1. I thank Mack Holt, Paul Hibbeln, and Eve Levin for their comments and suggestions as well as M. A. Johnson and the Hilandar Research Library for their support.

2. This idea appears in the first paragraph of Kotoshikhin's description of the Muscovite government: Kotoshikhin, G. K., O Rossii v tsarstvovnanie Aleksei Mikhailovicha (Moscow Rosspen, 2000), 22.Google Scholar

3. Mozharovskii, Apollon, “Izlozhenie khoda missionerskago dela po prosveshcheniiu khristianstvom kazanskikh inorodtsev s 1552 do 1867 god,” in Chteniia v imperatorskom obshchestve (Moscow: Universiteta tipografiia, 1880), 1–237;Google ScholarMozharovskii, Apollon, “Po istorii prosveshcheniia Nizhegorodskikh Mordvy,” Nizhegorodskie eparkhial'nye vedomosti 16 (1890): 664-74;Google ScholarNikol'skii, N. V., “Khristianstvo sredi chuvash Sredneg Povolzh'ia v XVI-XVIII vekakh: Istoricheskii ocherk,” Izvestiia obshchestva arkheologii, istorii i etnografii pri Imperatorskom Kazanskom universitete 28 (1912): 1–416;Google ScholarChantaLermercier-Quelquejay, , “Les missions orthodoxes en pays musulmans de moyenne-e basse-Volga 1552-1865,” Cahiers du monde russe 8:4 (1967): 369–403.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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5. Martin, Janet, “The Novokshcheny of Novgorod: Assimilation in the 16th Century, Central Asian Survey 9:2 (1990): 13–38;CrossRefGoogle ScholarMartin, , “Multiethnicity in Muscovy: A Consideration of Christian and Muslim Tatars in the 1550s-1580s,” Journal of Early Modern History 5:1 (2001): 1–23;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Martin, , “Tatars in the Muscovite Army during the Livonian War,” in The Military and Society in Russia, 1450-1917, ed. Lohr, Eric and Poe, Marshall (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 365-87.Google Scholar

6. Schilling, Heinz, “Confessional Europe,” in Handbook of European History 1400-1600: Late Middle Ages, Renaissance, and Reformation, ed. JrBrady, Thomas A.. Oberman, Heiko A., and Tracy, James D. (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1995), 2:641-81Google Scholar and Schilling, Heinz, “Confessionalization: Historical and Scholarly Perspective of a Comparative and Interdisciplinary Paradigm,” in Confessionalization in Europe, 1555-1700: Essays in Honor and Memory of Bodo Nischan, ed. Headley, John M., Hillerbrand, Hans J., and Papalas, Anthony J. (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2004), 21–35.Google Scholar

7. For a discussion of the political, economic, and religious motivations for the campaign see Pelenski, Russia and Kazan, 23-61.

8. Letter 28, 25 March 1534, Dopolneniia k aktam istoricheskim, sobranniia i izdaniia arkheograficheskoiu kommisseiu (St. Petersburg: Izdatel'stvo arkheograficheskoi kommis sii, 1846), 1:27-30. See also Pelenski, Russia and Kazan, 177-96. For a discussion of Makarii's career, see Veretennikov, Makarii, Moskovskii mitropolit Makarii i ego vremia (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Spaso-Preobrazhenskogo Valaamskogo Monastyria, 1996).Google Scholar

9. Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei (hereafter PSRL), vol. 29, Letopisets nachala tsarstva tsaria i velikogo kniazia Ivana Vasil'evicha (St. Petersburg: Izdatel'stvo arkheografichesko kommissii, 1862), 58.

10. Letter 159, 25 May 1552, Akty istoricheskie, sobrannye i izdannye arkheograficheskoiu kommissieiu (St. Petersburg: Izdatel'stvo arkheograficheskoi kommissii, 1841), 1:287-90 see also a later epistle 160, 13-20 July 1552, Akty istorischeskie, 1:290-96. In addition to the metropolitan, Archbishop Feodosii of Novgorod called a campaign against th Tatars as early as 1545-46: Letter 37, Dopolneniia, 1:38-40.

