¹ Schroeder, H.J., ed., Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent (Charlotte, NC: TAN, 1978)Google Scholar. The fact that the Council was lacking in practical instructions has been noted by many historians, including Alberigo, Giuseppe, “L'episcopato nel cattolicesimo post-tridentino,” Cristianesimo nella storia 6, no. 1 (January-April 1985): 75Google Scholar; and Bergin, Joseph, Church, Society and Religious Change in France, 1580–1730 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), 156CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² Ribera (archbishop of Valencia, 1568–1611) was beatified in 1796 and canonized in 1960; Solminihac's (bishop of Cahors, 1636–1659) process began in 1783 and he was beatified in 1981; Gault's (bishop of Marseille, 1642–1643) process began in 1643 and he was declared venerable in 1893; Mogrovejo (archbishop of Lima, 1579–1606) was beatified in 1679 and canonized in 1726.

³ The concept that saints are constructed through the beatification and canonization processes is best explored by sociologists of religion. See Delooz, Pierre, “Towards a Sociological Study of Canonized Sainthood in the Catholic Church,” in Saints and Their Cults: Studies in Religious Sociology, Folklore, and History, ed. Wilson, Stephen (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 189–216Google Scholar. This concept, with regards to Tridentine bishop-saints, has been noted most often for Borromeo; Giuseppe Alberigo in particular has discussed the distortion of Borromeo the man for the creation of Borromeo the saint, noting that the model Borromeo was rather colorless but of immense significance for the post-Tridentine Church. See Alberigo, Giuseppe, “From the Council of Trent to ‘Tridentinism,’” in From Trent to Vatican II: Historical and Theological Investigations, ed. Bulman, Raymond and Parrella, Frederick (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 28Google Scholar; and Alberigo, Giuseppe, “Carlo Borromeo come modello di vescovo nella chiesa post-tridentina,” Rivista storica italiana 79 (1967): 1036Google Scholar. For a more detailed discussion of the process of constructing Borromeo as saint, see Turchini, Angelo, La fabbrica di un santo: il processo di canonizzazione di Carlo Borromeo e la Controriforma (Turin: Marietti, 1984)Google Scholar. The idea that saints are sometimes constructed in a particular way for a specific purpose is explored (with particular focus on the canonizations celebrated by John Paul II) in Bennett, Oliver, “Strategic Canonisation: Sanctity, Popular Culture and the Catholic Church,” International Journal of Cultural Policy 17, no. 4 (2011): 438–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ See, for example, Alberigo, “Carlo Borromeo come modello di vescovo nella chiesa post-tridentina”; Alberigo, Giuseppe, “Carlo Borromeo Between Two Models of Bishop,” in San Carlo Borromeo: Catholic Reform and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century, ed. Headley, John and Tomaro, John (Washington, D.C.: The Folger Shakespeare Library, 1988), 250–63Google Scholar; Bergin, Joseph, “The Counter-Reformation Church and Its Bishops,” Past and Present 165 (November 1999): 30–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Billanovich, Liliana, “Gregorio Barbarigo fra antichi e nuovi modelli episcopali,” Ricerche di storia sociale e religiosa 52 (1997): 7–30Google Scholar; Borromeo, Agostino, “Archbishop Carlo Borromeo and the Ecclesiastical Policy of Phillip II in the State of Milan,” in San Carlo Borromeo: Catholic Reform and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century, ed. Headley, John and Tomaro, John (Washington, DC: The Folger Shakespeare Library, 1988), 85–111Google Scholar; Bosatra, Bruno Maria, “Ancora sul vescovo ideale della riforma cattolica. I lineamenti del pastore tridentino-borromaico,” La scuola cattolica 112 (1984): 517–79Google Scholar; Jedin, Hubert and Alberigo, Giuseppe, Il tipo ideale di vescovo secondo la riforma cattolica (Brescia: Morcelliana, 1985)Google Scholar; Forrestal, Alison, “Revisiting Sacred Propaganda: The Holy Bishop in the Seventeenth-Century Jansenist Quarrel,” Reformation & Renaissance Review 6, no. 1 (2004): 7–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Forrestal, Alison, Fathers, Pastors and Kings: Visions of Episcopacy in Seventeenth-Century France (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Forrestal, Alison, “A Catholic Model of Martyrdom in the Post-Reformation Era: The Bishop in Seventeenth-Century France,” The Seventeenth Century 20, no. 2 (2005): 254–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lluch, Ramon Robres, “S. Carlo Borromeo y sus relaciones con el episcopado iberico posttridentino,” Anthologica annua: publicaciones del Instituto Español de Estudios Eclesiásticos 8 (1960): 83–141Google Scholar; Logan, Oliver, “The Ideal of the Bishop and the Venetian Patriciate: c. 1430–c. 1630,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 29, no. 4 (October 1978): 415–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wright, A.D., “The Borromean Ideal and the Spanish Church,” in San Carlo Borromeo: Catholic Reform and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century, ed. Headley, John and Tomaro, John (Washington, DC: The Folger Shakespeare Library, 1988), 188–207Google Scholar; and Zardin, Danilo, “Tra continuità delle strutture e nuovi ideali di ‘riforma’: la riorganizzazione borromaica della curia arcivescovile,” in Lombardia borromaica, Lombardia spagnola 1554–1659, ed. Pissavino, Paolo and Signorotto, Gianvittorio (Rome: Bulzoni, 1995), 695–764Google Scholar.

