No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 October 2019
The debates about female fashion in the new Republic of Lithuania in the 1920s and 1930s saw papal representatives, bishops, leading public intellectuals, and members of Catholic youth movements argue about deep décolletés and short skirts. In this predominantly Catholic country, objections made against modern fashion may initially look like a conservative stand against modern developments. Studying more closely the debate around women's fashion as it developed in a particular subset of the Catholic population in Lithuania—educated youth in the Ateitis Catholic student association, this article examines the interconnected arguments that were woven together to evaluate what women should wear in interwar Lithuania and shows that Catholics in this northeastern European country aimed to create a modern national and rational woman. At issue were not just Catholic moral norms but also national identity and the challenges posed by mass consumer culture. The new ideal being proposed was a modern Catholic female intelligentsia, a gender ideal that embraced the opportunities offered in the first decades of the twentieth century, such as suffrage, education, urban living, more active participation in civic life, while retaining more conservative moral norms, questioning consumer culture, and debating woman's nature and mission.
I would like to thank G. Jankevičiūtė, V. Jurėnienė, D. Kieser, R. Laukaitytė, D. Meen, and the reviewers and editors of Church History for their constructive comments on earlier drafts of this article.
1 “Šv. Susirinkimo kongregacijos raštas internuncijui L. Schioppai dėl moterų sportinės aprangos,” in Lietuva ir Šventasis Sostas (1922–1938): Slaptojo Vatikano archyvo dokumentai, ed. Streikus, Arūnas (Vilnius: LKMA, 2010), 216Google Scholar.
2 “Lietuvos arkivyskupo ir vyskupų ganytojiškas raštas tikintiesiems apie pavojus dorovei,” Tiesos kelias 2 (1928): 31–36Google Scholar.
3 Irish bishops voiced similar concerns. See Valiulis, Maryann, “Neither Feminist nor Flapper,” in Chattel, Servant or Citizen: Women's Status in Church, State and Society, ed. O'Dowd, Mary and Wichert, Sabine (Belfast: Queen's University of Belfast, 1995), 168–178Google Scholar.
4 “Lietuvos arkivyskupo ir vyskupų ganytojiškas raštas tinkintiesiems apie pavojus dorovei,” 33.
5 Šalkauskis, Stasys, “Vienas iš giliausių mano įsitikinimų,” Ateitis 4 (1928): 171–172Google Scholar; and Šalkauskis, Stasys, “Jaunuomenės idealizmas ir modernieji šokiai,” Židinys 7, no. 3 (1928): 185–198Google Scholar. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own.
6 Skrupskelis, Kęstutis, Ateities draugai: ateitininkų istorija (iki 1940m) (Vilnius: Naujasis Židinys-Aidai, 2010), 505–509Google Scholar.
7 This debate has been examined by Žilinskienė, Taira, “XXa. trečiojo dešimtmečio Lietuvos drabužių mados,” Liaudies kultūra 2 (2004): 36–46Google Scholar; and Skrupskelis, Ateities draugai, 488–489.
8 Mačiulis, Dangiras, “Inteligentų ‘kaltės’ tarpukario Lietuvoje,” Inter-studia humanitatis 4 (2007): 130–147Google Scholar.
9 J. Matijošaitis, “Madų teismas,” Rytas 22 April 1929; “Stokite, teismas eina. . .!” Lietuvos aidas 22 April 1929; Bylaidas, St., “Madų teismas,” Židinys 9, no. 4 (1929): 378Google Scholar; and “Madų teismų sprendimas,” 22 April 1929, in Lithuanian Central State Archives (hereafter cited as LCSA) Fonds 564/3/173, 63–64.
10 I. Česaitis, Dr. Ambraziejūtė-Steponaitienė, K. Dineika. Although men's shoes were also criticized, women's fashion garnered the most attention.
