1 Ted, Campbell, John Wesley and Christian Antiquity: Religious Vision and Cultural Change (Nashville, Tenn.: Kingswood Books, 1991)Google Scholar; Keefer, L. L., “John Wesley: Disciple of Early Christianity,” Wesleyan Theological Journal 19 (1984): 23–32.Google Scholar

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4 Keefer, , “John Wesley: Disciple of Early Christianity,” 27–30.Google Scholar See Vanderpool's, H. Y. essay, “The Wesleyan-Methodist Tradition,” in Caring and Curing: Health and Medicine in the Western Religious Traditions, eds. Numbers, Ronald L. and Amundsen, Darrel W. (New York: Macmillan, 1986), 317–53, which considers Wesley's medical practice in the context of later Methodist healing traditions. My thanks to Amanda Porterfield for drawing attention to this work.Google Scholar

5 In a letter to his friend, Rev. Vincent Perronet, Wesley explained how he had decided to “prepare and give physic” out of sheer necessity. He wrote the letter in 1746 and a year later published Primitive Physic. See Telford, J., ed., The Letters of the Rev. John Wesley A.M, 8 vols. (London: Epworth, 1931), 2:307.Google Scholar

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9 Robert, Boyle, Medicinal Experiments: or, a Collection of Choice and Safe Remedies For the Most Part Simple and Easily Prepared, 4th ed. (1692; London: Samuel Smith, 1703)Google Scholar, n.p. In 1688 Boyle published a collection of recipes entitled “Receipts Sent to A Friend in America.” This collection was expanded and renamed “Medical Experiments” as a posthumous second edition in 1692. See Barbara Beigun, Kaplan, “Divulging of Useful Truths in Physic”: The Medical Agenda of Robert Boyle (Baltimore, Md.: John Hopkins University Press, 1993), 7.Google Scholar

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12 Rack, Henry D., “Doctors, Demons and Early Methodist Healing,” in The Church and Healing, ed. Sheils, W. J., Studies in Church History 19 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), 137–52, at 139.Google Scholar I also treat this argument in my article, “Experience and the Common Interest of Mankind: The Enlightened Empiricism of John Wesley's Primitive Physic,” British Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 26:1 (2003): 41–53.Google Scholar Felicity Heal modified this view in her study of hospitality in early modern England. She argued that by the time one reaches the clerical diaries of the eighteenth century, George Herbert's advice about hospitality and charity as a means of curing souls was outdated: “The good parson revelled in entertainment, and was on easy terms with most of his parish, but would have seen no purpose in providing them with general hospitality of any kind.” Heal does see that there were some clergymen who defended the apostolic ideal of open care, but “they were not normally the voices of mainstream Anglicanism: the greatest exponents of open hospitality were William Law … and John Wesley.” See Felicity, Heal, Hospitality in Early Modern England (Oxford: Clarendon, 1990), 298.Google Scholar

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14 “Dedication to the Parochial Clergy of this Kingdom,” in The Family Guide to Health, v.

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22 The idea for an infirmary in Westminster was conceived in 1716, but the Charitable Society discontinued its activities for three years before resuming to found and open the Infirmary between the years 1719–20. Samuel Wesley was part of an enlarged personnel of 1719. See Humble, J. G. and Peter, Hansell, eds., The Westminster Hospital, 1716–1966 (London: Pitman Medical, 1966)Google Scholar, which cites the Society Minutes. Craig Rose, “Evangelical Philanthropy and Anglican Revival,” London Review 16 (1991): 35–65.Google Scholar

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27 Wesley, Letters, 1:187.

28 Ibid.

29 Tyerman, , The Life and Times of the Rev. John Wesley, MA, 3 vols. (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1870–1872), 1:114Google Scholar; Schmidt, , John Wesley: A Theological Biography, 1:132–33Google Scholar; Campbell, , John Wesley and Christian Antiquity.Google Scholar

30 Tyerman, , The Life and Times of the Rev. Samuel Wesley, 215.Google Scholar

31 After the revolution of 1688, Horneck was appointed Chaplain to King William and Queen Mary. In 1693 he became Prebendary of Westminster.

32 Tyerman, , The Life and Times of the Rev. Samuel Wesley, 215.Google Scholar

33 Ibid.

34 The Society for the Reformation of Manners became defunct in 1730 but was revived by John Wesley, among others. By 1766 the Society ceased to exist—as a result of legal action taken against it, which resulted in their paying £300 in damages. The Society could not recover this loss.

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38 Wilson, , “The Politics of Medical Improvement in Early Hanoverian London,” 20–25.Google Scholar

39 Rose, “The Origins and Ideals of the SPCK 1699–1716.” A philanthropic initiative such as the charitable hospital was an instance where Anglicans and Dissenters could and did work together.

40 Tyerman, , The Life and Times of the Rev. Samuel Wesley, 228.Google Scholar

41 Ibid., 227.

42 Seen in the different views expressed in the work of Wilson and Rose. See Wilson, , “The Politics of Medical Improvement in Early Hanoverian London,” and Rose, “The Origins and Ideals of the SPCK.”Google Scholar Also see Lawrence, Susan C., Charitable Knowledge: Hospital Pupils and Practitioners in Eighteenth-Century London (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

43 Deborah, Valenze, “Charity, Custom and Humanity,” 63Google Scholar; Fissell, M. E., “Charity Universal? Institutions and Moral Reform in Eighteenth-Century Bristol,” in Stilling the Grumbling Hive: The Response to Social and Economic Problems in England, 1689–1750, eds. Davison, L., Hitchcock, T., Keirn, T. and others (New York: St. Martin's, 1992), 121–44.Google Scholar

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52 Porter argues that such acts of benevolence in Georgian England contrasted with those of the seventeenth century because they were stripped of their “sectarian sting” and theological “sniping” (Porter, “The Gift Relation,” 152).

53 Ibid., 162.

54 Ibid., 163.

55 Mandeville, B., An Essay on Charity and Charity Schools, 4th ed. (1724; London: J. Tonson, 1725), 24.Google Scholar

56 Mandeville, , The Fable of the Bets or Private Vices, Publick Benefits, 2 vols., with a commentary by F. B. Kaye (1723, 1728; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1924Google Scholar; reprint Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1988). For a full and illuminating discussion on this subject, see Hundert, E. J., “Sociability and Self-Love in the Theatre of Moral Sentiments: Mandeville to Adam Smith,” in Economy, Polity, and Society: British Intellectual History, 1750–1950, eds. Stefan, Collini, Richard, Whatmore, and Brian, Young (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 31–47, at 35.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For Wesley's, comment, see The Journal of the Rev. John Wesley (1827), 2:311.Google Scholar

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64 Haakonssen, L., Medicine and Morals in the Enlightenment: John Gregory, Thomas Percival and Benjamin Rush (Amsterdam: Clio Medica, 1997), 30.Google Scholar Margaret Pelling has made a similar point by tracing the etymological roots of the word “profession” with regards to medicine. She has seen how this word derived its meaning from a religious context: a member of a religious order “professed” when they took a public vow. After the Reformation, Pelling argues, this term began to acquire more “secular” applications relating to themes of public commitment or open avowal. See Pelling, , “Medical Practice in Early Modern England: Trade or Profession?” in The Professions in Early Modern England, ed. Wilfred, Prest (London: Croom Helm, 1987), 90–128.Google Scholar

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73 Ibid., xxxi.

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