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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 March 2021
Over the course of the early modern period, parish, monastic, and pilgrimage churches across Catholic Europe and beyond eagerly sought to acquire the relics of ancient Roman martyrs excavated from the Eternal City's catacombs. Between 1648 and 1803, the duchy of Bavaria welcomed nearly 350 of these “holy bodies” to its soil. Rather than presenting the remains as fragments, as was common during the medieval period, local communities forged catacomb saint relics into gleaming skeletons and then worked to write hagiographical narratives that made martyrs’ lives vivid and memorable to a population unfamiliar with their deeds. Closely examining the construction and material presentation of Bavarian catacomb saints as well as the vitae written for them offers a new vantage point from which to consider how the intellectual movement known as the paleo-Christian revival and the scholarship it produced were received, understood, and then used by Catholic Europeans in an everyday religious context. This article demonstrates that local Bavarian craftsmen, artists, relic decorators, priests, and nuns—along with erudite scholars in Rome—were active in bringing the early Christian church to life and participated in the revival as practitioners and creative scholars in their own right.
I presented an early version of this paper at a conference on “Christian Time in Early Modern Europe” at Princeton University in 2017. I would like to thank Tony Grafton and Carolina Mangone for the invitation to participate and all the other participants for their thoughtful feedback. In addition, I would like to thank my colleagues in the History Faculty Seminar at UNLV—especially Elizabeth Nelson—who provided invaluable comments on the article in its later stages. Finally, I wish to thank the German Academic Exchange Service (Deutscher Akademischer Austausch Dienst), the Central European History Society, the Lemmermann Foundation, and the University of Pennsylvania School of Arts & Sciences for grants which supported research for this article.
1 For an overview of the circulation of catacomb saints relics during the early modern period, see articles in Baciocchi, Stéphane and Duhamelle, Christophe, eds., Reliques romaines: invention et circulation des corps saints des catacombes à l’époque moderne (Rome: École française de Rome, 2016)Google Scholar.
2 Jordan von Wasserburg, Willkomm und Geistliche Begrüssung, einer edlen Römerin und Blut-Zeugin Christi, S. Juliae [. . .] (Landshut: Golowitz, 1710), A–4r: “Die Kirchen und Gottesäuser unsers andächtigen Teutsch-und Vatterlands / deren fast eine jede verlanget / von euch einen heiligen Leichnamb zu haben.” Here “euch” refers to the company of Christian martyrs buried in the catacombs of Rome, whom Wasserburg is addressing in his sermon.
3 Noria Kate Litaker, “Embodied Faith: Whole-Body Catacomb Saints in the Duchy of Bavaria, 1578–1803” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2017), 268–286.
4 This thesis was first articulated by Cesare Baronio in his 12-volume history of the church, the Annales ecclesiastici (1588–1607).
5 For a concise overview of the confessional debates around church history in the early modern period, see Anthony Grafton, “Church History in Early Modern Europe: Tradition and Innovation,” in Sacred History: Uses of the Christian Past in the Renaissance World, ed. Simon Ditchfield, Katherine van Liere, and Howard Louthan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 3–36.
6 Ditchfield, Simon, “Thinking with the Saints: Sanctity and Society in the Early Modern World,” Critical Inquiry 35, no. 3 (Spring 2009): 555CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
7 Gregory, Brad S., Salvation at Stake: Christian Martyrdom in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999), 272Google Scholar.
8 Baronio, Cesare, Martyrologium Romanum (Rome: Dominici Basae, 1586), i–xivGoogle Scholar. For more information on the importance of martyrdom in the early modern period, see Peter Burschel, Sterben und Unsterblichkeit: zur Kultur des Martyriums in der frühen Neuzeit (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 2004); Brad Gregory, “Persecutions and Martyrdom,” in The Cambridge History of Christianity: Reform and Expansion 1500–1660, ed. R. Po-chia Hsia, vol. 6 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 261–282; and Gregory, Salvation at Stake.
