2. The classic narrations are Augustin, Fliche, La réform grégorienne, 3 vols., Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniensis, Études et documents 6, 9, 16 (Louvain: Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniensis, 1924–1937)Google Scholar in which this man-to-man struggle dominates volume 2 on Gregory, especially chapters 1–3, and Gerd, Tellenbach, Libertas. Kirche und Weltordnung im Zeitalter des Investiturstreites (Leipzig: W. Kohlhammer, 1935)Google Scholar, Eng. trans, by Bennett, R. F., Church, State and Christian Society at the Time of the Investiture Controversy (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1966)Google Scholar. These two works were the starting points for distinct schools of interpretation, Fliche originating the Catholic narrative that depicted the Reform as Catholic orthodoxy struggling against secular oppression and Tellenbach portraying the conflict as ideological—that is, between two different views of the right ordering of the world. But Tellenbach's narration still focuses on the men who articulated these differing ideologies most forcefully. His long chapter on Gregory, VII in The church in western Europe from the tenth to the early-twelfth century, trans. Timothy, Reuter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993)Google Scholar culminates in Gregory's struggle with Henry IV. The Catholic narrative has been developed by Raffaello, Morghen, Gregorio VII e la riforma della chiesa nel secolo XI, nuova, ed. (Palermo: Palumbo, 1974)Google Scholar, and through Giovanni Battista Borino's Studi Gregoriani, published from 1947 on. But Tellenbach's school has dominated thinking about the Gregorian Reform over the twentieth century, particularly in English and American scholarship: Brooke, Z. N., “Lay Investiture and Its Relation to the Conflict of Empire and Papacy,” Proceedings of the British Academy 25 (1939): 217–47Google Scholar; Cantor, Norman F., Church, Kingship and Lay Investiture in England, 1089–1135 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1958CrossRefGoogle Scholar; reprinted New York: Octagon Books, 1969); Robinson, I. S., Authority and Resistance in the Investiture Contest: The Polemical Literature of the Late Eleventh Century (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978)Google Scholar. Gregory VII and Henry IV remain at the center of historical study of the movement with the publication of new biographies in 1998 and 1999: Cowdrey, H. E. J., Pope Gregory VII 1073–1085 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Robinson, I. S., Henry IV of Germany, 1056–1106 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).Google Scholar

3. Karl, Leyser, “On the Eve of the First European Revolution,” in Communications and Power in Medieval Europe: The Gregorian Revolution and Beyond, ed. Timothy, Reuter (London: Hambledon, 1994), 1–19Google Scholar; see also Colin, Morris, The Papal Monarchy: The Western Church from 1050 to 1250 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1989)Google Scholar; Cushing, Kathleen G.'s Papacy and Law in the Gregorian Revolution: The Canonistic Work of Anselm of Lucca (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Moore's, R. I.The First European Revolution c.970–1215 (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000) is a more far-reaching work and one that successfully avoids the men-versus-men narrative. While for Leyser the Gregorian Reform is the “First European Revolution,” for Moore it is only part of a larger social, cultural, and political transformation.Google Scholar

4. Emphasis on popular agitation and participation has allowed Marxist historians—most notably Ernst, Werner, Pauperes Christi: Studien zu sozial-religiösen Bewegungen im Zeitalter des Reformpapsttums (Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang, 1956)Google Scholar—and Italian scholars to recast the Reform narrative. Italian historians from Raffaello Morghen on have underscored popular religiosity and heresy as important motors of reform, even if these movements were ultimately stifled or coopted by Rome: Morghen, , Gregorio VII, especially 27–40, 49–59Google Scholar; Giovanni, Miccoli, Chiesa Gregoriana: Ricerche sulla Riforma del secolo XI (Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1966)Google Scholar; Cinzio, Violante, “La réforme ecclésiastique du Xle siècle: une synthèse progressive d'idées et de structures opposés,” Le Moyen Age: Revue d'histoire et de philologie 97 (1991): 355–65Google Scholar; and the discussion of John, Howe, Church Reform and Social Change in Eleventh-Century Italy: Dominic of Sora and His Patrons (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), xiv–xviiiGoogle Scholar. Important Anglophone contributions to this interpretive trend are Moore, R. I., “Family, Community and Cult on the Eve of the Gregorian Reform,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, ser. 5, 30 (1980): 49–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Moore, R. I., “Heresy, repression, and social change in the age of Gregorian reform,” in Christendom and its discontents: Exclusion, persecution, and rebellion, 1000–1500, eds. Waugh, Scott L., Diehl, Peter D. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 19–46Google Scholar; and Remensnyder, Amy G., “Pollution, Purity, and Peace: An Aspect of Social Reform between the Late Tenth Century and 1076,” in The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1000, eds. Thomas, Head, Richard, Landes (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992), 280–307Google Scholar. German scholars have departed from the top-down narrative by emphasizing reform currents among the clergy in the early eleventh century and the role of reformed monasticism: Johannes, Laudage, Priesterbild und Reformpapsttum im 11. Jahrhundert (Cologne: Böhlau, 1984)Google Scholar; Uta-Renate, Blumenthal, Der Investiturstreit (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1982)Google Scholar, trans, by the author, The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1988), especially 64–70.Google Scholar

