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2. Ibid., pp. 37–38, 229–257; See also Ben-Arieh, Yehoshua, Jerusalem in the Nineteenth Century: The Old City (Jerusalem, 1984), pp. 250–264.Google Scholar

3. A British consulate was not established in Palestine until 1839, and then other European governments followed suit. The American consulate commenced a turbulent and unstable tenure in Jerusalem in 1844, yet was not fully functional until 1857.Google ScholarSee Shepherd, , The Zealous Intruders, pp. 107–131, 132–136;Google ScholarLipman, Vivian, “Britain and the Holy Land: 1830–1914,” in With Eyes Toward Zion eds. Davis, Moshe and Ben-Arieh, Yehoshua, 3 vols., Vol. 3, Western Societies and the Holy Land (New York, 1991), 3: 195–207.Google Scholar

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6. Fisk, Pliny, “The Holy Land an Interesting Field of Missionary Enterprise” (sermon delivered in the Old South Church in Boston, 31 October 1819) (Boston, 1819), reprinted in Holy Land Missions and Missionaries, pp. 24–30.Google Scholar

7. Ibid., p. 28.

8. Ibid., p. 31.

9. Parsons, , “The Dereliction and Restoration of the Jews,” pp. 10–14.Google ScholarOn the broader context of early nineteenth-century Christian millenarian interest in the restoration of the Jews in the Holy Land, see Sandeen, Ernest R., The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism 1800–1930 (Chicago, 1970), pp. 9–12, 20–22.Google Scholar

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11. Davis, Moshe, “The Holy Land Idea in American Spiritual History,” in With Eyes Toward Zion: Scholars Colloquium on America-Holy Land Studies, ed. Davis, Moshe (New York, 1977), 1:20.Google Scholar

12. See, for example, Handy, Robert T., ed., The Holy Land in American Protestant Life, 1800–1948: A Documentary History, (New York, 1981), pp. 83–89.Google ScholarBarclay unfortunately receives no mention in the important studies of Silberman, Digging for God and Country, and Shepherd, The Zealous Intruders.Google Scholar

13. For a brief biographical sketch of Barclay, see Garrison, J. H., The Reformation of the Nineteenth Century (St. Louis, 1901), pp. 134–139;Google Scholaralso Grey, Norman Q., “Pioneering in Missions: Being a Biography of James Turner Barclay” (unpublished B.D. thesis, The School of Religion, Butler University, 1944).Google Scholar

14. Barclay, James T., Letter to the Corresponding Secretary of the American Christian Bible Society (5 October 1849);Google ScholarLetter to the Board of Managers of the ACMS (30 October 1849), compiled in Burnet, D. S., ed., The Jerusalem Mission under the Direction of the American Christian Missionary Society, (Cincinatti, 1853; reprinted New York, 1977). pp. 5–9.Google Scholar

15. Barclay, , proposal for the Jewish mission, in Burnet, ed., Jerusalem Mission, pp. 12–14.Google Scholar

16. Ibid., p. 22.

17. See Parsons, , “The Dereliction and Restoration of the Jews,” pp. 14–16;Google ScholarFisk, , “The Holy Land an Interesting Field,” p. 32.Google ScholarOn this broader millenarian interest in the “signs of the times” in early American Protestant missions, see Chaney, Charles L., The Birth of Missions in America (Pasadena, 1976), pp. 274–278.Google Scholar

18. Barclay, , proposal for the Jewish mission, in Burnet, ed., Jerusalem Mission, pp. 15–16.Google Scholar

19. See Campbell, Alexander, “Converted Jews,” Millennial Harbinger 5 (12 1834): 616–619;Google ScholarSee also Pendleton, W. K., Book Notice on Henry Luria, or the Little Jewish Convert; or, Memoirs of Mrs. S.J. Cohen, Millennial Harbinger 5th ser., 3 (12 1860): 715.Google Scholar