⁵ For a balanced treatment of Borromeo, see de Boer, Wietse, The Conquest of the Soul: Confession, Discipline, and Public Order in Counter-Reformation Milan (Leiden: Brill, 2001)Google Scholar. His Acta Ecclesiae Mediolanensis was first published in 1582 and reprinted in 1583. Subsequent editions appeared in 1599, 1603, 1738, and 1754. See Cattaneo, Enrico, “La singolare fortuna degli ‘Acta Ecclesiae Mediolanensis,’” La scuola cattolica 111 (1983): 207Google Scholar. Several of these editions are digitized through Google Books.

⁶ On de Sales, see Fehleison, Jill, Boundaries of Faith: Catholics and Protestants in the Diocese of Geneva (Kirksville, MO: Truman State University Press, 2010)Google Scholar. His Introduction to the Devout Life was first published in 1609 and revised in 1619. For a modern translation, see Sales, Francis de, Introduction to the Devout Life, trans. Day, Michael (London: J.M. Dent, 1961)Google Scholar. De Sales’ approach to Catholicism and reform can also be seen in his letters; see Sales, Francis de, Letters to Persons in Religion, trans. Mackey, Benedict (Westminster: The Newman Bookshop, 1943)Google Scholar; and de Sales, Francis and de Chantal, Jane, Francis de Sales, Jane de Chantal: Letters of Spiritual Direction, ed. Wright, Wendy M. and Power, Joseph F. (New York: Paulist, 1988)Google Scholar.

⁷ Hsia, R. Po-Chia, The World of Catholic Renewal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 124Google Scholar.

⁸ On the image of Ribera, see Ehlers, Benjamin, Between Christians and Moriscos: Juan de Ribera and Religious Reform in Valencia, 1568–1614 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006), 152–53Google Scholar. On Gault and Solminihac, see Forrestal, Fathers, Pastors, and Kings, 177, 202.

⁹ Delooz, “Towards a Sociological Study of Canonized Sainthood in the Catholic Church,” 195.

¹⁰ Ibid., 196, 199; and Wilson, Stephen, “Introduction,” in Saints and Their Cults: Studies in Religious Sociology, Folklore, and History, ed. Wilson, Stephen (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 37Google Scholar.

¹¹ For more on categories of saints, see Weinstein, Donald and Bell, Rudolph, Saints and Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982)Google Scholar.

¹² On early modern canonization, see, for example, Burke, Peter, “How to Be a Counter-Reformation Saint,” in The Historical Anthropology of Early Modern Italy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 48–62Google Scholar; Copeland, Clare, “Saints, Devotions and Canonisation in Early Modern Italy,” History Compass 10, no. 3 (March 2012): 260–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Copeland, Clare, Maria Maddalena de’ Pazzi: The Making of a Counter-Reformation Saint (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ditchfield, Simon, “How Not to Be a Counter-Reformation Saint: The Attempted Canonization of Pope Gregory X, 1622–45,” Papers of the British School at Rome 60 (November 1992): 379–422CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ditchfield, Simon, “Tridentine Worship and the Cult of Saints,” in The Cambridge History of Christianity, ed. Hsia, R. Po-Chia (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 201–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ditchfield, Simon, “≪Historia magistra sanctitatis≫? The Relationship between Historiography and Hagiography in Italy after the Council of Trent (1564–1742 ca.),” in Nunc alia tempora, alii mores. Storici in età postridentina, ed. Firpo, Massimo (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 2005), 3–23Google Scholar; Ditchfield, Simon, “Thinking with Saints: Sanctity and Society in the Early Modern World,” Critical Inquiry 35, no. 3 (Spring 2009): 552–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Hsia, The World of Catholic Renewal, 122–37. For the twentieth century, see Barna, Gábor, “The Central Celebration for the Canonization of Margaret of Hungary in January 1944,” in Religion, Culture, Society: Yearbook of the MTA-SZTE Research Group for the Study of Religious Culture, ed. Barna, Gábor and Gyöngyössy, Orsolya (Szeged: MTA-SZTE, 2016), 53–75Google Scholar; Chaline, Nadine-Josette, “La spiritualité de Pie XI,” in Achille Ratti pape Pie XI (Rome: École Française de Rome, 1996), 159–70Google Scholar; Ciciliot, Valentina, “La strategia canonizzatrice di Pio XI (1922–1939) tra femminismo, Francia, e fascismo,” Rivista di storia del cristianesimo 11, no. 2 (2014): 419–450Google Scholar; Klaniczay, Gábor and Campbell, Alan, “Efforts at the Canonization of Margaret of Hungary in the Angevin Period,” The Hungarian Historical Review 2, no. 2 (2013): 313–40Google Scholar; Morelli, Anne, “Exemples de vie chrétienne et modèles politiques: les saints de Jean-Paul II,” International Review of Community Development 26 (Fall 1991): 57–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Zuccarello, Ugo, “Le canonizzazioni e beatificazioni di Giovanni Paolo II: Quale politica papale della santità,” Società e storia 109, no. 22 (2005): 541–560Google Scholar.