5. Miller, Maureen C., The Formation of a Medieval Church: Ecclesiastical Change in Verona, 950–1150 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1993), 48–54Google Scholar; Antonio, Rigon, Clero e Città: «Fratalea cappellanorum'anime in Padova dal XIIal XV secolo (Padua: Istituto per la storia ecclesiastica padovana, 1988)Google Scholar; “Les Institutions ecclésiastiques en France de la fin du Xme au milieu du XIIme siècle,” in Histoire des institutions françaises au moyen age (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1962), 3:134–38Google Scholar; Laudage, , Priesterbild, 285–303.Google Scholar

6. For example, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, 53 vols., ed. Mansi, J. D. (Florence: Antonius Zata, 1759–1798), 19:245, 395; 21:523.Google Scholar

7. In Masculinity in Medieval Europe, ed. Hadley, D. M. (London: Longman, 1999), 60–177.Google Scholar

8. Early medieval popes do use the word, but more often exhorting lay people to act on behalf of the church: for example, in the correspondence of John, VIII, Patrologiae cursus completus, Series Latina, ed. Migne, J.-P., 221 vols. (Paris: Gamier, 1844–1864) [hereafter cited as PL] 126:664, 747, 813, 823, 831. In the reform era, the use of viriliter in papal rhetoric seems to increase markedly, and it is used to describe clerical action. Urban II, for example, in a letter of 1088 to a group of German bishops, used the word five times, urging them to defend and serve the church manfully. Calixtus II exhorted two bishops to defend a monastery viriliter and encouraged Peter, abbot-elect of Cluny in 1122, to manage (administrat) manfully. Honorius II congratulated an archbishop for having “manfully stood firm.” PL 151:283; 163:1120, 1256; 166:1259.Google Scholar

9. Rogers, Katharine M., The Troublesome Helpmate: A History of Misogyny in Literature (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1966), 56–99Google Scholar; Ferrante, Joan M., Woman as Image in Medieval Literature from the Twelfth Century to Dante (New York: Columbia University Press, 1975), 10–11Google Scholar; Bloch, R. Howard, Medieval Misogyny and the Invention of Western Romantic Love (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McNamara, Jo Ann, “The Herrenfrage: The Restructuring of the Gender System, 1050–1150,” in Medieval Masculinities: Regarding Men in the Middle Ages, ed. Lees, Clare A. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 3–29.Google Scholar

10. Laudage, , Priesterbild, 90–122Google Scholar; other important contributions on hagiography in the reform era are Pierre, Toubert, “Essai sur les modelès hagiographiques de la Rèforme grégorienne,” in Les structures du Latium médiéval: he Latium méridional et la Sabine du IXe à la fin du XIIe siècle, 2 vols. (Rome: École françhise de Rome, 1973), 806–40Google Scholar, reprinted in Pierre, Toubert, Etudes sur l'Italie médiévale (IXe—XIVe s.) (London: Variorum Reprints, 1976) no. IXGoogle Scholar; Paolo, Golinelli, “Negotiosus in causa ecclesiae: santi e santità nello scontro tra impero e papato da Gregorio VII ad Urbano II,” in Les fonctions des saints dans le monde occidental (IIIe–XIIIe siècle)Google Scholar, Actes du colloque organisé par l'École française de Rome avec le concours de l'Université de Rome «La Sapienza», Rome, 27–29 octobre 1988 (Rome: École française de Rome, 1991), 259–84; and Cushing, Kathleen L., “Events That Led to Sainthood: Sanctity and the Reformers in the Eleventh Century,” in Belief and Culture in the Middle Ages: Studies Presented to Henry Mayr-Harting, eds. Richard, Gameson, Henrietta, Leyser (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 187–96.Google Scholar