11. For a thorough analysis of this icon and the development of Orthodoxy's Church Militant, see Rowland, Daniel, “Biblical Military Imagery in the Political Culture of Early Modern Russia: The Blessed Host of the Heavenly Tsar,” in Medieval Russian Culture: Volume II, ed. Flier, Michael S. and Rowland, Daniel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 182–217.Google Scholar

12. Nancy Shields Kollmann, “Pilgrimage, Procession, and Symbolic Space in Sixteenth Century Russian Politics,” in Medieval Russian Culture: Volume II, ed. Michael S. Flier and Daniel Rowland, 177.

13. Romaniello, Matthew P., “Controlling the Frontier: Monasteries and Infrastructure in the Volga Region, 1552-1682,” Central Asian Survey 19:3-4 (2000): 429-43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

14. “Life of Gurii and Varsonofii,” 1630s-1650s, ff. 156r.-167r., SGU 1073, Sbornik, Saratov State University Library, Saratov, Russia; available on microfilm at the Hilandar Research Library, Columbus, Ohio.

15. PSRL, 29:234-35.

16. Mozharovskii, “Izlozhenie khoda,” 11. A short version of these events stressing the procession of Makarii, Ivan IV, and Gurii with important icons to the Frolovskii gates is found in PSRL, 29:240.

17. For a discussion of the independence of Russian Orthodox bishops in the Muscovit era, see Georg B. Michels, “Rescuing the Orthodox: The Church Policies of Archbishop Afanasii of Kholmogory, 1682-1702,” in Of Religion and Empire: Missions, Conversion, and Tolerance in Tsarist Russia, ed. Geraci, Robert P. and Khodarkovsky, Michael, 19-37 and Michels, “Ruling Without Mercy: Seventeenth-Century Russian Bishops and Their Officials,” Kritika 4:3 (2003): 515-42.Google Scholar

18. PSRL, vol. 20, L'vovskaia letopis', 481-82; PSRL, vol. 21, Kniga stepennaia tsarskogo rodosloviiapart 2, 650-51.

19. “Life of Gurii and Varsonofii,” ff. 156r.-158r., Mozharovskii, “Izlozhenie khoda, 12-13.

20. “Life of Gurii and Varsonofii,” ff. 160r.-163r.; Mozharovskii, “Izlozhenie khoda, 13-14.

21. Gramota 162, 13 August 1555, Akty istoricheskie, 1:298-99.

22. Gramota, August 1616, and Gramota, 10 May 1618, f. 281, Gramoty kollegi ekonomii, op. 4, d. 6451 and d. 6452, Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (hereafter RGADA), Moscow, Russia. However, both the tsar and the Patriarch in Moscow did occasionally provide financial support for the Metropolitans of Kazan'. Metropolitan Markel for example, received 300 rubles from Patriarch Adrian for repairs to the Archbishop’ house in Kazan': Pokrovskii, I. M., “O naspedstvennom prave tserkovnykh uchrezh denii, v chastnosti Kazanskago Arkhiereiskago doma, v kontse XVII veka,” Izvestiia obshchestva arkheologii, istorii i etnografii pri Imperatorskom Kazanskom universitete 18 (1902): 4–5.Google Scholar

23. Nevostruev, K., Istoricheskoe opisanie byvshikh v gorode Samare muzheskogo Spaso-Preobrazhenskago i zhenskago Spasskogo monastyrei (Moscow: Sinodal'naia tipografiia 1867), 3;Google ScholarMakarov, D. M., Samoderzhavie i khristianizatsiia narodov povolzh'ia v vtoroi polovine XVI-XVII vv. (Cheboksary, Russia: Chuvashskii gosudarstvennyi universitet 1981), 21–53.Google Scholar Also, E. L. Dubman also connected the strong financial support for monasti foundations with state support for conversion efforts, though Dubman argues not for the success of conversion but more for the punitive nature of the “feudal” landholding system, which destroyed the traditional lifestyle and independence of the Volga Region's native populations: Dubman, E. L., Khoziastvennoe osvoevie srednego Povolzh'ia v XVII veke: Po materialam tserkovnoe-monastyrskikh vladenii (Kuibyshev, Russia Kuibyshevskii gosudarstvennyi universitet, 1991).Google Scholar

