1. Although Vincent Harding has not attempted a systematic analysis of Beecher's antislavery thought, he has offered some valuable insights in the course of his intellectual biography of Beecher. “Lyman Beecher and the Transformation of American Protestantism” (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Chicago, 1965), passim.Google Scholar

2. The Liberator: William Lloyd Garrison (Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., 1963), p. 58.Google Scholar

3. The Autobiography of Lyman Beecher, ed. Barbara M. Cross (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, Belknap Press, 1961), p. xiGoogle Scholar. See also 1, p. xxxi.

4. The Antislavery Impulse, 1830–1844 ([orig. 1933] New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1964), p. 95. See pp. 228–30.Google Scholar

5. The Protestant Clergy and Public Issues, 1812–1848 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954), p. 142. See pp. 141–42Google Scholar. See also Cole, Charles C. Jr, The Social Ideas of Northern Evangelists, 1826–1860 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1954), pp. 198–99.Google Scholar

6. Murray, , Presbyterians and the Negro—A History (Philadelphia: Presbyterian Historical Society, 1966), pp. 78, 95Google Scholar. Murray does not explain when and under what circumstances Beecher gave up colonization. Wyatt-Brown, , Lewis Tappan and the Evangelical War against Slavery (Cleveland: Press of Case-Western Reserve University, 1969), p. 85.Google Scholar

7. Merideth, , The Politics of the Universe: Edward Beecher, Abolition, and Orthodoxy (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 1968), pp. 88–90Google Scholar and Ratner, , Powder Keg: Northern Opposition to the Antislavery Movement, 1831–1840 (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1968), pp. 98–100, 102.Google Scholar

8. A notable exception is Marty's, Martin E.Righteous Empire: The Protestant Experience in America (New York: The Dial Press, 1970).Google Scholar

9. Redeemer Nation: The Idea of America's Millennial Role (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1968), Chapter 5. He has treated Beecher on pp. 169–71.Google Scholar

10. A Christian America: Protestant Hopes and Historical Realities (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), p. 48.Google Scholar

11. See especially ibid., pp. 60–63.

12. The Autobiography of Lyman Beecher, ed. Cross, 1, p. xxixGoogle Scholar. See 1, pp. xviii-xix.

13. For an astute interpretation of the themes of subversion and counter-subversion in pre-Civil War America, see Davis, David Brion, “Some Themes of Counter-Subversion: An Analysis of Anti-Masonic, Anti-Catholic, and Anti-Mormon Literature,” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 47 (09, 1960), pp. 205–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Davis, David Brion, “Some Ideological Functions of Prejudice in Ante-Bellum America” American Quarterly, 15 (Summer, 1963), pp. 115–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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15. Ibid., p. 1.

16. For a general account of the slow beginnings of the colonization movement in New England, see Staudenraus, P. J., The African Colonization Movement, 1816–1865 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), pp. 76, 79, 86–87, and Chap. XI.Google Scholar

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21. The African Repository and Colonial Journal, 11 (07, 1836), pp. 205–06.Google Scholar

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26. Sermons Delivered on Various Occasions (Boston: T. R. Marvin, 1828), p. 76.Google Scholar

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28. Ibid., p. 414. See pp. 398–99.

29. Ibid., p. 394.

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32. The African Repository and Colonial Journal, 10 (11, 1834), p. 279.Google Scholar

33. Ibid.

34. Ibid.

35. Ibid., p. 283.

36. Professor George M. Frederickson's interpretation of colonization confirms this conclusion of my own independent research. The Black Image in the White Mind, pp. 1–21.

37. The African Repository and Colonial Journal, 10 (11, 1834), p. 281Google Scholar. For interesting comparisons, see The Christian Spectator, 5 (09, 1823), pp. 485–493 and 10 (11, 1828), p. 495Google Scholar; Dana, , A Discourse …., pp. 8–10Google Scholar; Wheeler, John, A Sermon, Preached before the Vermont Colonization Society, at Montpelier, October 25, 1825 (Windsor: W. Spooner, 1825), pp. 5, 19–20Google Scholar; and The Quarterly Christian. Spectator, 2 (09, 1830), pp. 470–71 and 5 (06, 1832), p. 326.Google Scholar