11. The only complete published version of this early-eleventh-century (ca. 1020–30) life of Ulrich written by Abbot Berno is in PL 142:1183–1204. Berno's dedicatory preface has been published separately, and there is also an early-thirteenth-century Middle High German translation of the life in print; see Laudage, , Priesterbild, 94Google Scholar, note 22. An edition of the earlier life written by Gerhard, of Augsburg between 983 and 993 is in the Acta sanctorum quotquot toto orbe coluntur, ed. Jean, Bolland and others, Editio nova (Paris: Victor Palmé, 1863–) [hereafter cited as AASS] 2 07. 97–131Google Scholar. A more authoritative edition was published by Waitz, G. in Monumenta Germaniae historica, Scriptorum (Hannover: Bibliopolius Hahnianius, 1826–Google Scholar; rpt., Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann; New York: Kraus, 1903–)[hereafter cited as MGH SS] 4:377–419, but this is now superceded by Gerhard von Augsburg Vita Sancti Uodalrici. Die älteste Lebensbeschreibung des heiligen Ulrich, ed. Walter, Berschin, Angelika, Häse (Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag C. Winter, 1993) [hereafter cited as Gerhard]. In the discussion that follows, I will be citing the PL edition of the life by Abbot Berno and this Berschin/Häse edition of Gerhard's Vita. Since this latter edition is not widely available, however, and since the chapter divisions of the vita vary, I will also give in parentheses citations to the MGH SS and AASS editions.Google Scholar

12. Laudage, , Priesterbild, 106–15.Google Scholar

13. “libellus, quern prae manibus habeo, coram vobis legatur, de vita et miraculis venerbilis Vdalrici, sanctae Augustane ecclesiae dudum episcopi”: Papsturkunden 896–1046 1:896–996, ed. Harald, Zimmerman (Vienna: Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1988) no. 315, 611–13Google Scholar; Bischof, Franz Xaver, “Die Kanonisation Bischof Ulrichs auf der Lateransynode des Jahres 993,” in Bischof Ulrich von Augsburg 890–973: Seine Zeit-sein Leben-seine Verehrung. Festschrift aus Anlaß des tausendjührigen jubiliiums seiner Kanonisation im Jahre 993, ed. Manfred, Weitlauff (Weißienhorn: Anton H. Konrad, 1993), 197–222Google Scholar. This bull is the first papal proclamation of canonization: Stefan, Kuttner, “La réserve papale du droit de canonisation,” in The History of Ideas and Doctrines of Canon Law in the Middle Ages (London: Variorum, 1980), 179Google Scholar; André, Vauchez, La sainteté en Occident aux derniers siècles du Moyen Age: D'après les procès de canonisation et les documents hagiographiques (Rome: École françhise de Rome, 1988), 25.Google Scholar

14. Bischof, , “Die Kanonisation Bischof Ulrichs,” 198.Google Scholar

15. Carl, Erdmann, “Bern von Reichenau und Heinrich III,” in Forschungen zur politischen Ideenwelt des Fruhmittelalters (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1951), 112Google Scholar; Konrad, Beyerle, “Zur Einführung in die Geschichte des Klosters, I: von der Gründung bis zum Ende des freiherrlichen Klosters,” in Die Kultur der Abtei Reichenau (Munich: Verlag der Münchner Drucke, 1925), 112/25–112/27Google Scholar; Joachim, Wollasch, “Monasticism: the First Wave of Reform,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 3, c. 900–c. 1024, ed. Timothy, Reuter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 171–72, 176–77, 180Google Scholar; Hermann in his Reichenau chronicle wrote that the king removed Immo for his cruelty (1008 Ipso anno Heinricus rex, cognita tandem post duos annos Ymmonis crudelitate, remote eo, Bern, virum doctum et pium, Prumiensem monachum Augiae constituit abbatem), MGH SS 5:119; John, Nightengale, Monasteries and Patrons in the Gorze Reform: Lotharingia c. 850–1000 (Oxford: Clarendon, 2001), 19.Google Scholar