¹³ Burke, “How to Be a Counter-Reformation Saint,” 48; Copeland, “Saints, Devotions and Canonisation in Early Modern Italy,” 264; Ditchfield, “Redefining Catholicism,” 213; and Ditchfield, ≪Historia magistra sanctitatis≫?, 7.

¹⁴ Hsia, The World of Catholic Renewal, 127; and Mícheál Mac Craith, “Early-Modern Catholic Self-Fashioning ‘Spanish Style’: Aspects of Tadhg Ó Cianáins Rome,” in The Flight of the Earls/Imeacht Na NIarlaí, ed. David Finnegan, Éamonn Ó Ciardha, and Marie-Claire Peters (Derry: Guildhall, 2010), 158–59.

¹⁵ For a discussion of her life and the early efforts to canonize Margaret, see Klaniczay and Campbell, “Efforts at the Canonization of Margaret of Hungary in the Angevin Period.”

¹⁶ Barna, “The Central Celebration for the Canonization of Margaret of Hungary in January 1944,” 55.

¹⁷ Pius XI beatified four hundred ninety-nine people and canonized thirty-four. John Paul II beatified one thousand three hundred twenty-nine and canonized four hundred eighty-three.

¹⁸ Chaline, “La spiritualité de Pie XI”; and Ciciliot, “La strategia canonizzatrice di Pio XI.”

¹⁹ Morelli, “Exemples de vie chrétienne”; and Zuccarello, “Le canonizzazioni e beatificazioni di Giovanni Paolo II.”

²⁰ See Serena, Sebastiano, S. Gregorio Barbarigo e la vita spirituale e culturale nel suo seminario di Padova, vol. 2, 2 vols. (Padua: Antenore, 1963)Google Scholar.

²¹ Ireneo Daniele, “S. Gregorio Barbarigo,” in Diocesi di Padova, ed. Pierantonio Gios, vol. 6, Storia religiosa del Veneto (Padua: Gregoriana, 1996), 263.

²² See Billanovich, Liliana, Fra centro e periferia, vol. 1, 9 vols., San Gregorio Barbarigo - Fonti e ricerche (Padua: Istituto per la storia ecclesiastica padovana, 1993)Google Scholar.

²³ On de Sales’ influence on Barbarigo, see Pierluigi Giovannucci, “Aspetti e problemi emergenti dalla corrispondenza del Barbarigo con i Gesuiti,” in ≪Gesuiti desiderosissimi del suo servitio≫. Le relazioni epistolari tra Gregorio Barbarigo e la Compagnia di Gesù, ed. Pierluigi Giovannucci, vol. 9, San Gregorio Barbarigo—Fonti e ricerche (Padua: Istituto per la storia ecclesiastica padovana, 2016), LXVII. Barbarigo's visitation and episcopal inquisition records, preserved in the Archivio della Curia Vescovile di Padova (henceforth ACVP), Visitationes b. 30–66 and Inquisitiones b. 84–88, contain over six hundred instances of problematic priests; at least fifty priests were investigated more than once.

²⁴ See Barbarigo, Gregorio, Governare la diocesi nei conflitti: lettere di Gregorio Barbarigo ai familiari, 1671–1676, ed. Magni, Catia, vol. 7, 9 vols., San Gregorio Barbarigo - Fonti e ricerche (Padua: Istituto per la storia ecclesiastica padovana, 2011)Google Scholar.

²⁵ Giuseppe Musocco, Delle azioni e virtù di Gregorio Barbarigo cardinal e vescovo di Padova, Biblioteca Civica di Padova, M.S. BP 609, fol. 260r-v: “Oimé, Oimé, quanto terrore! . . . non so che sarà di me. O quanti peccati, quanti peccati sono sopra di me?… Quel strettissimo conto!”

²⁶ Atti della canonizzazione di S. Gregorio Barbarigo, Bollettino diocesano di Padova (Padua: Tipografia Antoniana, 1960), 466.

²⁷ Barbarigo was beatified sixty-four years after his death, and then it took another one hundred ninety-nine years for him to be canonized (total of two hundred sixty-three years from death to canonization). Most cases would not survive this long, particularly when we take into consideration Barbarigo's status as a secular cleric.