9 Johnson, Trevor, “Holy Fabrications: The Catacomb Saints and the Counter-Reformation in Bavaria,” The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 2 (April 1996): 294CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
10 In many cases, the process of creating identities for catacomb relics using forged grave goods or authentication certificates began before the holy bodies ever left Rome. For more on this phenomenon, as well one rather notorious practitioner of such illegal activities, see Ghilardi, Massimiliano, “‘Auertando, che per l'osseruanza si caminerá con ogni rigore’: Editti seicenteschi contro l'estrazione delle reliquie dalle catacombe romane,” Sanctorum 2 (2005): 121–137Google Scholar; Ghilardi, Massimiliano, “Quae signa erant illa, quibus putabant esse significativa Martyrii? Note sul riconoscimento ed authenticazione delle reliquie delle catacombe romane nella prima etá moderna,” MEFRIM: Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Italie et mediterranée 122, no. 1 (2010): 86–104Google Scholar; Ghilardi, Massimiliano, “Maler und Reliquienjäger: Giovanni Angelo Santini ‘Toccafondo’ und die Katakomben Roms im frühen 17. Jahrhundert,” Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchengeschichte 107 (2012): 145–162Google Scholar; and Massimiliano Ghilardi, “Giovanni Angelo Santini, dit le Toccafondo, et l'invention des reliques. Aperçus d'une recherche encours,” in Reliques romaines: invention et circulation des corps saints des catacombes à l’époque moderne, ed. Stéphane Baciocchi and Christophe Duhamelle (Rome: École française de Rome, 2016), 147–173.
11 For more on late medieval relic presentation and “body part” reliquaries, see Boehm, Barbara Drake, “Body-Part Reliquaries: The State of Research,” Gesta 36 (1997): 8–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bynum, Caroline Walker and Gerson, Paula, “Body-Part Reliquaries and Body Parts in the Middle Ages,” Gesta 36 (1997): 3–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cynthia J. Hahn, “The Spectacle of the Charismatic Body: Patrons, Artists, and Body-Part Reliquaries,” in Treasures of Heaven: Saints, Relics, and Devotion in Medieval Europe, ed. Martina Bagnoli et al. (New Haven: Princeton University Press, 2010), 163–172; Hahn, Cynthia, “What Do Reliquaries Do for Relics?” Numen 57 (2010): 284–316CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cynthia Hahn, Strange Beauty: Issues in the Making and Meaning of Reliquaries, 400–circa 1204 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013); and Bruno Reudenbach, “Visualizing Holy Bodies: Observations on Body-Part Reliquaries,” in Romanesque Art and Thought in the Twelfth Century, ed. Colum Hourihane (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008), 95–106.
12 Litaker, “Embodied Faith,” 105–150.
13 Simon Ditchfield, “Text before Trowel: Antonio Bosio's Roma Sotterranea Revisted,” in The Church Retrospective: Papers Read at the 1995 Summer Meeting and the 1996 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society, ed. R. N. Swanson, Studies in Church History 33 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1997), 343–360; Simon Ditchfield, “Reading Rome as a Sacred Landscape, c. 1586–1635,” in Sacred Space in Early Modern Europe, ed. Will Coster and Andrew Spicer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 167–192; Giuseppe Antonio Guazzelli, “Cesare Baronio and the Roman Catholic Vision of the Early Church,” in Sacred History: Uses of the Christian Past in the Renaissance World, ed. Simon Ditchfield, Katherine van Liere, and Howard Louthan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012); Giuseppe Antonio Guazzelli, “Antiquarianism and Christian Archaeology (ca. 1450–1650),” in The Eerdmans Encyclopedia of Early Christian Art and Archaeology, ed. Paul Corby Finney (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2017); Giuseppe Antonio Guazzelli, “Roman Antiquities and Christian Archaeology,” in A Companion to Early Modern Rome, 1492–1692, ed. Simon Ditchfield, Pamela M. Jones, and Barbara Wisch (Leiden: Brill, 2019), 530–545; Ingo Herklotz, “Antonio Bosio und Carlo Bascapè: Reliquiensuche und Katakombenforschung im 17. Jahrhundert,” in Festschrift für Max Kunze: Der Blick auf die antike Kunst von der Renaissance bis heute (Mainz: Verlag Franz Philipp Rutzen, 2011), 93–104; and Ingo Herklotz, “Wie Jean Mabillon dem römischen Index entging: Reliquienkult und christliche Archäologie um 1700,” Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchengeschichte 106 (2011): 193–228.