24. For a discussion of this worldview, see Lotman, Ju. M. and Uspenskii, B. A., “Th Role of Dual Models in the Dynamics of Russian Culture (Up to the Eighteenth Century), in The Semiotics of Russian Culture, ed. Shukman, Ann (Ann Arbor, Mich.: Departmen of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Michigan, 1984), 3–35.Google Scholar

25. Khodarkovsky, Michael, “Four Degrees of Separation: Constructing Non-Christian Identities in Muscovy,” in Culture and Identity in Muscovy, 1359-1584, ed Kleimola, A. M. and Lenhoff, G. D. (Moscow: “ITZ-Garant,” 1997), 248-66.Google Scholar

26. “Life of Gurii and Varsonofii,” ff. 165r.-167r.

27. Kurat, A. N., “The Turkish Expedition to Astrakhan in 1569, and the Problem of the Don-Volga Canal,” Slavonic and East European Review 40:1 (1961): 7–23;Google ScholarKhodarkovsky, Michael, “Not by World Alone: Missionary Policies and Religious Conversion in Early Modern Russia,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 38:2 (1996): 273CrossRefGoogle Scholarde Madraiaga, Isabel, Ivan the Terrible: First Tsar of Russia (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Universit Press, 2005), 239, and 266-67.Google Scholar

28. For example, “Nakaz,” 11. 3v. ob-4, 16 April 1613, copy from 1720, f. 16 Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv, op. 1, d. 709, RGADA.

29. This is similar to the conclusion reached by Freeze, Gregory L., “Handmaiden of the State? The Church in Imperial Russia Reconsidered,” journal of Ecclesiastical History 36:1 (1985) 82–102.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

30. Petition 1, in Aiplatov, G. N. and Ivanov, A. G., Monastyrskaia kolonizatsiia Mariiskogo Povolzh'ia: Po materialiam Spaso-Iunginskogo monastyria Koz'modem'ianskogo uezda 1625-1764 gg. (Ioshkar-Ola, Russia: Mariiskii gosudarstvennyi universitet, 2000), 46–49Google Scholar

31. Malova, E. A., Kazanskii Bogoroditskii devich’ monastyr': Istoriia i sovremennoe ego sostoianie (Kazan', Russia: Tipografiia Imperatorskogo Universtiteta, 1879), 3.Google Scholar

32. This is particularly true for the territory first occupied by the Muscovite in the northwestern territory of the former Khanate: Geraklitov, A., Alatyrskaia Mordva po perepisiam 1624-1721 gg. (Saransk: Mordgiz, 1936);Google Scholar and Romaniello, “Controlling the Frontier.“

33. Krasovskii, V. E., comp., Kievo-Nikolaevskii byvshii Pokrovskii Ladinskii Podgorskii Novodevichii monastyr’ Simbirskoi eparkhii (Istoriko-arkheologicheskoe opisanie) (Simbirsk Russia: Tipo-litografiia A. T. Tokareva, 1899), 16.Google Scholar

34. Azletskii, P., comp., Opisanie Ioanno-Predtechenskogo muzhshogo monastyria v gorode Kazani (Kazan', Russia: Tipo-litografiia Imperatorskogo universiteta, 1898), 4–5;Google Scholar an Denisov, L. I., Pravoslavnye tnonastyri Rossiiskoi imperii (Moscow: Izdanie A. D. Stupina 1908), 253.Google Scholar

35. Using monasteries as defensive protections was common in Muscovite history as was the case for Moscow itself, defended by six monasteries, which protected its southern and southeastern borders: French, R. A., “The Early and Medieval Russian Town, in Studies in Russian Historical Geography, ed. French, R. A. and Bater, James (London Academic, 1983), 2:261.Google Scholar

36. Arzamas's Troitse-Sergeevskii Monastery, for example, hired local peasants to complete masonry work on their walls following instructions from Moscow: Gramota 24 March 1630, f. 281, op. 1, d. 260, RGADA.

37. These arrangements were reviewed in a document sent to Metropolitan Germogen later in the sixteenth century: Gramota, d. 6432, 25 January 1595, f. 281, op. 4, RGADA.