²⁸ I have excluded martyrs from this list, in an effort to find cases more comparable with Barbarigo's. A list of all saints canonized between 1588 and 1999 is found in the appendix of Duffin, Jacalyn, Medical Miracles: Doctors, Saints, and Healing in the Modern World (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 198–207CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁹ Six of the laypeople were royals or nobles, two were indigenous, one was a prominent mystic, and four were poor people. Of the secular clergy, only three were members of the ecclesiastical hierarchy (Barbarigo, Juan de Ribera, and François de Laval, all bishops).

³⁰ Time from beatification to canonization for laypeople and secular clergy was under a century for all cases except those of Nicholas de Flue, a Swiss mystic beatified in 1669 and canonized in 1947; Kinga, a Hungarian princess beatified in 1690 and canonized in 1999; Jan Sarkander, a Silesian priest beatified in 1860 and canonized in 1995; Juan de Ribera, a Spanish archbishop beatified in 1796 and canonized in 1960; and Gregorio Barbarigo.

³¹ Ehlers, Between Christians and Moriscos, 152–53; Angelo Roncalli, “Discurso de su santidad Juan XXIII a los peregrinos españoles con motivo de la canonización del Beato Juan de Ribera” (Libreria editrice vaticana, June 12, 1960), http://w2.vatican.va/content/john-xxiii/es/speeches/1960; and Angelo Roncalli, “Canonización del Beato Juan de Ribera. Homilía de su santidad Juan XXIII” (Libreria editrice vaticana, June 12, 1960), http://w2.vatican.va/content/john-xxiii/es/homilies/1960.

³² Ehlers, Between Christians and Moriscos, 152–153.

³³ Ott, Michael, “Pope Urban VIII,” The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 15 (New York: Robert Appleton, 1912)Google Scholar, newadvent.org. John Paul II changed the process in 1983, making it much easier to create new saints (and allowing him to create more saints than any pope before him). Bennett, “Strategic Canonisation: Sanctity, Popular Culture and the Catholic Church,” 443.

³⁴ The entire process is described in great detail by Prospero Lambertini, who was the promoter of the faith for the Congregation of Rites until becoming Pope Benedict XIV in 1740. Prospero (Pope Benedict XIV) Lambertini, B. X., De servorum Dei beatificatione et beatorum canonizatione (Vatican City: Libreria editrice vaticana, 2010)Google Scholar.

³⁵ Requirements are different for martyrs, because their heroic virtue is established by their willingness to die for the faith and they are not required to perform miracles. Other Servants of God must have surpassed ordinary faithful in terms of faith, hope, charity, fortitude, justice, prudence, and temperance; other virtues may be added, and members of religious orders are also expected to be exemplary in their fidelity to their vows. Delooz, “Towards a Sociological Study of Canonized Sainthood in the Catholic Church,” 203.

³⁶ Veraja, Fabijan, “La canonizzazione equipollente e la questione dei miracoli nelle cause di canonizzazione,” Apollinaris 48 (1975): 222–45Google Scholar.

³⁷ The beatification and canonization processes are explored in detail in Giovannucci, Pierluigi, Il processo di canonizzazione del Card. Gregorio Barbarigo (Rome: Herder, 2001), 60Google Scholar. The primary archival sources for the beatification process are ACVP, Processo Barbarigo, bb. 1–12; and Archivio Segreto Vaticano (henceforth ASV), Congregazione dei Riti, Processus, bb. 3458–3464, 3466–3480. The canonization trial, in ASV, Congregazione dei Riti, Processus, b. 5404, is not available as access is denied to all Vatican archival documents produced since 1939.

³⁸ Giovannucci, Il processo di canonizzazione, 198. Giovannucci provides a table detailing the percentage of questions dedicated to each virtue.

³⁹ ACVP, Inquisitiones, b. 84, fols. 340v-376r; b. 87 (n.p.); Visitationes, b. 55, fols. 312–317; b. 60, fols. 409r–413r.

⁴⁰ ACVP, Processo Barbarigo, b. 9, fol. 1697r: “L'ho udito a correggere uno di quei Parochi et era il Pievano di S. Illaria D. Carlo Rodriguez, col tal soavità e con espressioni si benigne che mi provocò alle lagrime, unitamente cogl'astanti, e pur il Re[verend]o se ne stava in piedi con modo assai superbo così che moveva lo sdegno nelli stessi circostanti, et il Servo di Dio continuò sempre con l'istessa dolcezza a rimproverarli li suoi difetti acciò li emendassi, finalmente per adempire alle parti della sua Giustitia dovette sospenderlo, se bene non molto doppo per essersi quello humiliato lo rimise al beneficio. Ma perseverando è ritornato di nuovo alle trasgressioni fù constretto il Servo di Dio a servirsi del rigore castigandolo con la Carcere per qualche tempo.”

⁴¹ ACVP, Processo Barbarigo, b. 6, fol. 456r: “Dicendo quando un sacerdote era processato perdeva la fama, il concetto, e la stima e che egli non era più instato di ricuperarla, e perciò usava tutto il potere nel fare che secretamente si levassero dal male.”

