calls naturlich Recht. This strictly medieval conception is the groundwork of all Luther's thought on government.”