38. Pokrovskii, I. M., “Bortnichestvo (pchelovodstvo), kak odin iz vidov natural'nag khoziaistva i promysla bliz Kazani v XVI-XVII vv,” Izvestiia obshchestva arkheologii, istorii i etnografii pri Imperatorskom Kazanskom universitete 17:2 (1901): 67–73.Google Scholar

39. Nurminskii, S., “Vliianie monastyrei na razselenie narodnoe v Kazansko kraie,” Pravoslavnyi sobesiednik, part I, no. 2 (February 1864): 184.Google Scholar

40. Metropolitan Matfeia, for example, received land in the Kazan’ district alon the coast of the Volga River during his tenure in office, in Gramota, 1618, f. 281, op. 4 d. 6452, RGADA.

41. Gramota, 12 April 1614, f. 281, op. 1, d. 246, RGADA.

42. Kuntsevich, G. Z., comp., “Gramoty Kazan'skogo Zilantova monastyria, Izvestiia obshchestva arkheologii, istorii, i etnografii pri Imperatorskom Kazanskom universitete 17 (1901): 294-98.Google Scholar

43. Arzamas's Nikolaevskii Convent, for example, had a priest to supervise the operation of its mill: Gramota, 1688, f. 281, op. 1, d. 317, RGADA.

44. The original grant was made on July 13, 1606; the increase was granted on Augus 3, 1613: Gramota 24, Dokumenty po istorii Kazanskogo kraia: Iz arkhivokhranilits Tatarskogo ASSR (vtoraia polovina XVI-seredina XVII): Teksty i komment, ed. I. P. Ermolaev an D. A. Mustafina (Kazan', Russia: Izdatel'stvo Kazanskogo universiteta, 1990), 60-62 Gramota 39, 11 March 1621, Dokumenty, ed. Ermolaev and Mustafina, 92-95.

45. Ustiugov, N. V., Solevarennaia promyshlennost’ soli kamskoi v XVII veke: K voprosy o genezise kapitalisticheskikh otnoshenii v Russkoi promyshlennosti (Moscow: Izdatel'stv akademii nauk SSSR, 1957).Google Scholar

46. Gramota, 16 April 1641, f. 281, op. 1, d. 288, RGADA; and Gramota, 10 June 1685 f. 281, op. 1, d. 308, RGADA.

47. The petition was from Archpriest Trofim of the Voskresenskii Khrista Churc in Arzamas district: Gramota, 23 September 1657, f. 281, op. 1, d. 296, RGADA.

48. Gramota, 1 February 1639, Evgeniia Aleksovicha, Notariusa, Arkhiv Kievo-Nikolaevskago Novodevich'iago Monastyria (Alatyr', Russia: Arkhiv Kievo-Nikolaevskag Novodevich'iago Monastyria, 1997), 9–11.Google Scholar

49. This location was described in a cadaster (pistsovaia kniga) from 1565-68: N. L., Rubinshtein, ed., Istoriia Tatarii v dokumentakh i materialakh (Moscow: Gosudarstvenno sotsial'no-ekonomicheskoe izdatel'stvo, 1937), 234Google Scholar.

50. The records of Nikita Vasil'evich Borisov and Dmitrii Andreevich Kikin written between 1565 and 1568, described Kazan's Spaso-Preobrazhenskii Monastery’ courtyard with numerous secular and ecclesiastical merchants: Materialy po istorii Tatarskoi ASSR: Pistsovye knigi goroda Kazani 1565-68 gg. i 1646 g. (Leningrad: Izdatel'stv akademii nauk, 1932), 14, 32.

51. A. I., Iakovlev, ed., Saranskaia tamozhennaia kniga za 1692 g. (Saransk, Russia Mordovskoe gosudarstvennoe izdatel'stvo, 1951)Google Scholar.

52. Contracts signed by these monasteries and merchants prove the importanc of these courtyards. For example, the merchant Fedor Lukochnov syn Sibiriak signed a contract with the elder of Simbirsk's Troitse-Sergeevskii Monastery for space in its courtyard: Gramota, 9 June 1656, f. 281, op. 8, d. 11534, RGADA.

53. For example, Kazan's Spaso-Preobrazhenskii Monastery received a forcefu reminder to fulfill their tax obligations: Gramota, 18 May 1596, f. 281, op. 4, d. 6436 RGADA.