⁴² Musocco, Delle azioni e virtù di Gregorio Barbarigo cardinal e vescovo di Padova, fol. 103v: “Non poteva nell'Ecclesiastici tollerare non che la colpa, ma neppure il sospetto della colpa.”

⁴³ On the testimonies, found in ASV, Congregazione dei Riti, bb. 3471–3475, see Giovannucci, Il processo di canonizzazione, 238–317.

⁴⁴ ACVP, Processo Barbarigo, b. 6, fol. 768r: “Haveva li calzoni tutti laceri, e tanto vecchi che io, pover curato di Oliero come ero in quel tempo, mi sarei vergognato di portarli.”

⁴⁵ ACVP, Processo Barbarigo, b. 9, fol. 1205v: “Habiti particolarmente molto laceri e rattopati, inhabili a guardarlo dal freddo.”

⁴⁶ ACVP, Processo Barbarigo, b. 9, fol. 1225r.

⁴⁷ Of the three hundred thirteen witnesses, one hundred twenty-six were laypeople, one hundred eighty-seven were clergy. For a more detailed breakdown of the sex and status of witnesses, see Giovannucci, Il processo di canonizzazione, 205, 210.

⁴⁸ “Animadversiones,” in Sacra Rituum Congregatione Eminentissimo, & Reverendissimo D. Card. Zondadario Veneta, seu Patavina Beatificationis, & Canonizationis ven. Servi Dei Gregorii card. Barbadici Episcopi olim Bergomensis, postea Patavini, Positio Super dubio An sit Signanda Commissio Introductionis Causae (henceforth Positio 1723) (Rome: Typis Reverendae Camerae Apostolicae, 1723), 2.

⁴⁹ “Animadversiones,” in Positio 1723, 1–2. The text the promoters originally sent was Barbarigo, Gregorio, Lettere pastorali, editti, e decreti publicati in diversi tempi dall'eminentissimo e reverendissimo Sig. Gregorio Barbarigo Vescovo di Padova (Padua: Seminario di Padova, 1690)Google Scholar. This text is a collection of pastoral letters, edicts, and decrees sent to priests and sermons delivered at synods. On the importance of the prospective saint's writings, see Delooz, “Towards a Sociological Study of Canonized Sainthood in the Catholic Church,” 202.

⁵⁰ “Animadversiones,” in Positio 1723, 2–4.

⁵¹ Ibid., 4.

⁵² Ibid., 2–3.

⁵³ Ibid., 6–7, and “Responsio facti et iuris ad animadversiones,” in Positio 1723, 13.

⁵⁴ Ibid., 14. Jean-Michel Sallmann has also noted that this was a common part of many saints’ stories; true saints would always resist, though they might appear to be “in agony fight[ing] against the demons to find peace.” Sallmann, Jean-Michel, Santi barocchi: modelli di santità, pratiche devozionali e comportamenti religiosi nel regno di Napoli dal 1540 al 1750 (Lecce: Argo, 1996), 371Google Scholar. See also Dominique-Marie Dauzet, “Le récit de la «mort sainte» dans les biographies religieuses du XIX^e–XX^e siècle. Essai d'hagiographie contemporaine,” Analecta Bollandiana 123, no. 1 (2005): 133–63.

⁵⁵ Richard, Charles-Louis and Giraud, Jean Joseph, “Gregorio Barbarigo,” in Biblioteca sacra ovvero dizionario universale delle scienze ecclesiastiche, vol. 3 (Milan: Editore Ranieri Fanfani, 1831), 103Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Vallisneri was the Chair of Practical and Theoretical Medicine at Padua, while Morgagni is considered the father of modern anatomical pathology. Bouley, Bradford, “Negotiated Sanctity: Incorruption, Community, and Medical Expertise,” The Catholic Historical Review 102, no. 1 (2016): 20CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Bouley, Bradford, Pious Postmortems: Anatomy, Sanctity, and the Catholic Church in Early Modern Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chap. 3.

⁵⁷ Bouley, “Negotiated Sanctity: Incorruption, Community, and Medical Expertise,” 21.

⁵⁸ Ibid., 22.

⁵⁹ Sacra Rituum Congregatione, Posito Super Dubio An constet de Virtutibus Theologalibus Fide, Spe & Charitate in Deum, & Proximum, necnon Cardinalibus Prudentia, Iustitia, Fortitudine, & Temperantia, earumque annexis in gradu heroico in casu & c., & ad effectum & c. (henceforth Positio 1746) (Rome: Typis Reverendae Camerae Apostolicae, 1746), 452. “Corpus Servi Dei, post triginta ferme annos ab eius obitu, integrum, incorruptum, ac in omni sui parte flexibile conservatur, licet in loco valde humido tumulatum fuerit.”

⁶⁰ ASV, Congregazione dei Riti, Processus, b. 3476, fol. 166v.

⁶¹ Ibid., fol. 168r.

⁶² Ibid., fols. 168v–169r.