11 O. Mašiotienė, Dr. P. Kalvaitytė, and H. Kairiūkštytė-Jacynienė.
12 A. Birutavičienė, A. Jurgeliūnas, and J. Eretas.
13 Nationalism and religion are often deeply intertwined in personal and group identity, making it exceedingly difficult to evaluate which impulse is stronger. Often nationalist reasons will be used to further religious causes and vice versa. In this study, however, overtly religious reasons—ones that reference scripture and/or magisterial teaching—for adopting or rejecting fashion appear less frequently than other arguments.
14 The editors of the volume New Woman Hybridities argue for the importance of approaching the New Woman as a hybrid construct found across the globe, a construct that shares both common features and local particularities. It is such similarities and differences that I am investigating in the Lithuanian Catholic context. Heilmann, Ann and Beetham, Margaret, “Introduction,” in New Woman Hybridities, ed. Heilmann, Ann and Beetham, Margaret (London: Routledge, 2004), 1–8Google Scholar.
15 At the beginning of the 1920s the German Catholic Women's League, for example, formed a Commission on Fashion. Weber, Ines, “Kann denn Mode katholisch sein? Katholischer Modediskurs und die Modekommission des KDFB,” in Katholikinnen und Moderne: Katholische Frauenbewegung zwischen Tradition und Emanzipation, ed. Muschiol, Gisela (Münster: Aschendorff, 2003), 143–162Google Scholar.
16 Benedict XV voiced concerns about modesty in his encyclical Sacra Propediem, 1921. Pius XI raised the issue in Ubi Arcano Dei Consilio, 1922, and Divini illius magistri, 1929.
17 “Instruction: Ad Ordinarios Dioecesanos: De Inhonesto Feminarum Vestiendi More,” Acta Apostolica Sedis 22 (1930): 26–28Google Scholar.
18 See, for example, The Modern Girl Around the World: Consumption, Modernity, and Globalization, ed. Weinbaum, Alys Eve, Thomas, Lynn M., Ramamurthy, Priti, Poiger, Uta G., Dong, Madeleine Yue, and Barlow, Tani E. (Durham: Duke University Press, 2008)Google Scholar.
19 The Modern Girl Around the World Research Group, “The Modern Girl as a Heuristic Device: Collaboration, Connective Comparison, Multidirectional Citation,” in Weinbaum, Thomas, Ramamurthy, Poiger, Dong, and Barlow, Modern Girl Around the World, 1–9.
20 Roberts, Mary Louise, Civilization Without Sexes: Reconstructing Gender in Postwar France, 1917–1927 (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
21 Valiulis, “Neither Feminist nor Flapper.”
22 For Catholic women and fashion, see Dwyer-McNulty, Sally, “Hems to Hairdos: Cultural Discourse and Philadelphia Catholic High Schools in the 1920s, a Case Study,” Journal of American Studies 37, no. 2 (2003): 179–200CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ryan, Louise, “Locating the Flapper in Rural Irish Society,” in New Woman Hybridities, ed. Heilmann, Ann and Beetham, Margaret (London: Routledge, 2004), 90–101Google Scholar; Maryann Valiulis, “Subverting the Flapper: The Unlikely Alliance of Irish Popular and Ecclesiastical Press in the 1920s,” in Heilmann and Beetham, New Woman Hybridities, 102–117; and Valiulis, “Neither Feminist nor Flapper”; and Weber, “Kann denn Mode katholisch sein?”
23 A more recent volume by the Modern Girl Around the World Research Group, The Modern Girl Around the World, does not engage religion. Even accounts that are more nuanced vis-à-vis Catholicism and fashion tend to focus on Catholic opposition to modern developments: Eineigel, Susanne, “(En)gendering a Modern Self in Post-Revolutionary Mexico City, 1920–40,” in Consuming Modernity: Gendered Behaviour and Consumerism before the Baby Boom, ed. Warsh, Cheryl Krasnick and Malleck, Dan (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2013), 200–219Google Scholar; Valiulis, “Subverting the Flapper”; and Ryan, “Locating the Flapper in Rural Irish Society.”