14 Simon Ditchfield, Liturgy, Sanctity and History in Tridentine Italy: Pietro Maria Campi and the Preservation of the Particular (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 13. For additional scholarship that focuses on the reception of paleo-Christian texts by scholars outside Rome, see also Giuseppe Guazzelli, Raimondo Michetti, and Francesco Scorza Barcellona, eds., Cesare Baronio tra santità e scrittura storica (Rome: Viella, 2012); and Katrina Olds, “The ‘False Chronicles,’ Cardinal Baronio, and Sacred History in Counter-Reformation Spain,” Catholic Historical Review 100, no. 1 (Winter 2014): 1–26.
15 A notable exception to this trend is A. Katie Harris, “A Known Holy Body, with an Inscription and a Name”: Bishop Sancho Dávila y Toledo and the Creation of St. Vitalis,” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 104 (2013): 245–271.
16 Gerhard Woeckel, Pietas Bavarica: Wallfahrt, Prozession und Ex voto-Gabe im Hause Wittelsbach in Ettal, Wessobrunn, Altötting und der Landeshauptstadt München von der Gegenreformation bis zur Säkularisation und der “Renovatio Ecclesiae” (Weissenhorn: A. H. Konrad, 1992); Arno Herzig, Der Zwang zum wahren Glauben; Rekatholisierung vom 16. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2000); Benno Hubensteiner, Vom Geist des Barock: Kultur u. Frömmigkeit im alten Bayern (Munich: Süddeutscher Verlag, 1978); Alois Schmid, “Altbayern 1648–1803,” in Handbuch der Bayerischen Kirchengeschichte: Von der Glaubensspaltung bis zur Säkularisation, ed. Walter Brandmüller, vol. 2 (St. Ottilien: EOS Verlag, 1998); and Peter Steiner, “Der gottselige Fürst und die Konfessionalisierung Altbayerns,” in Wittelsbach und Bayern: Um Glauben und Reich, ed. Hubert Glaser, vol. 2, bk. 1 (Munich: Hirmer, 1980), 252–263.
17 Albrecht Burkardt, “‘Zur aller antiquitet und naigung’: la dynastie des Wittelsbach et les début du culte des saints des catacombes en Bavière,” in Reliques romaines: invention et circulation des corps saints des catacombes à l’époque moderne, ed. Stéphane Baciocchi and Christophe Duhamelle (Rome: École française de Rome, 2016), 629. These two catacomb saints, as well as the others the Wittelsbach family acquired for St. Michael's Jesuit Church, were not presented as full bodies but rather enclosed in traditional casket reliquaries.
18 Philip Soergel, Wondrous in His Saints: Counter-Reformation Propaganda in Bavaria (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993); Trevor Johnson, Magistrates, Madonnas and Miracles: The Counter Reformation in the Upper Palatinate, St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009), esp. chap. 4; Jeffrey Chipps Smith, “Repatriating Sanctity, or How the Dukes of Bavaria Rescued Saints during the Reformation,” in Crossing Cultures: Conflict, Migration and Convergence: The Proceedings of the 32nd International Congress of the History of Art, ed. Jaynie Anderson (Carlton: Melbourne University Publishing, 2009), 1084–1089; and Jeffrey Chipps Smith, “Salvaging Saints: The Rescue and Display of Relics in Munich during the Early Catholic Reformation,” in Art, Piety and Destruction in the Christian West, 1500–1700, ed. Virginia Chieffo Raguin, Visual Culture in Early Modernity (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2010), 23–44.
19 Trevor Johnson, “Holy Dynasts and Sacred Soil: Politics and Sanctity in Matthaeus Rader's Bavaria Sancta (1615–1628),” in Europa Sacra: Raccolte agiografiche e identità politiche in Europa fra Medioevo ed Età moderna, ed. Sofia Boesch Gajano and Raimondo Michetti (Rome: Carocci Editore, 2002), 83–100; Trevor Johnson, “Defining the Confessional Frontier: Bavaria and Counter-Reformation ‘Historia Sacra,’” in Frontiers and the Writing of History, 1500–1850, ed. Steven G. Ellis and Rainga Esser (Hannover-Laatzen: Wehrhahn, 2006), 151–166; and Alois Schmid, “Die ‘Bavaria sancta et pia’ des P. Matthäus Rader SJ,” in Les princes et l'histoire du XIVe au XVIIIe siècle actes du colloque organisé par l'Université de Versailles–Saint-Quentin et l'Institut Historique Allemand, Paris/Versailles, 13–16 mars 1996, ed. Chantal Grell (Bonn: Bouvier, 1998), 499–522.