⁶³ She did not declare her natal faith, and other witnesses alternately identified her as converting from Islam or Judaism.

⁶⁴ ASV, Congregazione dei Riti, Processus, b. 3477, fol. 1206v–1214r.

⁶⁵ ASV, Congregazione dei Riti, Processus, b. 3478, fols. 149r–150r. Barbarigo's methods of conversion are quite similar to those followed elsewhere in the Church (provide for the convert's temporal needs, education, and continuing support after conversion), though in larger cities this role was overseen by catechumen houses. See Mazur, Peter, Conversion to Catholicism in Early Modern Italy (New York: Routledge, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Kalak, Matteo Al and Pavan, Ilaria, Un'altra fede. Le case dei catecumeni nei territori estensi (1538–1938) (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 2013)Google Scholar. On Barbarigo's conversions, see Michele Cassese, “Gregorio Barbarigo e il rapporto con ebrei e non cattolici,” in Gregorio Barbarigo: patrizio veneto, vescovo, e cardinale nella tarda Controriforma (1625–1697), ed. Liliana Billanovich and Pierantonio Gios, vol. 3/2, 9 vols., San Gregorio Barbarigo—Fonti e ricerche (Padua: Istituto per la storia ecclesiastica padovana, 1999), 1023–56.

⁶⁶ A later hagiography expresses some doubt that there were two episodes. Alessi, Giuseppe, Vita del B. Gregorio Barbarigo, Cardinale di SRCE Vescovo di Padova (Padua: Tipografia del Seminario, 1897)Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Ibid., 98–99, 124.

⁶⁸ Ibid., 98, 124–28.

⁶⁹ Ibid., 210–11, 222.

⁷⁰ ASV, Congregazione dei Riti, Processus, b. 3476, fols. 294r–340v.

⁷¹ As Jacalyn Duffin has noted, medical miracles far outnumber other miracles in beatification and canonization trials from the sixteenth–twentieth centuries. The standards for accepting these miracles is strict: medical professionals must testify that the cure could not have been natural, either because it was too rapid or because the illness or injury had been judged fatal. See Duffin, Medical Miracles.

⁷² ASV, Congregazione dei Riti, Processus, b. 3476, fol. 931r.

⁷³ Ibid., fols. 902v–903r: “La mattina susseguente la ritrovassimo sana, allegra, e con buon colorito.”

⁷⁴ Ibid., fol. 903r: “Raccontava che la notte stessa gli era comparso in visione il Venerabile Signor Cardinale Barbarigo, in compagnia della Beatissima Vergine . . . e gli disse se aveva desiderio della sua salute, e rispondendogli di si con buona fede, gli diede la sua benedizione.”

⁷⁵ Ibid., fol. 1124v.

⁷⁶ “Animadversiones,” in Sacra Rituum Congregatione Eminentissimo et Reverendissimo Domino Cardinali Zondadario Veneta, seu Patavina Beatificationis, & Canonizationis ven. Servi Dei Gregorii cardinalis Barbadici Episcopi olim Bergomensis, & deinde Patavini. Positio super dubio An constet de validitate Processuum tam Ordinaria, quam Apostolica Auctoritate constructorum, Testes sin rite et recte examinati, et Iura legitime compulsata (henceforth Positio 1734) (Rome: Typis Reverendae Camerae Apostolicae, 1734), 2.

⁷⁷ “Responsio ad animadversiones,” in Positio 1734, 2. In the end, seven testimonies from Bergamo were excluded but the rest were accepted. Giovannucci, Il processo di canonizzazione, 508.

⁷⁸ Ibid., 509.

⁷⁹ Ibid., 510.

⁸⁰ Gino Benzoni, Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, vol. 59, n.d., www.treccani.it/enciclopedia.

⁸¹ “Animadversiones,” in Positio 1746, 23.

⁸² Giovannucci, Il processo di canonizzazione, 516.

⁸³ Ibid., 545.

⁸⁴ “Animadversiones,” in Sacra Rituum Congregatione Eminentissimo et Reverendissimo Cardinali Galli Veneta, seu Patavina Beatificationis, & Canonizationis ven. Servi Dei Gregorii cardinalis Barbadici Episcopi olim Bergomensis, & deinde Patavini, Positio additionalis super dubio An constet de virtutibus theologalibus fide, spe, & charitate in Deum & proximum, necnon cardinalibus prudentia, iustitia, fortitudine, & temperantia, earumque annexis in gradu heroico (henceforth Positio 1756) (Rome: Typis Reverendae Camerae Apostolicae, 1756), 2–7.

⁸⁵ “Animadversiones,” in Positio 1756, 4.

⁸⁶ In the Twenty-Third Session, Chapter I, the decrees mandate that justifiable absences from one's territory must be approved by the pope (or a metropolitan or suffragan bishop, if necessary), suggesting that residency requirements were by papal mandate, but this is not clearly stated. Schroeder, Canons and Decrees, 167.

⁸⁷ “Responsio ad animadversione additionales,” in Positio 1756, 2–12.