24 Roberts, Civilization without Sexes, 72.
25 Valiulis, “Neither Feminist nor Flapper,” 175.
26 Grazia, Victoria De, How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922–1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 23, 204Google Scholar.
27 Dawes, Helena, Catholic Women's Movements in Liberal and Fascist Italy (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), 172Google Scholar.
28 Žilinskienė, “XXa. trečiojo dešimtmečio Lietuvos drabužių mados,” 36–46; and Žilinskienė, Taira, “XXa. ketvirtojo dešimtmečio Lietuvos drabužių mados,” Liaudies kultūra 5 (2005): 45–58Google Scholar.
29 Venskienė, Asta, “Požiūriai į kosmopolitinę madą XXa. pirmosios pusės spaudoje: tarp etninių įvaizdžių ir naujovių,” Liaudies kultūra 5 (2004): 40Google Scholar.
30 Bankauskaitė-Sereikienė, Gabija, “Moters įvaizdis pirmosios Lietuvos Respublikos periodikoje,” Respectus Philologicus 21–26 (2012): 71–85Google Scholar.
31 Kaubrys, Saulius, National Minorities in Lithuania, trans. Dyke, M. (Vilnius: Vaga, 2002), 43–44Google Scholar.
32 Guenther, Irene, Nazi Chic? Fashioning Women in the Third Reich (Oxford: Berg, 2004), chap. 2Google Scholar.
33 Balkelis, Tomas, War, Revolution, and Nation-making in Lithuania, 1914–1923 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
34 Eidintas, Alfonsas, “The Nation Creates a State,” in Lithuania in European Politics, ed. Tuskenis, E. (New York: St. Martin's, 1997), 33–58Google Scholar.
35 Mačiulis, Dangiras, “Nacionalinė švietimo sistema ir valdžia,” in Lietuvos Istorija, ed. Laurinavičius, Česlovas, vol. 10, bk. 2 (Vilnius: LII Leidykla, 2015), 17–41Google Scholar.
36 Česlovas Laurinavičius, “Laimėjimai ir atsilikimo apraiškos,” in Lietuvos Istorija, ed. Česlovas Laurinavičius, vol. 10, bk. 2, 355. Part of lithuanianization meant increasing the ethnic Lithuanian population of urban centres: in 1923 the population of large towns was 57% Lithuanian and 32% Jewish. Kaubrys, National Minorities, 45.
37 Lotužytė, Kristina, “Kodėl moterys privalo būti gražios? Moteriškumo sampratos kaitos atspindžiai Lietuvos tarpukario spaudoje,” Menotyra 31, no. 2 (2003): 61Google Scholar.
38 Regina Laukaitytė, “Konfesinė sritis,” in Lietuvos Istorija, ed. Česlovas Laurinavičius, vol. 10, bk. 2, 68–81.
39 For an overview of the history of the Church in the interwar period, see Krikščionybės istorija Lietuvoje, ed. Ališauskas, Vytautas (Vilnius: Aidai, 2006), 389–433Google Scholar.
40 For the Catholic Women's League as such a site, see Indrė Karčiauskaitė, “Katalikiškoji moterų judėjimo srovė Lietuvoje (1907–1940),” (PhD diss., Vytautas Magnus University, 2007).
41 Laukaitytė, “Konfesinė sritis,” 73.
42 Skrupskelis provides a comprehensive history of the organization.
43 From the mid-1920s the Federation aimed to have the high school chapters separated by gender, though not all chapters complied. Congresses continued to be mixed events, though there were separate sessions for girls. Letter from Vilkaviškis chapter to Director of the [National] Girls’ Section, 9 May 1927; Mažeikiai chapter to Director of the [National] Girls’ Section, 19 November 1926; LCSA, fonds 564/3/18, p. 5, 22.
44 Čepytė, Julija and Garnienė, Živilė, Periodika moterims Lietuvoje, 1918–1940 metais (Kaunas: Technologija, 1997), 51–63Google Scholar.