20 Quoted and translated in Johnson, “Defining the Confessional Frontier,” 161: “Nam vt omnes Boicæ terræ partes circumspicias, nullum fere locum inuenies, vbi non illustria sanctitatis religionesque vestigial deprehendas; vrbes, oppida, for a, pagi, vici, agri, filuæ, montes, valles, Catholicam & piscam religion in Bauariâ spirant & ostendunt. Plena omnia sacris ædibus, amplis Cœnobijs, nouis Collegijs, augustissimis Templis . . . Magnam denique in Boicâ, terrae partem sacra obtinent, vt labor sit singulorum numeruminire, cum tota region, nil nisi religio, & vnum quoddam commune gentis templum videatur.”
21 For more information on the art form of Klosterarbeit, see Sebastian Bock, ed., “Gold, Perlen und Edel-Gestein”: Reliquienkult und Klosterarbeiten im deutschen Südwesten (Munich: Hirmer, 1995); and Walter Schiedermair, “Klosterarbeiten: Hinweise zu Begriff, Wesen, Herkunft, Verwendung und Herstellern,” in Klosterarbeiten aus Schwaben, ed. Gislind M. Ritz and Werner Schiedermair (Gessertshausen: Museumsdirektion des Bezirkes Schwaben, 1990), 9–32.
22 Franciscus Josephus Münchner, Neues Liecht oder Neuschein [. . .] als der [. . .] hl. Martyrer Lucius [. . .] in das Closter S. Viti [. . .] ist transferirt worden (Saltzburg: Johann Baptist Mayr, 1696), 19: “Von Heraußnehmung seines heiligen Leibs auß dem Grab ein stuck von einem Meßgewand gefunden ist worden daß ein Zeichen Bischofflicher Hochheit seyn soll.”
23 Gallonio's Italian treatise was often consulted and read in its cheaper Latin edition, De ss. Martyrum cruciatibus liber, in areas north of the Alps. There were far fewer illustrations in the Latin edition, though an adaptation of the image with Roman soldiers demonstrating the tools used for de-fleshing martyrs does appear in the 1594 translation (p. 137). For more information on Gallonio's Trattato and its illustrations, see Opher Mansour, “Not Torments, but Delights: Antonio Galloino's Trattato de Gli Instrumenti Di Martirio of 1591 and Its Illustrations,” in Roman Bodies: Antiquity to the Eighteenth Century, ed. Andrew Hopkins and Maria Wyke (London: British School at Rome, 2005), 167–183; and Jetze Touber, Law, Medicine and Engineering in the Cult of the Saints in Counter-Reformation Rome: The Hagiographical Works of Antonio Gallonio, 1556–1605 (Leiden: Brill, 2014). Roman soldiers as persecutors can also be seen in large graphic martyrdom cycles commissioned by the Jesuits for their German-Hungarian (St. Stefano Rotondo) and English (St. Thomas of Canterbury) Colleges in Rome in the early 1580s. These images were further propagated in printed reproductions of the frescoes that circulated across Europe.
24 Matthäus Rader, Bavaria Sancta, vol. 1 (Munich: 1615), 25, 38; and Matthäus Rader, Heiliges Bayer-Land (Augspurg: Bencard, 1714), 19, 75.
25 Johann Chrysostom Hager, Secretum meum misi, Secretariolum F.I.C.H.C.R.P.I.G Oia ad thaiorem S.S.S. Trinitates Mris & Pris mie, J.J.C. S. Radegundis, S Patritÿ S.S.C.C.R.R.P.P.M & omnium sanctorum, entry for May 25, 1675, UB MS 357, Universitätsbibliothek München (Abteilung Altes Buch).
26 Karl Christl, 300 Jahre barocke Pfarrkirche in Kühbach (Kühbach: Pfarrgemeinde, 1989), 22: “auf römische Art bekleidet.”