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41. The African Repository and Colonial Journal, 10 (11, 1834), p. 281.Google Scholar

42. For some discussions of this theme by New England colonizationists, see The Christian Spectator, 5 (09 1823), p. 493Google Scholar; Dana, , A Discourse …, p. 9Google Scholar; Wheeler, , A Sermon …;, pp. 13–1419–20Google Scholar; Address to the Public, by the Managers of the Colonization Society of Connecticut. With an Appendix (New Haven: Treadway and Adams, 1828), pp. 4–5Google Scholar; Smith, Reuben, Africa Given to Christ: A Sermon Preached before the Vermont Colonization Society, at Montpelier, Oct. 20, 1830 (Burlington: Chauncey Goodrich, 1830), pp. 6–9Google Scholar; and The Quarterly Christian Spectator, 3 (03, 1831), pp. 56–75Google Scholar; 6 (September, 1834), pp. 447–51; and 7 (December, 1835), p. 524.

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44. Frederickson, , The Black Image in the White Mind, p. 19Google Scholar. See pp. 16–21, 30.

45. Address to the Public, …, p. 5. For a description of the vast discrimination against blacks in free states, see Litwack, Leon F., North of Slavery: The Negro in the Free States, 1790–1860 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1961).Google Scholar

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52. A Sermon …, pp. 19–20. This was affirmed by other New England colonizationists, for instance, The Christian Spectator, 5 (10, 1823), pp. 542, 548Google Scholar and The Quarterly Christian Spectator, 4 (06, 1832), p. 327Google Scholar; and 6 (September, 1835), pp. 509–10.

53. The Spirit of the Pilgrims, 6 (07, 1833), p. 398.Google Scholar

54. Ibid., pp. 398–99.

55. The African Repository and Colonial Journal, 10 (11, 1834), p. 283.Google Scholar

56. Ibid., p. 280.

57. His first public statement of this position appeared in The Spirit of the Pilgrims, 6 (07, 1833), pp. 396–402.Google Scholar

58. Ibid., p. 281.

59. Nathaniel William Taylor, 1786–1858: A Connecticut Liberal (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1942), p. 206.Google Scholar

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61. McLoughlin, William G. Jr, Modern Revivalism: Charles Grandison Finney to Billy Graham (New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1959), p. 37.Google Scholar

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64. The African Repository and Colonial Journal, 10 (11, 1834), p. 279.Google Scholar

65. Ibid., p. 282.

66. Ibid., p. 281. See pp. 281–82.

67. The Spirit of the Pilgrims, 6 (07, 1833), p. 396.Google Scholar

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69. Ibid., p. 281.

70. Ibid., p. 280. See pp. 280–81.

71. Ibid., p. 283.

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74. History of the Foundation …, p. 39.

75. Ibid., p. 40.

76. Wyatt-Brown, , Lewis Tappan …, p. 177.Google Scholar

77. For a perceptive treatment of how the concept of the moral government of God was interpreted and used by Timothy Dwight, Nathaniel William Taylor and Lyman Beecher, see Smith, Elwyn A., “The Voluntary Establishment of Religion,” in Elwyn A. Smith, ed., The Religion of the Republic, pp. 154–82.Google Scholar

78. The Spirit of the Pilgrims, 6 (07, 1833), p. 401.Google Scholar

79. The African Repository and Colonial Journal, 10 (11, 1834), p. 282.Google Scholar

80. Ibid.

81. Ibid., p. 281.

82. Beecher, , Works, 1, p. 409.Google Scholar

83. Cross, ed., The Autobiography of Lyman Beecher, 2, p. 260.Google Scholar

84. Stowe, Charles Edward and Stowe, Lyman Beecher, Harriet Beecher Stowe: The Story of Her Life (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1911), p. 140.Google Scholar

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86. The Autobiography of Lyman Beecher, 2, pp. 259–60.

87. The New York Evangelist, 7 (07 9, 1836), p. 110Google Scholar. Apart from the claim of abolitionist William Goodell that Beecher masterminded these prohibitory resolutions. I have found no other incriminating evidence. See The Friend of Man, 1 (08 11, 1836), p. 30Google Scholar and Barnes, , The Antislavery Impulse, 1830–1814, pp. 95–96Google Scholar. Vincent Harding has argued persuasively that the Reverend Leonard Bacon and Beecher planned this action mainly in order to keep the Reverend Asahel Nettleton and his ilk out of New England pulpits where they could conveniently attack the New Haven theology. “Lyman Beecher …,” pp. 584–86.