45 For example, Balčiūnaitė, E., “Inteligentės pareigos liaudies moteriai,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 8–9 (1935): 308–311Google Scholar; and A.S., “Į drauges moksleives,” Naujoji vaidilutė, 6 (1927): 121Google Scholar.
46 1934–1935 Annual plan for the “Saulės” High School chapter included talks on 1. Fashion and traditions; 2. An evaluation of fashion and modern dance; 3. Formation of character; 4. A girl's characteristics; 5. Femininity and its cultivation; 6. Vocation, in LCSA fonds 564/3/79, 14.
47 Etymologically related to the Polish dewotka and French dévoté.
48 Kavolis, Vytautas, Moterys ir vyrai lietuvių kultūroje (Vilnius: Lietuvos Kultūros Institutas, 1992), 60–63Google Scholar; Antanas Gudaitis, Davatka, 1939, oil on cloth, ePalveldas, https://www.epaveldas.lt/object/recordDescription/LDM/1_917496; and short story by Lazdynų Pelėda, “Davakta,” in Pavasario rytmetį, Davatka, Burtininkė (Vilnius: Šviesos b-vė, 1905), https://www.epaveldas.lt/object/recordDescription/LNB/C1B0002983873.
49 Aš ne davatka, Šv. Kazimiero Draugijos Leidinys nr. 619 (Kaunas: Šviesos, 1935)Google Scholar.
50 For example, Ladygienė, S., “Dorovinis ateitininkės tipas,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 11 (1932): 432–440Google Scholar.
51 Kliorytė-Sužiedelienė, A., “Lietuvos moteris pirmajame nepriklausomybės dešimtmetyje,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 7–9 (1930): 162–166Google Scholar.
52 Quoted in Weber, “Kann denn Mode katholisch sein,” 153.
53 The bishops also referred to Rom. 8:13; Mt. 5:8; Ps. 119:1; 1 Cor. 6:15; Gal. 6:8.
54 Mačiulaitytė, “Ar tinka šviesuolei,” 322–333.
55 In October 1928, in the midst of the debates on fashion, a prominent Lithuanian sculptor, Juozas Zikaras, exhibited his bas-relief of the Blessed Virgin in 1920s female attire – bubikopf and short skirt. Entitled “Modernioji Madona” [Modern Madonna], the work was criticized for disrespecting the Virgin Mary. For contemporary criticisms, see A. Jakštas, Rytas, 11 October 1928; Šlapelis, Ignas, Meno kultūra 1 (1928): 18Google Scholar; and Židinys 8, no. 10 (1928): 252Google Scholar. I am grateful to G. Jankevičiūtė for these references. The Ateitis organization's periodicals do not seem to comment on this bas-relief. For the work itself, see Kezys, Algimantas, “Sculptures by Juozas Zikaras,” Lituanus: Lithuanian Quarterly Journal of Arts and Sciences 50, no. 4 (Winter 2004)Google Scholar, http://www.lituanus.org/2004/04_4_6Kezys.htm.
56 Ryan, “Locating the Flapper in Rural Irish Society,” 91, 94; Dwyer-McNulty, “Hems to Hairdos,” 191; and Vincent, Mary, “Spanish Catholic Youth Culture: A Case Study of the Marian Congregations, 1930–1936,” Gender & History 13, no. 1 (August 2001): 273–298CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.
57 Benedict XV, Sacra Propediem, 19 (1921). Pius XI, Ubi Arcano Dei Consilio, 14 (1922); and Divini illius magistri, 68 (1929).
58 “Instruction: Ad Ordinarios Dioecesanos: De Inhonesto Feminarum Vestiendi More,” Acta Apostolica Sedis 22 (1930): 26–28Google Scholar.
59 Vincent, “Gender and Morals,” 284–286.
60 For more on the rejuvenation of religious orders in the Lithuanian Republic, see Laukaitytė, Regina, Lietuvos vienuolyjos: XXa. istorijos bruožai (Vilnius: Lietuvos istorijos institutas, 1997)Google Scholar.