54. One trader, Andronik Elizarov, petitioned Arzamas's Troitse-Sergeevskii Monastery’ abbot for permission to sell goods in the monastery, and ultimately offered some land in the city as an exchange: Gramota, 1618-19, f. 281, op. 1, d. 249, RGADA The land exchange could even curb cash rents from the courtyard, as in Arzamas’ Troitse- Sergeevskii Monastery when its cellarer informed the abbot that instead of the expected 30 rubles from this year's rents, there would only be 16 rubles followe by another 16 rubles in the subsequent two years: Gramota, 16 March 1632, f. 281, op. 1, d. 270, RGADA.

55. This information was included in a charter sent to Kazan's governor. An ocean-goin boat (plavnyi lodok) paid two dengi, while a small fishing boat (botik) paid only on dengi: Gramota, 26 February 1662, Istoriia Tatarii v dokumentakh i materialakh, ed. Rubinshtein 156. These rights had been granted as early as 1585, when Kazan's governor instructe the Zilantov Monastery of its responsibilities for merchants transporting salt an fish from Astrakhan to the north: Gramota 323,22 July 1585, Arkhiv P. M. Stroeva, Russkai istoricheskaia biblioteka 32 (Petrograd: Arkheograficheskaia kommissiia, 1915), 1:626 29.

56. The monastery became the toll collector for trade between Kazan’ and Saransk Gramota, 1686, f. 281, op. 7, d. 10828, RGADA.

57. One group of Tatars from Sviiazhsk, for example, was required to pay 200 ruble in advance: Gramota 65, 13 June 1644, Dokumenty, ed. Ermolaev and Mustafina, 143-45

58. During the Time of Troubles, a confirmation of fishing rights was given t the monastery over its villages for those rivers: Gramota, 21 March 1608, f. 281, op 1, d. 243, RGADA. Another confirmation followed because the villages’ refusal t pay followed: Gramota, 6 May 1608, f. 281, op. 1, d. 244, RGADA. However, after the Time of Troubles the monastery's fishing rights were restricted to only Russian peasant living in its villages: Gramota, 27 March 1614, f. 281, op. 1, d. 245, RGADA.

59. Information taken from I., Pokrovskii, “K istorii Kazanskikh monastyrei do 1764 goda, Izvestiia obshchestva arkheologii, istorii i etnografii pri Imperatorskom Kazanskom universitet 18 (1902): 16–22Google Scholar. Pokrovskii gathered the information from the census of 164 in Kazan’ district. He did not include complete information from the census. For Kazan’ Spaso-Preobrazhenskii Monastery, he only included the names of the monastery’ twenty-nine villages, but did include the seventeen households the monastery owne in the city.

60. Gramota 1, 16 May 1555, Dokumenty, ed. Ermolaev and Mustafina, 28-29 Episkop, Nikaron, ed., “Vladennyia gramaty Kazanskago Spasopreobrazhenskago monastyria, Izvestiia obshchestva arkheologii, istorii, i etnografii pri Imperatorskom Kazanskom universitet 11 (1893): 357Google Scholar. Kazan's Zilantov-Uspenskii Monastery had similar authority Kuntsevich, “Gramoty Kazanskogo Zilantova monastyria,” 272-74.

61. Gramota, September 1629, f. 281, op. 1, d. 262, RGADA.

62. Gramota, 19 April 1630, f. 281, op. 1, d. 264, RGADA.

63. Gramota, 27 February 1633, f. 281, op. 1, d. 276, RGADA.

64. A long-term example of this is the fourteen petitions compiled from Arzamas’s Troitse-Sergeevskii Monastery on behalf one of their Mordvin villages: Gramota [1631-93], f. 281, op. 1, d. 277, ll. 1-30, RGADA.