27 Kurze Beschreibung der solennen Translation [. . .] Felix Martyrers Victor Mart. Aurelius Mart. und Eleuteria (Munich: Johann Jacob Vötter, 1738), 4–10.
28 Saeculum octavum, oder 8-tägiges Jubel-Fest [. . .] Macarii u. Coelestini [. . .] im Ranshowen (Augspurg: Mar. Magdalena Utzschneiderin, 1702).
29 James Hall, ed., Dictionary of Subjects and Symbols in Art, 1st ed. (London: J. Murray, 1974), s.v. “Palm”; and Engelberg Kirschbaum and Wolfgang Braunfel, eds., Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie (Rome: Herder, 1968), s.v. “Palme” and “Lorbeer.”
30 Antonio Bosio, Roma sotterranea: Opera Postuma (Rome: Appresso G. Facciotti, 1635), 197.
31 Congregatio indulgentiarum et sacrarum, Decreta authentica sacrae Congregationis indulgentiis sacrisque reliquiis praepositae: ab anno 1668 ad annum 1882 (F. Pustet, 1883), 1.
32 Marc’ Antonio Boldetti, Osservazioni sopra i cimiterj de’ santi martiri: ed antichi Cristiani di Roma [. . .] (Rome: Presso G. M. Salvioni, 1720), 125–212.
33 Ernst Geppert, Schatz und Schutz einer zweymahl beglückter Stadt Amberg; Bey feyerlicher Ubersetzung zweyer H. H. Leiber der glorwürdigen Martyrer Constantii, und Clementis (Amberg: Koch, 1753), 3.
34 Geppert, Schatz und Schutz einer zweymahl beglückter Stadt Amberg, 4: “unfehlbare Zeugen.”
35 Benedikt Weinberger, Glorwürdiges Sechstes Jubel-Jahr [. . .] (Saltzburg: Mayr, 1699), 67: “Und endlich ihr Leben in der Marter / mit Vergiessung ihres kostbaren Bluts / welches sie euch allhier gegenwärtigen schönen Gefäß / als ihre Testimonium und Zeugnus weisen geendet haben.”
36 Bosio, Roma sotterranea, 196–197. For the extended debate among early modern Catholic scholars about which of these signs were acceptable as markers of a martyr's grave, see Herklotz, “Wie Jean Mabillon dem römischen Index entging.”
37 Bosio, Roma sotterranea, 197.
38 Geppert, Schatz und Schutz einer zweymahl beglückter Stadt Amberg, 11: “Kenn-und Marter-Zeichen: P.X. welchen zwey Buchstaben aus unfehlbarer Urkund so viel sagen wollen, dann: pro Christo, oder für Christo, hat diser, oder jenere, deren heiligen Gebein da ruhen, sein Blut vergossen.”
39 Ditchfield, “Text before Trowel: Antonio Bosio's Roma Sotterranea Revisted.”
40 The gravestone text reads: “DDM Mundicie Protocenie Benemerenti Quae vixit annos LX Quae ibit in Pace XV KAL D APC.”
41 Prototypon Munditiae emblematico-morali penicillo delineatum in S. et glor. martyre Munditia (Munich: Johann Jäcklin, 1677), 2: “Waiß man zwar nit / in welchem Jahr / oder under welcher Verfolgung die selbe vorüber gangen.”
42 Litaker, “Embodied Faith,” 268–286.
43 These objects could also be produced in Rome. See n10.
44 For more information on early modern imitations of ancient Roman epitaphs, see Caldelli, Maria Letizia, “Forgeries Carved in Stone,” in The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, ed. Bruun, Christer and Edmondson, Jonathan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 48–54Google Scholar; and Lewis, Nicola Denzey, The Early Modern Invention of Late Antique Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 8–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
45 Ingo Herklotz, “Wie Jean Mabillon dem römischen Index entging,” 198.
46 Translatio oder Erheb- und uberbringung Deß H. Antonini Martyrers Glorwürdigen Gebain [. . .] (Jäcklin, 1669), 4–10. Bozio's Annales Antiquitatem were intended as a revision of Baronio's Annales. The first two volumes—of a planned 10-volume series—were published posthumously by Bozio's brother Francesco in 1637. Bozio's notes for the project take up no fewer than twenty manuscript volumes: Biblioteca Vallicelliana codd. 78–98. For further information, see Piero Craveri, “Tommaso Bozio,” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, ed. Alberto M Ghisalberti, vol. 13 (Istituto dell'Enciclopedia Italiana, 1971), accessed December 28, 2020, https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/tommaso-bozio_(Dizionario-Biografico).