16. Erdmann, , “Bern von Reichenau,” 112–19Google Scholar; Beyerle, , “Zur Einfürung,” 112/26Google Scholar; Manser, P. A., Konrad, Beyerle, “Aus dem liturgischen Leben der Reichenau,” in Die Kultur der Abtei Reichenau (see above, n. 15), 316–437Google Scholar; Alexander, Rausch, Die Musiktraktate des Abtes Bern von Reichenau: Edition und Interpretation (Tutzing: Schneider, 1999).Google Scholar

17. Franz-Josef, Schmale, “Zu den Briefen Berns von Reichenau,” Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 68 (1957): 69–95Google Scholar; Franz-Josef, Schmale, Die Briefe des Abtes Bern von Reichenau, Veröffentlichungen der Komission für geschichtliche Landeskunde in Baden-Württemberg, Reihe A Quellen 6. Band (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1961), nos. 2, 3, 5, 7, 9–11, 13–14, 16–17, 20—a third of the surviving letters are to bishops.Google Scholar

18. The young prince had been educated at the court of Bishop Bruno of Augsburg, and several lengthy letters from Berno to Henry survive from the 1040s: Ibid., nos. 4, 24, 26, 29–31; Erdmann, , “Bern von Reichenau,” 112–19Google Scholar; Stefan, Weinfurter, The Salian Century: Main Currents in an Age of Transition, trans. Bowlus, Barbara M. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 18–24, 85.Google Scholar

19. Beyerle, , “Zur Einführung,” 116.Google Scholar

20. Ibid., 112/12–112/13.

21. Schmale, , Die Briefe, no. 15, 47–49Google Scholar. On the monastery of Saints Ulrich and Afra, see Friedrick, Zoepfl, Geschichte des Bistums Augsburg und seiner Bischöfe im Mittelalter (Munich: Schnell & Steiner; Augsburg: Winfried-Werk, 1955), 88–89.Google Scholar

22. Gerhard 90, 110, 228 (MHG SS 4:386, 389, 405; AASS 2 Jul. 99, 101, 114). The figures deleted are Ulrich's teacher at the monastery of Saint Gall (Waning), the “doctissimus magister Benedictus monachus” who trained the bishop's nephew Adalbero and the “sanctus monachus” Hiltine who helped heal Ulrich by anointing him with the holy chrism that the saint had himself prepared.

23. Gerhard 252 (MHG SS 4:408; AASS 2 Jul. 116); PL 142:1199: “Igitur sanctus Dei, coelesti desiderio afflatus, coepit ea quae sunt hujus mundi fastidire, terrenarum rerum lucra Christi amori postponere: et, licet hic retineretur corpore, in coelestibus tamen conversabatur mente.”

24. Jaeger, C. Stephen, The Envy of Angels: Cathedral Schools and Social Ideals in Medieval Europe, 950–1200 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), 107, 114.Google Scholar

25. Gerhard 120–36 (MGH SS 4:391–93; AASS 2 Jul. 102–4).

26. Gerhard 142–46 (MGH SS 4:394; AASS 2 Jul. 105; PL 142:1192–93.

27. Two lay women—Ulrich's mother (both lives) and the Empress Adelaide (Gerhard's)— are mentioned, but only in passing: PL 142:1185; Gerhard 86, 244 (MHG SS 4:385, 407; AASS 2 Jul. 98, 116).

28. Gerhard 106–10, 208 (MHG SS 4:388, 403; AASS 2 Jul. 101, 111); PL 142:1192, 1196.

29. Gerhard 90–92 (MHG SS 4:386; AASS 2 Jul. 99).

30. PL 142:1186.

31. Gerhard 212, 236–40 (MHG SS 4:403, 406–7; AASS 2 Jul. 112, 115); PL 142:1196–97.

32. Gerhard 96–98 (MHG SS 4:387; AASS 2 Jul. 99), “machinatione nepotis sui burchardi ducis et aliorum propinquorum suorum heinrico regis praesentatus”; PL 142:1188, “totius cleri ac populi voto in unum concurrente, et Henrici regis voluntate in idipsum consentiente, idem vir Dei sanctus in cathedram episcopalem hac in urbe est sublimatus.”