⁸⁸ “Novae Animadversiones,” in Sacra Rituum Congregatione Eminentissimo et Reverendissimo Domino Cardinali Galli Veneta, seu Patavina Beatificationis, & Canonizationis ven. Servi Dei Gregorii cardinalis Barbadici Episcopi olim Bergomensis, & deinde Patavini, Positio super dubio An constet de virtutibus theologalibus fide, spe, & charitate in Deum & proximum, necnon cardinalibus prudentia, iustitia, fortitudine & temperantia, earumque annexis in gradu heroico (henceforth Positio 1758) (Rome: Typis Reverendae Camerae Apostolicae, 1758), 10.

⁸⁹ Twenty-Fourth Session, Reform, Chapter XVII. Schroeder, Canons and Decrees, 209.

⁹⁰ Sacra Rituum Congregatione Eminentissimo et Reverendissimo Domino Cardinali Galli Veneta, seu Patavina Beatificationis, & Canonizationis ven. Servi Dei Gregorii cardinalis Barbadici Episcopi olim Bergomensis, & deinde Patavini, Responsio ad postrema animadversiones super dubio An constet de virtutibus theologalibus fide, spe, & charitate in Deum & proximum, necnon cardinalibus prudentia, iustitia, fortitudine & temperantia, earumque annexis in gradu heroico (Rome: Typis Reverendae Camerae Apostolicae, 1758), 4–5.

⁹¹ “Novae animadversiones,” in Positio 1758, 6–9.

⁹² Lehner, Ulrich, “The Many Faces of the Catholic Enlightenment,” in Companion to the Catholic Enlightenment in Europe, ed. Lehner, Ulrich and Printy, Michael (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹³ Beales, Derek, “Religion and Culture,” in The Eighteenth Century: Europe 1688–1815, ed. Blanning, Timothy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 156Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Rosa, Mario, “The Catholic Aufklärung in Italy,” in A Companion to the Catholic Enlightenment in Europe, ed. Lehner, Ulrich and Printy, Michael, vol. 20 (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 217Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Ibid., 217.

⁹⁶ Venturi, Franco, “Church and Reform in Enlightenment Italy: The Sixties of the Eighteenth Century,” The Journal of Modern History 48, no. 2 (June 1976): 215CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁷ Ibid., 221.

⁹⁸ Ibid., 228.

⁹⁹ Aston, Nigel, “Continental Catholic Europe,” in Enlightenment, Reawakening and Revolution 1660–1815, ed. Brown, Stewart and Tackett, Timothy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 223Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Aston considers Tridentine Reform largely accomplished and over by the mid-eighteenth century and sees the Church's problem as having failed to create a new agenda to replace it. Ibid., 31.

¹⁰¹ Giovannucci, Il processo di canonizzazione, 559.

¹⁰² Napoleon combined Venice, Lombardy, and parts of central Italy into a kingdom, establishing himself as King of Italy and leaving a viceroy to rule the territory in 1805. At the Congress of Vienna in 1815, Lombardy-Venetia was turned over to the Austrians, under whose control it remained until 1866, with the exception of a few months of freedom after the 1848 rebellions. Smith, Denis Mack, The Making of Italy, 1796–1870 (New York: Walker and Company, 1968), 16, 66, 152–60Google Scholar, 392.

¹⁰³ Giovannucci, Il processo di canonizzazione, 567–69.

¹⁰⁴ This idea was eloquently developed by Antonio Negri, an eminent Italian philosopher and socialist from Padua, in a letter from prison written while awaiting trial for supposed involvement in the Italian terrorist group the Red Brigades in the late 1970s. Negri, Antonio, “Veneto secco,” in Pipe-line: lettere da Rebibbia (Rome: DeriveApprodi, 2009), 10–11Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Alessi, Vita del B. Gregorio Barbarigo, Cardinale di SRCE Vescovo di Padova, viii.

¹⁰⁶ Ibid., 238–239.

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., 239.

¹⁰⁸ Kraynak, Robert, “Pope Leo XIII and the Catholic Response to Modernity,” Modern Age 49, no. 4 (Fall 2007): 531Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ Alessi, Vita del B. Gregorio Barbarigo, Cardinale di SRCE Vescovo di Padova, 283.

¹¹⁰ Luigi Pelizzo, Pastorale per la Quaresima del 1911, Feste del B. Gregorio Barbarigo, 1911, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (henceforth BAV), Miscellanea R.G.Teol.II.429, int. 2, 9–15; and Luigi Pelizzo, Lettera pastorale dottrina Cristiana - Licenza dalla scuola - Notificazioni varie, 1912. BAV, R.G.Teol.II.429, int. 17, 28.

¹¹¹ Pelizzo, Pastorale per la Quaresima, 4: “La cui vita vibrò continua per il Seminario che, preziosa reliquia, Ne conserva il cuore, inalzeremo un marmoreo e non indegno monumento nel Suo Seminario.”