47 Translatio Oder Erheb- und uberbringung Deß H. Antonini Martyrers Glorwürdigen Gebain, 15.
48 Brückner, Wolfgang, “Die Katakomben im Glaubensbewusstsein des katholischen Volkes: Geschichtsbilder und Frömmigkeitsformen,” Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchengeschichte 89 (1994): 291–293Google Scholar; Carell, Susanne, “Die Wallfahrt zu den sieben Hauptkirchen Roms: Aufkommen und Wandel im Spiegel der deutschen Pilgerführer,” Jahrbuch für Volkskunde 9 (1986): 126–127Google Scholar; and Schudt, Ludwig, Le Guide di Roma: Materialien zu einer Geschichte der römischen Topographie (Westmead: Gregg International Publishers, 1930), 347–353Google Scholar.
49 Benedikt Weinberger, Glorwürdiges Sechstes Jubel-Jahr [. . .] (Saltzburg: Mayr, 1699), 31: “Die Catholische Kirch zehlt Eylff Millionen der Martyrer . . . die Stadt Rom prangt allein mit dreymahl hundert Martyrer.”
50 Jordan Wasserburg, Fluenta Jordanis [. . .] (Landshut: Schmidt, 1742), 386: “keine Übeltäter, sonder nur allein Heil. Gebeiner der Martyrer.”
51 Kurz, Maximilian Emanuel, Blutschaumendes Der Welt zur Nachfolge, dem Himmel zur Belohnung abgespieltes Spectacul [. . .] (Augspurg: Huggele, 1768), 9Google Scholar: “Die alt Welt-sigende Stadt Rom solle heut seyn der Schau-Platz, auf welchem sie eine Blut-schaumende Bühne aufgeschalgen.”
52 Kurz, Blutschaumendes Der Welt zur Nachfolge, 14: “Ich ziehe dann den Vorhang; eröfne das Theater, und schreitte zu dem Anfang. Spectate!”
53 Kurz, Blutschaumendes Der Welt zur Nachfolge, 18–19.
54 Pfarrmatrikel Oberaudorf, Taufen 1738–1882, Archiv des Erzbistums München und Freising: “Diese Gruft hat Enge Gäng, das nur einer gehen kann, doch bißweilen ist est weitter, es ist nicht gemaurt, sondern nur die feste Erde ausgehöllet. Die heilige Leiber, so noch darin find, seind in den ausgeölten Öffen, wo auch unser heiliger Leib genhomen, darauß genohmen wurde.”
55 Pfarrmatrikel Oberaudorf, Taufen 1738–1882.
56 Saeculum octavum, oder 8-tägiges Jubel-Fest, 75: “Der gleichen Brand-Opffer waren die vornehmste und Gott angenhemste HH. Martyrer / als der H. Laurentius, der H. Tiburitius, der H. Eustachius, der H. Polycarpus, die H. Afra mit ihren Gesellinen / der Glorwürdige Carolus Spinola, auß der Gesellsschafft JESU, und andere noch vil mehr / so noch vor wenig Jahren in Japonien mitlagsamen Feur getödtet worden.”
57 Weinberger, Glorwürdiges Sechstes Jubel-Jahr, 68.
58 Lechner, M., “Der heilige Martyrer Lucius, der zweite Patron von Sankt Veit,” Heimat an Rott und Inn: Heimatbuch für das obere Rottal (1968): 74–75Google Scholar.
59 Wasserburg, Fluenta Jordanis, 395.
60 Bernhard, Ebermann, “300 Jahre St. Felix in Gars,” Das Mühlrad: Blätter zur Geschichte des Inn- und Isengaues 17 (1975): 77Google Scholar.
61 Bernhard, “300 Jahre St. Felix in Gars,” 77.
62 Bernhard, “300 Jahre St. Felix in Gars,” 78.