65. Kuntsevich, “Gramoty Kazanskogo Zilantova monastyria,” 279-81.

66. Vladmirskii, A., ed., Tserkovniia drevnosti g. Kazani (Kazan', Russia: Universitet Tipografiia, 1887), 21–28.Google Scholar

67. Malov, Kazanskii Bogoroditskii devich’ monastyr', 3.

68. Ibid., 36-38; Jaroslaw Pelenski, Russia and Kazan, 272-7A.

69. Canonization created a boom in publications about Germogen, including several biographies such as Cherkashin, E., Patriarkh Germogen: K 300 letiiu so dnia smerti 1612-1912 (Moscow: Tipografiia Pochaevo-Uspenskoi Lavry, 1912)Google Scholar; and Borin, Vasilii, Sviatieishii Patriarkh Germogen i mesto ego zakliucheniia (Moscow: Izdanie tserkovno-arkheograficheskago otdela, 1913).Google Scholar This history of Germogen's canonization ha most recently been discussed in Freeze, Gregory L., “Subversive Piety: Religion and Political Crisis in Late Imperial Russia,” Journal of Modern History 68:2 (1996): 308–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

70. Germogen wrote “Gurii and Varsonofii” either in 1596 or 1597, and he might have written the original version of the “Tale of the Appearance” after its discovery in 1579, but edited the final version of the tale in 1594 or 1595: Kliuchevskii, V. O., Drevnerusskii zhitiia sviiatykh kak istoricheskii istochnik (Moscow: Tipografiia Gracheva, 1871), 305Google Scholar; Pelenski, Russia and Kazan, 269-75; Skrynnikov, R. G., Gosudarstvo i tserkov’ na Rusi X1V-XVI vv. (Novosibirsk, Russia: Nauka, 1991), 248–50Google Scholar; and Bushkovitch, Paul, Religion and Society in Russia: The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 87–88, 108-10, and 214-15.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

71. In an official history of German's monastery, his focus was to establish the physical structures of the monastery: Iablokov, A., Pervoklassnyi muzhskii Uspensko-Bogoroditsii monastyr v gorode Sviiazhske, Kazanskoi gubernii (Kazan', Russia: Tipo-litografii Imperatorskogo universiteta, 1907), 3–31.Google Scholar

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73. “Life of Gurii and Varsonofii,” ff. 175v.-197r., Bushkovitch, Religion and Society, 108-9.

74. “Tale of the Appearance of the Kazan’ Icon of the Mother of God with Service and Miracles,” ff. 21-23, first half of the seventeenth century, SGU 1756, Saratov State Library; available on microfilm at the Hilandar Research Library, Columbus, Ohio.

75. While the early seventeenth century manuscript version of the “Tale” used here has fourteen miracles, later printed versions included in Germogen's complete work contain sixteen. Three of the earlier fourteen miracles were not included in either of the printed versions: Tvoreniia svateishago Germogena patriarkha Moskovskagoi vseia Rossii (Moscow: Pechatnaia, A. I. Snegirevoi, 1912), 1–34.Google Scholar

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77. During Germogen's tenure as metropolitan, the Bogoroditsii Convent received two new stone churches, and new icons, books, and vestments for services: Malov, Kazanskii Bogoroditskii devich’ monastyr', 3—4.

78. PSRL, 14, 132-33. For a discussion, see Pelenski, Russia and Kazan, 273.

79. Tokmakov, I. F., comp., Istoriko-statisticheskoe i arkheologicheskoe opisanie Sviato-Troitskogo muzhskogo monastyria v gorode Alatyre, Simbirskogo gubernii (Moscow: Pechatnia A. I. Snegirevoi, 1897), 10–16Google Scholar; and Chetyrkin, I. N., ed., Istoriko-Statisticheskoe opisanie Arzamasskoi Alekseevskoi zhenskoi obshchiny (Nizhnii Novgorod, Russia: Tipografii Nizhegorodskogo Gubernskogo Pravleniia, 1887), 7Google Scholar. More examples are not har to find. Mikhail Fedorovich gave four courtyards in Kazan’ to the Bogoroditskii Devichii Convent in 1623 for a new building to house the Mother of God icon: Gramota 29 October 1623, f. 281, op. 4, d. 6456, RGADA. The Spaso-Preobrazhenskii Monaster received new land as military service lands (pomest'e) in 1638 to provide fo another new church to house the icon: Gramota, 16 April 1638, f. 281, op. 4, d. 6470, RGADA.