20. Barclay, , proposal for the Jewish mission, in Burnet, ed., Jerusalem Mission, pp. 16–17.Google Scholar

21. Ibid., pp. 16, 17–18, 23–24.

22. Early Disciple journals are full of excerpted periodical material from publications relating information about the current dispositions of the Jews, often with comments by the Disciple editors: see Campbell, Alexander, “Notices of the Jews—Their Land and Destiny,” 3 parts, Millennial Harbinger 3rd ser., 6 (02 1849): 85–88;Google Scholar(Mar. 1849): 146–149;Google Scholar(May 1849): 257–261;Google Scholar“The Israelite Indeed,” Millennial Harbinger 5th ser., 2 (01 1859): 42;Google Scholar“Number of Jews,” Millennial Harbinger 5th ser., 4 (12 1861): 687–689;Google ScholarPubMed“State of the Jewish Mind in the East,” Millennial Harbinger 5th ser., 5 (10 1862): 452–454;Google Scholar“The Present Condition and Aspirations of the Jews,” Millennial Harbinger 5th ser., 6 (03 1863): 132–134;Google ScholarStone, Barton, “Restoration of the jews,” Christian Messenger 14 (12 1844): 272–274;Google Scholarfeatures on the Jews entered in the Christian Messenger 4 (03 1830): 127–128;Google Scholar(Oct. 1833): 319;Google ScholarScott, Walter, “Return of the jews,” The Evangelist New Series, 7 (11 1839): 249–252;Google Scholaralso “The Conversion of the jews in Palestine,” The Evangelist New Ser., 8 (04 1840): 84–87;Google Scholar“Prospects of the Jews,” The Evangelist New Ser., 8 (05 1840): 112.Google Scholar

23. See Campbell, Alexander, “The Christian Missionary Society,” no. 2, Millennial Harbinger 3rd ser., 7 (02 1850): 87;Google ScholarLetter to Barclay, J. (16 Jan. 1854),Google ScholarMillennial Harbinger 4th ser., 4 (02 1854): 90–94;Google Scholar“Missionary Address,” Millennial Harbinger 5th Ser., 1 (11 1858): 610–611;Google ScholarPubMed“An Address Delivered to the American Christian Missionary Society,” Millennial Harbinger 5th ser., 3 (11 1860): 607–608.Google Scholar

24. Stone, Barton, “The Future Restoration of Israel,” Christian Messenger 14 (07 1844): 84–87.Google Scholar

25. Noah, Mordecai, “The Restoration of the Jews,” reprinted in The Evangelist New Ser., 8 (09 1840): 209–211;Google ScholarNoah, , “Discourse on the Restoration of the Jews” (delivered at the Tabernacle, 28 Oct. and 2 Dec. 1844) (New York, 1845; reprint 1977), pp. 25, 28–33.Google ScholarNoah urged the Christian societies evangelizing Jews instead “to promote the restoration of the Jews in their unconverted state, relying on the fulfilment of the prophecies and the will of God for attaining the objects they have in view after that great advent shall have arrived.” He broached Hebrew and even Christian prophecies (including Romans 11:26; John 4:22) to the effect that the restoration of the Jews was a plain fact of scripture. In turn Protestants were to be good Protestants and heed scripture at its word (“Discourse,” pp. 25, 29–33).Google Scholar

26. Scott, Walter, “The Restoration of the Jews,” 4 parts, The Evangelist 1 (07 1832): 150–153;Google Scholar(Aug. 1832): 176–181;Google Scholar(Oct. 1832): 223–230;Google Scholar2 (Jan. 1833): 13–15.Google Scholar

27. On Levi's religious zionism, see Sokolow, Nahum, History of Zionism 1600–1918, 2 vols. (1919; reprint New York, 1969), 1: 93–94;Google Scholaralso Popkin, R. H., “The Age of Reason versus The Age of Revelation. Two Critics of Tom Paine: David Levi and Elias Boudinot,” in Deism, Masonry, and the Enlightenment: Essays Honoring Alfred Owen Aldridge, ed. Lemay, J. (Newark, Del. 1987), pp. 158–164.Google Scholar

28. Scott, , “The Restoration of the Jews,” no. 4, The Evangelist 2 (01 1833): 14;Google Scholaridem, “New Government and New Society,” no. 7, The Evangelist New Ser., 9 (12 1841): 169–170.Google ScholarSee Sandeen (The Roots of Fundamentalism, p. 8–58) on George Stanley Faber and the upswing of prophetic studies among nineteenth-century millenarians.Google ScholarScott, Walter had apparently used Faber's work Dissertation on the Prophecies, That Have Been Fulfilled, Are Now Fulfilling, or Will Hereafter Be Fulfilled, Relative to the Great Period of 1260 Years (London, 1804).Google Scholar