61 Weber, “Kann denn Mode katholisch sein,” 147.
62 Valiulis, “Neither Feminist nor Flapper,” 172.
63 Dwyer-McNulty, “Hems and Hairdos,” 184.
64 For more on how modern national identity was constructed by forging links with the past, see Smith, Anthony D., Chosen Peoples: Sacred Sources of National Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), chaps. 7, 8Google Scholar.
65 The phrasing ascribed purity to both men and women.
66 For Ireland, see Valiulis, “Neither Feminist nor Flapper,” 172; and Ryan, “Locating the Flapper in Rural Irish Society,” 92–99. For Spain, see Vincent, “Gender and Morals,” 282.
67 Šalkauskis, Stasys, “Rūtų darželis,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 1 (1921): 6–13Google Scholar.
68 For more on the rue in Lithuanian folklore, see Daiva Šeškauskaitė and Gliwa, Bernd, “Rūtà, die Nationalblume der Litauer. Zur Kulturgeschichte der Weinraute (Ruta graveolens L.) und zur Etymologie von litauisch rūtà und deutsch Raute,” Anthropos 97, no. 2 (2002): 455–467Google Scholar.
69 Baldauskas, J., “Mūsų dainų erotika,” Gimtasai kraštas 5 (1935): 232–237Google Scholar.
70 Etymologically, the word vaidilutė is not related to the word for a Roman Catholic priest (Lithuanian–kunigas).
71 For the importance of the medieval Lithuanian state for modern Lithuanian nationalism, see Snyder, Timothy, The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2003), 35Google Scholar.
72 Ščavinskas, Marius, “Kas tarpukariu siejo tautinę lietuvių istoriografiją, lietuvių christianizaciją ir “lenkų apaštalus”?” Kultūros barai 4 (2009): 74–82Google Scholar.
73 The image of the vaidilutė was also linked to a concrete historical figure, Birutė, the mother of Vytautas the Great (r. 1392–1430), the Grand Duke revered for defending Lithuanian independence, expanding its territory and Christianizing this last pagan enclave in Europe. In the interwar period, Vytautas's mother was celebrated as a vaidilutė who, breaking her vows of chastity, married the Grand Duke Kęstutis, bearing him a son. For some background, though one which questions Birutė’s historicity, see Ališauskas, Vytautas, “Kulto tradicija lokalioje religinėje bendrijoje: Birutės atvejis,” Bažnyčios istorijos studijos 5 (2012): 9–24Google Scholar.
74 “‘Naujoji Vaidilutė’ auklės tas mūsų naująsias vaidilutes, kurios savo skaisčiose sielose ir tyrose širdyse saugos šventąją krikščionių dorybių ugnį, kuri šildydama gaivins mūsų tautos gyvatą, saugodama ją nuo sustingimo ir švies jai jos kely į laimingesnę ateitį.” Dovydaitis, P., “Naujoji Vaidilutė, kas ji tokia? Ko ji nori?” Naujoji Vaidilutė 1 (1921): 4Google Scholar; Lakštingala, , “Apie madas,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 10 (1928): 261–265Google Scholar; and Donė, , “Mūsų vaidilutės,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 3 (1922): 110–112Google Scholar.
75 One of the earliest poems featuring a vaidilutė is Silvestras Valiūnas' ballad “Birutė,”(1823). Dramas include Gužutis-Fromas, Vaidilutė arba Žemaičių Krikštas, (1910), Vincas Mykolaitis-Putinas, Nuvainikuota Vaidilutė, (1927), and Vydūnas, Amžina Ugnis,” (1912–1913). There were also a few operas: Gabrielius Landsbergis-Žemkalnis, M. Petrauskas Birutė, (1906) and Vytautas Bacevicius, Vaidilutė, (1927).
76 Kliorytė-Sužiedelienė, A., “Lietuvos moteris pirmajame nepriklausomybės dešimtmetyje,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 7–9 (1930): 162–166Google Scholar. The author runs through the gamut of roles women have played in Lithuania's history, from the vaidilutė to today's women who, the author remarks, should avoid the extremes of fashion.