33. Gerhard 110–12 (MHG SS 4:389; AASS 2 Jul. 101).

34. Gerhard 250–58 (MHG SS 4:408; AASS 2 Jul. 116).

35. After Berno relates that the other bishops at the synod did promise to elevate Adalbero to the see if there were no other who ought to be ordained, he explodes: “Sed non est sapientia, non est prudentia, non est consilium contra Dominum. Nam eodem anno post aliquot menses, dum quadam die jam ad vesperam inclinante praedictus clericus [Adalbero] ad mensam cum viro Dei noviter secta vena resideret, ac quidquam molestiae propter incisionem venae sustineret, et consessus medio concitus surgens, cubitum ire perrexit, statimque in ipsa nocte praesentis vitae terminum clausit.” PL 142:1200. Just before Ulrich's death, Berno also inserts a long passage condemning the bishop's attempted nepotism (PI 142:1201–2). Ulrich sees Adalbero in a dream and acknowledges that some punishment awaits him for having consented to his nephew's ambitions. But Berno uses the story of the deacon Paschasius from Gregory the Great's Dialogues (4.42) to cast Ulrich's error in the best possible light. Paschasius had sinned through ignorance, and although still punished, his sanctity and miracle-working power were unimpaired.

36. The two noble nephews ask Ulrich to show them the church where the bodies of their relatives are buried; holy Ulrich, out of love for them, did as they asked, “although he knew with great certainty that his body would be the next placed there.” Gerhard 264–66 (MHG SS 4:410; AASS 2 Jul. 117).

37. Gerhard 214–20 (MHG SS 4:404; AASS 2 Jul. 113).

38. PL 142:1197.

39. Gerhard 200 (MHG SS 4:402; AASS 2 Jul. 111), “gloriosa victoria ottoni regi a deo cui nihil inpossibile est data est.”

40. PL 142:1195.

41. PL 142:1192; also in Gerhard 108 (MHG SS 4:389; AASS 2 Jul. 101).

42. In both lives the Saint is saved by Count Adalbero (who is killed) and Thietbald, the brother of the bishop. PL 142:1194; Gerhard 182–84 (MHG SS 4:399–400; AASS 2 Jul. 108–9).

43. In the vision, Ulrich is shown two swords—one without and one with a hilt. Saint Peter tells Ulrich, “Dic regi Henrico: Ensis absque capulo significat ilium, qui sine unctione regnat in populo. At alter capulatus illum, qui per sacrae benedictionis ordinem divinirus fuerit coronatus.” PL 142:1192.

44. PL 142:1191; Gerhard 106 (MHG SS 4:385; AASS 2 Jul. 100).

45. Gerhard 284–86 (MHG SS 4:412–13; AASS 2 Jul. 119–20); PL 142:1202.

46. PL 142:1190, 1198; Ulrich foretells his imminent death “coram adstantibus clericis,” just after celebrating, “ut mos est, clericorum officio” (1202, cap. 23).

47. Gerhard 278, 280, 282, 284 (MGH SS 4:412–13; AASS 2 Jul. 119, 120).

48. PL 142:1201–3.

49. Laudage, , Priesterbild, 113.Google Scholar

50. Gerhard 142 (MGH SS 4:394; AASS 2 Jul. 105): “Gratum & necessarium iter populis, cum quarto anno secundum constitutionem canonum ministerium suum adimplendum, causa regendi et praedicandi atque confirmandi diocesim sibi commissam visitare decrevisset. Eodem modo sicut superius diximus, in solio carpenti superposito sedebat, psalmosque solito more decantabat, eunuchum illum imitans qui legens esaiam prophetam, super currum suum sedens per viam pergebat, cui praecipiente spiritu sancto philippus adiunctus est qui ab eo praedicatus et baptizatus, fidem sanctae trinitatis accepit, aestimans pro certo quantum se colloquiis humanis subtraxisset, ut tantum se divinis propinquiorem facere potuisset.”