¹¹² Luigi Pelizzo, Lettera pastorale apertura della sacra visita pastorale. Istruzioni-Notificazioni al Clero, 1912. BAV, R.G.Teol.II.429 int. 16, 11: “Modello impareggiabile anche in questa parte importantissima del Pastorale Ministero.”

¹¹³ Luigi Pelizzo, Lettera pastorale riassunzione della causa del B. Gregorio. Azione Cattolica-Emigranti, 1911. BAV, R.G.Teol.II.429 int. 3, 5: “Non una sola volta il nostro Beato mentre era ancora in vita, molte volte dopo la sua morte, ha operato produci.”

¹¹⁴ Ibid., 5: “Mandarne subito dettagliata narrazione in iscritto a questa Curia, corroborata dalle testimonianze e prove necessarie.”

¹¹⁵ Benigni, Umberto, “Pope Pius X,” The Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: Robert Appleton, 1911)Google Scholar, www.newadvent.org.

¹¹⁶ Ibid. See also Pope Pius X, “Encyclical of Pope Pius X. On the Teaching of Christian Doctrine,” The Furrow 3, no. 8 (August 1952): 421–431.

¹¹⁷ The Processus fond of the Congregation of Rites only contains one volume from this portion of the process, the Paduan apostolic process of 1923–1925. No access to documents produced after 1939 is permitted by the Vatican Secret Archives, so the bulk of the canonization proceedings is inaccessible.

¹¹⁸ ASV, Congregazione dei Riti, Processus, b. 5404, 34: “Prendeva questi come mia comunione.”

¹¹⁹ Ibid., 146–7: “Io rimasi maravigliato, perché non riscontrei in lui che qualche residuo del male.”

¹²⁰ Ciciliot, “La strategia canonizzatrice di Pio XI,” 420–421, 433; and Chaline, “La spiritualité de Pie XI,” 162–163.

¹²¹ Ciciliot, “La strategia canonizzatrice di Pio XI,” 441–442.

¹²² Ibid., 442.

¹²³ Hebblethwaite, Peter, John XXIII (London: Chapman, 1984)Google Scholar; Wicks, Jared, “Tridentine Motivations of Pope John XXIII before and during Vatican II,” Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (2014): 847–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar. When Roncalli first became bishop, he had his ordination in a church dedicated to Borromeo and invoked Barbarigo as one of his protectors. Hebblethwaite, John XXIII, 115; and Giovannucci, Il processo di canonizzazione, 581. See also Melloni, Alberto, “History, Pastorate, and Theology: The Impact of Carlo Borromeo on A.G. Roncalli/Pope John XXIII,” in San Carlo Borromeo: Catholic Reform and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century, ed. Headley, John and Tomaro, John (Washington, D.C.: The Folger Shakespeare Library, 1988), 277–299Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ Hebblethwaite, John XXIII, 378.

¹²⁵ John XXIII approved the canonization of nine saints; the tenth was one approved by his predecessor but for whom John XXIII performed the ceremony. Eight were members of religious orders or founders of religious societies; two were beatified in the nineteenth century, six in the twentieth. The only one similar to Borromeo was Juan de Ribera, Archbishop of Valencia, who was beatified in 1796 and canonised a few weeks after Barbarigo in 1960.

¹²⁶ Giovannucci, Il processo di canonizzazione, 577.

¹²⁷ Atti della canonizzazione di S. Gregorio Barbarigo, 466. Emphasis mine. All of John XXIII's speeches are also available online at http://w2.vatican.va/content/john-xxiii/it.html.

¹²⁸ Atti della canonizzazione di S. Gregorio Barbarigo, 466–467.

¹²⁹ Ibid., 472. The example that laypeople might take from Barbarigo is never stated, though his more general virtues are discussed, particularly in the homily.

¹³⁰ Angelo (Pope John XXIII) Roncalli, J. X., “Allocutio Ioannes PP. XXIII in Sollemni SS. Concilii Inauguratione,” Acta Apostolicae Sedis 54, no. 14 (1962): 792Google Scholar.

¹³¹ Roncalli, “Discurso de su santidad Juan XXIII a los peregrinos españoles con motivo de la canonización del Beato Juan de Ribera.”

¹³² Interestingly, in his homily for Ribera's canonization, John XXIII did not declare the new saint as an episcopal model, but noted his utility for all Christians and focused more on his devotion than his exemplarity as a bishop. Roncalli, “Canonización del Beato Juan de Ribera. Homilía de su santidad Juan XXIII.”

¹³³ Atti della canonizzazione di S. Gregorio Barbarigo, 439–40.

¹³⁴ Rocco, Giuseppe, I luoghi di San Gregorio: strade e paesi nel itinerario pastorale del vescovo Barbarigo (Padua: Antoniana, 1961)Google Scholar.

¹³⁵ Bellinati, Claudio, Gregorio Barbarigo: un vescovo eroico (Padua: Messagero di Sant'Antonio, 2009), 175–5Google Scholar.