77 Gylienė, M.Dr., “Kūno apdaras,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 5–6 (1930): 122–125Google Scholar; Dovydaitis, P., “Apie Apdarą- I,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 2–3 (1921–1922): 72–83Google Scholar; Petrauskaitė, Em., “Moters grožis ir gyvenimas,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 5–6 (1935): 241–245Google Scholar; and Pečkauskaitė, M., “Vaidilutės,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 6 (1922–1923): 249–250Google Scholar.
78 Dovydaitis, “Apie Apdarą-I,” 72–83.
79 “Mada ir politika,” (a summary from the German youth magazine Jugendziele) Naujoji Vaidilutė 10 (1928): 266–267; and Gylienė, “Kūno apdaras,” 122–125.
80 Dovydaitis, “Apie Apdarą-I,” 72–83; and “Sportas, mada ir k.: Ar kūno kultūros tobulinimas reikalauja visiškos nuogybės?” Naujoji Vaidilutė 2 (1933): 93–94Google Scholar.
81 Gilė, “Moters uždavinys,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 5 (1921–1922): 246–248Google Scholar.
82 Nevertheless, modern national costumes were actively being constructed, and wearing these was appropriate for formal occasions. See Šidiškienė, Irma, Būti lietuve: etninio stiliaus apranga XIX a. pabaigoje—XX a. pirmoje pusėje (Vilnius: Versus aureus, 2005)Google Scholar.
83 For a discussion about the dangers of cosmopolitan dress across thirty interwar Lithuanian publications, see Venskienė, “Požiūriai į kosmopolitinę madą,” 34–47.
84 Guenther, Nazi Chic, 43.
85 J.L., “Drobė ir krizis,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 6–7 (1936): 291–293; Lakštingala, “Apie madas;” and Mačiulaitytė, A., “Ar tinka šviesuolei be atodairos sekti madas,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 12 (1928): 322–333Google Scholar.
86 “Moksleivių Ateitininkų Sąjungos Mergaičių Kuopelių Pavienių Narių Veikimo Programa,” LCSA, Fonds 564/3/19, 71.
87 Blauzdžiūnaitė, Iz., “Ar kuriam lietuvaitės tipui pritaikintą madą?” Naujoji Vaidilutė 12 (1932): 465–466Google Scholar.
88 For a broader discussion of fashion and class, see Venskienė, “Požiūriai į kosmopolitinę madą,” 34–47.
89 Skrupskelis, Ateities draugai, chap. 14.
90 Žilevičiūtė, Julija, “Vaidilučių misija sodžiuje—kokio mokslo man reikia?” Naujoji Vaidilutė 9 (1924): 9–13Google Scholar; and N-tė, “Mergaičių papuošalai,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 4 (1925): 165Google Scholar.
91 Petrauskaitė, “Moters grožis ir gyvenimas.”
92 Lakštingala, “Apie madas;” and Mačiulaitytė, “Ar tinka šviesuolei,” 322–333.
93 For an account of the minimal impact of these discussions in Lithuania, see Jurkuvienė, Teresė, “Sukurti lietuvišką madą,” Menotyra 20, no. 1 (2013): 67–79Google Scholar.
94 In his dissertation, L’âme du monde dans la philosophie de Vladimir Soloviev (Berlin: Knospe & Daue, 1920)Google Scholar, Šalkauskis uses neo-Thomistic categories to analyze the Russian philosopher's thought.
95 Židinys [The Hearth] was the foremost Catholic intellectual monthly publication in the 1920s and 1930s. Šalkauskis, S., “Išvidinis moters atsivadavimas, kaipo tikros jos emancipacijos pradžia,” Židinys 6, no. 11 (1927): 331–332Google Scholar; and Šalkauskis, S., “Išvidinis moters atsivadavimas, kaipo tikros jos emancipacijos pradžia,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 8 (1927): 202–208Google Scholar.