51. This exegetical tradition—distinguishing “between unmanly eunuchs who castrated their bodies and manly eunuchs who castrated their spirits but left their bodies intact”— aided the leaders of the early church in articulating a new Christian masculinity that resolved for many late Roman men some of the dissonances between classical masculine ideals and late ancient realities (for example, military defeats, the decline of patria potestas). Mathew, Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity, Gender Ambiguity, and Christian Ideology in Late Antiquity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), especially 245–83, quotations on 245 and 267–68.Google Scholar

52. Gerhard 88–90 (MGH SS 4:385; AASS 2 Jul. 98–99).

53. Alcuin's vita of St. Willibrord depicts him as weaned nearly immediately after birth and given over to the study of sacred letters as an infantulus (PL 101:969); Herbert of Boseham described St. Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury as ablactatus a lacte, appulsus ab uberibus in sapientia et scientia magnus effectus est (PL 190:1285); Donald, Weinstein, Bell, Rudolph M., Saints and Society: The Two Worlds of Western Christendom, 1000–1700 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 24–25.Google Scholar

54. PL 142:1185–86.

55. PL 142:1186–87: “Et licet multa tam a paganis quam a malis Christianis sis passurus adversa, tu tamen, confisus in eo qui dixit: ‘Confidite, ego vici mundum’ superabis universa, dicens cum Psalmista: ‘In Deo faciemus virtutem, et ipse ad nihilum deducet inimicos nostros.’”

56. Gerhard 112, 194 (MGH SS 4:389; AASS 2 Jul. 101, 110); PL 142:1195.

57. Gerhard 140, 278 (MGH SS 4:394, 412; AASS 2 Jul. 104, 119). The AASS edition includes chapter titles not original to the text; one for chapter 5 (106)—Frequens & potens fuerit S. Udalricus in subditis ad virtutem exstimulandis hortator—mentions virtus, but note again that it is attributed to others. Later in the same chapter, paraphrasing Ulrich's teaching, the author notes generally that God set forth eight beatitudes in the Gospels for our consolation and strengthening, so that when tempted by evil spirits, no force can uproot them (eas evellere virtus non concedatur): Gerhard 160–62 (MGH SS 4:397; AASS 2 Jul. 107).

58. Catalogi Bibliothecarum Antiqui, ed. Gustavus, Becker (Bonn: Max Cohen, 1885), 7, 21Google Scholar; Paul, Lehmann, “Die mittelalterliche Bibliothek,” in Die Kultur der Abtei Reichenau (see above, note 15), 645–56.Google Scholar

59. The two other early-eleventh-century vitae Laudage discussed exhibit only some of the relationships among men that appear in such high relief in the reformed redaction of Ulrich's life. In the life of Bishop Burchard of Worms, for example, there is a demonized lay male who figures in the narrative as a representative of all that is wrong in the diocese before the arrival of Burchard. Duke Otto and his son Conrad dominate the city from their towered stronghold, and “at this house, the robbers and thieves and all the criminals arrayed against the bishop had their very sure refuge.” The saint, of course, vanquishes the opposition and uses the stone of the iniquitous lay lair to build a house of regular canons. But he did have the assistance of King Henry in his struggles, and helpful royal males also figure prominently in the life of Bishop Bernward of Hildesheim. In Bernward's long struggle with the convent of Gandersheim, he goes to Rome for help and is received by both the pope and the emperor (Otto III). But in resolving the conflict, the power of a royal male—Henry, first as “dux potentissimus” then as king—is given greater emphasis than the efficacy of papal and conciliar sanctions. The long section of the life of Bernward emphasized by Laudage as evidence of new priestly ideals, however, conforms to the image of Bishop Ulrich as lone leader. Bernward protects his people from invasions of “pirates and other barbarians,” he builds walls and towers for the city, and he enriches and ornaments his church. All this is accomplished, in the vita at least, without any help whatsoever. “Vita Burchardi Episcopi,” ed. G. Waitz in MGH SS 4:835–77; “Vita Bernwardi episcopi Hildesheimensis auctore Thangmaro,” ed. G. H. Pertz in MGH SS 4:767–71, 775–77; Laudage's, discussion of the life of Bernward is Priesterbild, 94–104.Google Scholar