80. In a letter to Metropolitan Ioasaf of Kazan’ concerning the construction o a new cathedral for the Kazan’ Mother of God Icon, thanks are given to “Gurii, Varsonofii and German, Kazan's miracle-workers“: Gramota 380, 12 August 1678, Akty iuridicheskie, Hi sobranie form starinnago deloproizvozstva (St. Petersburg: Tipografiia i otdeleniia sobstvennoi E. I. V. Kantseliarii, 1838), 400-401.

81. Gramota 358, 18 July 1595, Akty, sobrannye v bibliotekakh i arkhivakh Rossiiskoi imperil arkheograficheskoio ekspeditsieiu imperatorskoi akademii nauk (St. Petersburg: Tipografii i otdeleniia sobstvennoi E. I. V. Kantseliarii, 1856), 1:436-39.

82. Gramota 823, 21 May 1680, Polnoe sobranie zakonov Russiiskoi Imperii (hereafte PS7.) (St. Petersburg: Tipografiia i otdelenie sobstvennoi ego Imperatorskogo Velichestv Kontseliariia, 1830), 2:267; Gramota 867, 16 May 1681, PSZ, 2:312-13; and Gramot 870, 24 May 1681, PSZ, 2:315.

83. A., Mozharovskii, “Po istorii prosveshcheniia,” 664-74Google Scholar.

84. C. Bickford, O'Brien, Muscovy and Ukraine: From the Pereiaslavl Agreement to the Truce of Andrusovo, 1654-1667 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963)Google Scholar; Denis J B., Shaw, “Southern Frontiers of Muscovy, 1550-1700,” in Studies in Russian Historical Geography, ed. J. H., Bater and R. A., French (London: Academic, 1983), 1:117-42Google Scholar; and Caro Belkin, Stevens, Soldiers on the Steppe: Army Reform and Social Change in Early Modern Russia (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1995)Google Scholar.

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86. For a general discussion of the Russian Schism and Old Believers, see L. E., Ankudi nova, “Sotsial'nyi sostav pervykh raskol'nikov,” Vestnik Leningradskogo universiteta: Seriia istorii, iazykii literatury 14 (1956): 54–68Google Scholar; Sergei, Zenkovskii, Russkoe staroobriadchestvo: Dukhovnye dvizheniia semnadtsatogo veka (Munich: W. Fink, 1970)Google Scholar; Nickola, Lupinin, Religious Revolt in the XVIIth Century: The Schism of the Russian Church (Princeton, N.J.: Kingston, 1984)Google Scholar; V. S., Rumiantseva, Narodnoe antitserkovnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v XVII veke (Moscow: Nauka, 1986)Google Scholar; Georg Berhard, Michels, At War with the Church: Religious Dissent in Seventeenth Century Russia (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

87. Gramota, 24 May 1681, PSZ, 2: 315; Gramota, 23 September 1682, PSZ, 2:67-68.

88. Gramota, no later than 12 October 1675, f. 159, Prikaznye dela novoi razborki, op. 3 Novgorodskii prikaz, d. 448, 11. 25-28, RGADA. 89. Gramota 208, 16 November 1687, Dokumenty i material]/ po istorii Mordovskoi ASSR, ed. D. Grekov and others (Saransk, Russia: Mordovskoi nauchno-issledovatel'skii institut, 1940), 2:72. This conclusion agrees with Georg Michels, who has recently demonstrate that after the Russian Church schism, Church officials actively pursued the retur of Old Believers, but ignored the continuing presence of non-Orthodox believers Michels, “Rescuing the Orthodox.“

90. While the precise amount of the financial incentives varied, during Peter th Great's reign some standards were established. For example, in Siberia Ostiaks and Tatar who converted to Orthodoxy were to be provided a new shirt, some tribute (iasak), and select privileges from the regional governors: Gramota, 6 December 1711, PSZ, 5:133.

91. F. G., Islaev, Pravoslavnye missionery v Povolzh'e (Kazan', Russia: Tatarskoe knizhno izdatel'stvo, 1999)Google Scholar; and Paul W., Werth, “Coercion and Conversion: Violence an Mass Baptism of the Volga Peoples, 1740-55,” Kritika 4:3 (2003): 543-69.Google Scholar