96 Mačiulaitytė, “Ar tinka šviesuolei,” 322–333.
97 Šalkauskis, Stasys, Ateitininkų ideologija, (Kaunas: Šv. Kazimiero draugija, 1933)Google Scholar.
98 For example, H.C.B.S, “Dėl moksleivės idealo,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 4 (1928):121–122Google Scholar; Kastė, “Siekime natūralaus grožio,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 4–5 (1927): 103Google Scholar; and N-tė, “Mergaičių papuošalai.” For the discussion in a wider array of publications, see Venskienė, “Požiūriai į kosmopolitinę madą,” 34–47.
99 Mačiulaitytė, “Ar tinka šviesuolei,” 322–333.
100 Šalkauskis quoted in Mačiulaitytė, “Ar tinka šviesuolei,” 322–333.
101 Šalkauskis made use of Le Bon's Lois psychologiques d'Evolution des peuples in his work Sur les Confins de deux monde (Geneva, 1919), 247.
102 Borch, Christian, The Politics of Crowds: An Alternative History of Sociology (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 17–18, 34–43, 81–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
103 Kliorytė, A., “Mados psichologijos bruožai,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 8 (1928): 22–26Google Scholar.
104 Blauzdžiūnaitė, “Ar kuriam lietuvaitės tipui pritaikintą madą?” 465–466; “Siekime grožio,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 2 (1928): 61Google Scholar; Gylienė, “Kūno apdaras,” 122–125; and Orintaitė, P., “Šis tas apie grakščiąją prancūzę ir madas,” Naujoji Vaidliutė 4 (1937): 216–220Google Scholar.
105 Petrauskaitė, “Moters grožis ir gyvenimas,” 241; and Lakštingala, “Apie madas.”
106 Petrauskaitė, “Moters grožis ir gyvenimas.”
107 Petrauskaitė, Emilija, “Moterų rūbų mada,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 4 (1936): 174Google Scholar.
108 Gylienė, 122–125.
109 N-tė, “Mergaičių papuošalai;” S. Šalkauskis, “Išvidinis moters atsivadavimas, kaipo tikros jos emancipacijos pradžia,” Naujoji Vaidilutė; and Petrauskaitė, “Moters grožis ir gyvenimas.”
110 Šalkauskis, Sur les Confins de deux mondes, 247.
111 Donskis, Leonidas, Loyalty, Dissent, and Betrayal: Modern Lithuania and East-Central European Moral Imagination (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2005), 11–31Google Scholar.
112 For similar concerns in Germany, see Weber, “Kann denn Mode katholisch sein,” 153–155.
113 “The life of a human being consequently ascends by means of three steps from the material plane to the highest spiritual sphere. Nature moves in the direction of culture so that it could find its natural end or improvement in the latter. Then culture moves in the direction of religion so that it could find its supernatural end in the latter . . . Each higher sphere of life bases itself on the lower one, as its natural material basis, and on the other hand, completes that lower sphere by complementing and improving it.” Quoted in Sverdiolas, Arūnas, “Stasys Šalkauskis: Contours of His System,” in Lithuanian Philosphy: Persons and Ideas, ed. Baranova, Jūratė (Washington, D.C: Council for Research in Values and Philosophy, 2000), 122Google Scholar.
114 Mejeraitė, B., “Ateitininkė – dvasinio moters atgimimo žadintoja,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 2–3 (1927): 42Google Scholar; and Ladygienė, S., “Modernioji kultūra ir katalikės moters uždaviniai,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 8–9 (1933): 357–362Google Scholar.
115 Though not common, there were occasional articles that questioned the assumption that women were by nature more emotional and less rational than men. Vida, “Dėl psichinio lyčių skirtumo brendimo amžiuj,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 4–5 (1927): 96–101Google Scholar.
116 Sinha, Mrinalini, Gender and Nation (American Historical Association, 2006), 22Google Scholar.