60. There are two lives: one written by Giordano for the chapter of Città del Castello [François, Dolbeau, “La vita di Sant'Ubaldo, vescovo di Gubbio, attribuita a Giordano di Città del Castello,” Bollettino della Deputazione di storia patria per l'Umbria 74 (1977): 81–116Google Scholar] and the vita by Bishop Tebaldus [AASS 3 Maii: 627–34], Giordano's life is the earliest (Tebaldus incorporated sections of it), but it circulated in houses of regular canons, primarily in northern Italy. Tebaldus's life is fuller and was the basis for the local veneration of the saint in Gubbio, in other towns in Umbria, and in the rest of Europe when the cult became more diffused from the late fourteenth century: Nel segno del santo protettore: Ubaldo vescovo, taumaturgo, santo, Atti del Convego internazionale di studi, Gubbio, 15–19 dicembre 1986, ed. Stefano, Brufani, Enrico, Menestò, 2nd ed. (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo, 1992), especially 189–208Google Scholar on the manuscript diffusion of the two vite; Papi, Anna Benvenuti, Pastori di popolo: Storie e leggende di vescovi e di città nell'Italia medievale (Florence: Arnaud, 1988), 189–96.Google Scholar

61. Orselli, Alba Maria, “Ubaldo di Gubbio: quale «segno» per una città?” in Nel segno del santo protettore, 151–60, but shared also by others contributing to this volume (Antonella degl'Innocenti, 222; Claudio Leonardi, 231, 234–37).Google Scholar

62. Ubaldus as a youth left Gubbio's cathedral chapter, where he was being educated, because “illius ecclesiae clericos inordinate vivere, nulliusque religionis regulam servare videret.” He chose, instead to join a house of regular canons, but later reforms the cathedral chapter: AASS 3 Maii: 628; when the see of Gubbio became vacant, the chapter could not agree on a candidate, but Ubaldus goes to Rome, and the pope consecrates him to the see (629).

63. Points of comparison may be found in the vitae of Saints Berardus Bishop of Marsi, Peter Bishop of Anagni, and Bruno Bishop of Segni, which Pierre Toubert discussed as outlining a hagiographical model of the reformed bishop in the region surrounding Rome: Toubert, , “Essai sur les modèles hagiographiques,” in Les structures du Latium médiéval (see above, note 10). Most of the named actors in these lives are clerics; popes, cardinals, and other bishops are commanding figures in all three. Pope Paschal II calls the young Berardus to Rome and brings Bruno with him to Apulia (Ughelli, IS, 1:895; AASS 4 Jul. 482). Pope Alexander II sends Peter on a legation to Constantinople after Cardinal Altebrandus had recruited him for the papal chapel (AASS 1 Aug. 236, 235). In the life of Bruno, Pope Gregory VII, with the counsel of Bishop Peter of Albano, decides to raise Bruno to the see of Segni; Bishop Peter accompanies him there and persuades the canons to elect him (AASS 4 Jul. 479–80). Bishop Pandulphus of Marsi is the one who recognized the virtue of young Berardus, ordaining him an acolyte and sending him to Monte Cassino to be educated. The diocesan clergy also figure in the life of Berardus of Marsi: an “honest cleric” named Benedict Gisonis and his camerarius and “fellow priest” (consacerdos) witness miracles worked by the holy bishop (Ughelli, IS, 1:895, 898). In the life of Lanfranc Bishop of Pavia, the only named individuals, beside the bishop, are his predecessor Bishop Peter and Pope Alexander III: AASS 4 Junii 534.Google Scholar

64. AASS 3 Maii 628 (Bishop John), 629 (Pope Honorius and Bishop Stephen), 631 (the priest Azo and Emperor Frederick): “Imperatori dedit Deus gratiam in conspectu B. Ubaldi ut eum Sanctum intelligeret, reverenter susciperet, honorifice tractaret, et quae vir Dei postulasset libenter annueret. Cui etiam munificus Imperator scutellam argenteam cum multis aliis muneribus obtulit; et ejus genibus inclinatus, illius se orationibus suppliciter commendavit, atque humiliter postulatam benedictionis gratiam obtinuit.”

65. AASS 3 Maii 630. In all three of Toubert's paradigmatic “reformed”lives (Sts. Berardus of Marsi, Peter of Anagni, Bruno of Segni), the central drama is the struggle of the holy bishop against evil lay men. Berardus was opposed by Count Peter Colonna who, “at the instigation of the devil,” occupied papal lands in Campania, robbing and pillaging. This powerful lay man has the holy Berardus beaten and thrown into an empty cistern. Later in the life, the author exclaimed “this pious prelate was expelled from his own see a hundred times, what wickedness!, by the barons and many tyrants dwelling there in the see of Marsi who had been excommunicated for their evil deeds” (Ughelli, IS, 1:896, 898). Peter of Anagni's biggest challenge within his diocese was the reconstitution of the see's patrimony, which his predecessors had allowed to be usurped by “powerful lay men” (AASS 1 Aug. 235, 236). And Bishop Bruno of Segni is opposed by “one of the sons of Belial, Aynulfus Count of the city of Segni.” The evil count waylays the bishop and incarcerates him in a towered castle. He subjects Bruno to numerous indignities, but the holy man responds with miracles and forgiveness. Finally, God liberates his servant, allowing the enemies of Count Aynulfus to overwhelm him (AASS 4 Jul. 481–82).