88. The Autobiography of Lyman Beecher, 2, p. 321. The most recent and convincing discussion of the Presbyterian schism is by Marsden, George M., The Evangelical Mind and the New School Presbyterian Experience: A Case Study of Thought and Theology in Nineteenth-Century America (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1970), Chaps. 3–4Google Scholar. He has demonstrated that slavery was only one causative factor in the division of the Presbyterian Church.

89. Vincent Harding cited an anonymous letter, perhaps written by Beecher. that appeared in the Cincinnati Journal, July 13, 1837, contending that New School Presbyterians would not become radical abolitionists as a result of the schism. “Lyman Beecher …,” p. 604.

90. Birney, James Gillespie to Tappan, Lewis, 07 29, 1837. Letters of James Gillespie Birney, ed. Dumond, Dwight L. (New York and London: D. Appleton - Century Company, 1938), 1, p. 399.Google Scholar

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95. Ibid., p. 169.

96. Lane Seminary gave sanctuary to some blacks during this riot. Harding, , “Lyman Beecher …,” pp. 573–74.Google Scholar

97. The Autobiography of Lyman Beecher, 2, p. 335. But in a recruitment letter of the Reverend Thomas Brainerd, an Old School Presbyterian leader in Virginia, on May 23, 1840, Beecher also said: “‘Our trustees and faculty are not abolitionists [did he mean radical abolitionists]—and our students are conservatives rather than ultra and young men from the south will not be annoyed here or disqualified for usefulness at home.’” Harding, , “Lyman Beecher …,” p. 624, n. 1.Google Scholar

98. Birney, James Gillespie to Tappan, Lewis, 04 29, 1836, Letters of James Gillespie Birney, 1, p. 321.Google Scholar

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100. Ibid., pp. 89–90.

101. The Cincinnati Observer, 1 (11 5, 1840).Google Scholar

102. The Watchman of the Valley (Cincinnati), 3 (11 10, 1842).Google Scholar

103. The Watchman of the Valley (Cincinnati), 1 (05 13, 1841).Google Scholar

104. Howard, , “The Anti-Slavery Movement …,” p. 98. See pp. 98–99Google Scholar. The Watchman of the Valley (Cincinnati), 3 (06 1, 1843).Google Scholar

105. The Watchman of the Valley (Cincinnati), 2 (06 23, 1842), p. 168.Google Scholar

106. For discussions of the Graham case, see The Cause and Manner of the Trial and Suspension of the Rev. William Graham, by the New School Synod of Cincinnati (Privately printed, n.d.) and Howard, , “The Anti-Slavery Movement …,” pp. 112–14Google Scholar. There is also ample material in the pages of The Watchman of the Valley (Cincinnati), beginning December 5, 1844, and continuing into 1846.

107. Marsden, , The Evangelical Mind …, pp. 99–100.Google Scholar

108. The Cause and Manner …, p. 8.

109. Ibid.

110. Ibid., p. 10.

111. In 1844 the Synod of Cincinnati censured Graham and instructed his presbytery to continue their efforts to reclaim him, and in 1845 the synod suspended him from the ministry. Although this judgment against Graham was overturned by the General Assembly in 1846 and sent back to synod for correction, nothing further happened because Graham moved into the Old School Presbyterian Church.

112. The Watchman of the Valley (Cincinnati), 6 (01 1, 1846), p. 54.Google Scholar

113. The Watchman of the Valley (Cincinnati), 6 (02 20, 1845), p. 82.Google Scholar

114. The Boston Recorder, 21 (08 26, 1836), p. 140.Google Scholar

115. Ibid. Beecher invoked some of the same biblical arguments used by immediatists in the 1830s. See Shanks, Caroline L., “The Biblical Anti-Slavery Argument of the Decade 1830–1840”, Journal of Negro History, 16 (04, 1931), pp. 132–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Marsden, , The Evangelical Mind …, pp. 100–03.Google Scholar

116. The Watchman of the Valley (Cincinnati), 6 (02 20, 1845), p. 82.Google Scholar

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