66. AASS 3 Maii 631. Bernard degli Uberti, bishop of Parma: MGH SS 30:1326. If the bishop faced no actual military encounters, his bravery and virile strength are revealed in the fight against heretics or schismatics. Bishop Lanfranc of Pavia is described as “a skilled liberator of the Catholic faith, a faithful defender, and a most powerful conqueror (fortissimus expugnator) of heretics” AASS 4 Junii 1094.

67. AASS 3 Maii 628. In the wake of reform, holy bishops abound in virtus and do many things viriliter: Burchard Bishop of Worms (1000–1025) manfully withstood (viriliter resistendo) false accusations and calamities for the sake of his flock (the vita was written shortly after the prelate's death: MGH SS 4:832); Lawrence Bishop of Amalfi, in his eleventh-century life of Saint Zenobius, described this early bishop of Florence as manfully conquering (viriliter expugnabat) those usurping the goods of the church with the “efficacious armaments of prayer” (AASS 6 Maii 59); Bishop Radbod of Noyon and Tournai (d. 1098) wrote the life of Saint Medard, his sixth-century predecessor in the sees, and portrayed him as manfully crushing vice and opposing pagans (PL 150:1508); Saint Peter of Anagni (d. 1105), sent on a papal mission to the Byzantine emperor, is exhorted to strengthen himself manfully (te oportet … viriliter confortari) for the coming challenges of his mission (AASS 3 Aug. 236); Saint Anselm of Canterbury (d. 1109, vita by his disciple Eadmer [d. 1124?]) defended the goods of his church viriliter (PL 158:86); Saint Hugh Bishop of Lincoln (1181–1200) resisted temptations of the flesh viriliter and manfully defended the immunities of his church against the king (PL 153:959, 1022).

68. AASS 3 Maii 630.

69. Barstow, Anne Llewellyn, Married Priests and the Reforming Papacy: The Eleventh-Century Debates (New York: Edwin Mellen, 1982), 178–80.Google Scholar

70. McNamara, , “The Herrenfrage,” (above, note 9) 11.Google Scholar

71. Dyan, Elliott, Fallen Bodies: Pollution, Sexuality, & Demonology in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 100–106.Google Scholar

72. Ibid., 223–26, notes 88–114: namely, to Bishop Cunibert of Turin, to Desiderius Abbot of Montecassino, to Archbishop Henry of Ravenna, to Archpriest Peter, to popes Nicholas II and Leo IX.

73. Also, Megan, McLaughlin, “The Bishop as Bridegroom: Marital Imagery and Clerical Celibacy in the Eleventh and Early Twelfth Centuries,” in Medieval Purity and Piety: Essays on Medieval Clerical Celibacy and Religious Reform, ed. Michael, Frassetto (New York: Garland, 1998): 209–37.Google Scholar

74. Moore, , “Family, Community and Cult,” (above note 4), 51–56Google Scholar; Moore, , First European Revolution (above note 3), 7–23.Google Scholar

75. Ibid., 61–62.

76. Robinson, I. S., “The Friendship Network of Gregory VII,” History 63 (1978): 1–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Robinson, I. S., “The Friendship Circle of Bernold of Constance and the Dissemination of Gregorian Ideas in Late Eleventh-Century Germany,” in Friendship in Medieval Europe, ed. Julian, Haseldine (Thrupp-Stroud, U.K.: Sutton, 1999), 185–98Google Scholar; North, William L., “In the Shadows of Reform: Exegesis and the Formation of a Clerical Elite in the Works of Bruno, Bishop of Segni (1078/9–1123),” (Ph.D. diss., University of California Berkeley, 1998).Google Scholar

77. Gerd, Althoff, “Friendship and Political Order,” in Friendship in Medieval Europe, 91–105.Google Scholar