29. Scott, , “The Restoration of the Jews,” no. 1 The Evangelist 1 (07 1832): 150–153;Google Scholarno. 3 (10. 1832): 223–230;Google Scholarno. 4, The Evangelist 2 (01, 1833): 13–15.Google ScholarFor him the “gospel facts” were clear enough: the prophetic witnesses of Jewish restoration (Balaam in Num. 23–25; Moses in Deut. 4, 28–30, 32) were not fulfilled after the Babylonian exile, but attested a future consummation in which the Jews would again return to the Holy Land; and Isaiah's prophecy of the ingathering of the Gentiles (Isa. 2) pointed to an orderly finale in which the converted Jews would join the Gentile Church under Christ's millennial reign.Google ScholarScott anticipates 1833 as the date of the millennium's arrival in “The Restoration of the Jews,” no. 4, The Evangelist 2 (01 1833): 13.Google Scholar

30. Scott, , “New Government and New Society,” no. 9, The Evangelist New Ser., 9 (11 1841): 245–246;Google ScholarIbid., no. 10 (Dec. 1841): 265–266.

31. See Barclay, , “The Welfare of the World Bound Up in the Destiny of Israel,” no. 1, Millennial Harbinger 5th ser., 3 (12 1860): 665.Google Scholar

32. On Campbell's millenarianism in context, see Hughes, Richard T., “From Primitive Church to Protestant Nation: The Millennial Odyssey of Alexander Campbell,” in Illusions of Innocence: Protestant Primitivism in America, 1630–1875, eds. Hughes, R. T. and Allen, C. L. (Chicago, 1988), pp. 170–187;Google Scholarsee also Sandeen, , The Roots of Fundamentalism, pp. 45–46.Google Scholar

33. A Debate on the Evidences of Christianity; A Debate between Robert Owen, of New Lanarcic, Scotland, and Alexander Campbell, President of Bethany College, Virginia, Containing an Examination of the “Social System” and All the Systems of Skepticism of Ancient and Modern Times (St. Louis, 1852), pp. 328–329;Google Scholarcompare Barclay, , “The Welfare of the World,” no. 1, Millennial Harbinger 5th ser., 3 (12 1860): 663.Google Scholar

34. Campbell, Alexander, “Notices of the Jews—Their Land and Destiny,” no. 1, Millennial Harbinger 3rd ser., 6 (02 1849): 85.Google Scholar

35. See Milligan, Robert, “Prophecy,” no. 12 (The Conversion of the Jews), Millennial Harbinger ser. 4, 6 (11 1856): 601–607.Google ScholarMilligan argued emphatically from Ezekiel and from Romans 11 for the repatriation of the Jews and the conversion of all fleshly Israel. Milligan even presumed to date the final conversion of the Jews for the year 1922.Google ScholarFor Campbell's approval of such efforts at a scientific eschatology see “Articles on Prophecy,” Millennial Harbinger ser. 5, 3 (12 1860): 715–716;Google ScholarCampbell, Alexander, “Prophecy,” no. 1, Millennial Harbinger Ser. 5, 3 (03 1860): 126–127;Google ScholarFor Campbell's criticism of exaggerated speculations, see “Millennium,” Millennial Harbinger Ser. 4, 6 (12 1856): 697–700;Google Scholaridem, “The Throne of David,” Millennial Harbinger Ser. 3, 6 (05 1849): 289.Google Scholar

36. Barclay, , “The Welfare of the World,” no. 1, Millennial Harbinger 5th ser., 3 (12 1860): 663–665.Google Scholar

37. Barclay, , Journal (25 06. 1851), in Burnet, , ed. Jerusalem Mission, p. 112.Google Scholar

38. Such first impressions of the wretchedness of Jerusalem were not uncommon with Western pilgrims and travelers to the Holy Land in this period, including the likes of Mark Twain and Herman Melville.Google ScholarSee Shepherd, , The Zealous Intruders, 174–175;Google ScholarDavis, , “The Holy Land Idea,” pp. 13–14;Google ScholarBen-Arieh, Yehoshua, “Perceptions and Images of the Holy Land,” in The Land That Became Israel: Studies in Historical Geography, ed. Kark, Ruth (Jerusalem, 1990), p. 42.Google Scholar

39. Barclay, , Letter to the Secretary of the ACMS (28 02. 1851), Millennial Harbinger 4th ser., 1 (06 1851): pp. 344–345.Google Scholar

40. Ben-Arieh, Yehoshua, “Patterns of Christian Activity and Dispersion in Nineteenth-Century Jerusalem,” Journal of Historical Geography 2 (1976): 51;CrossRefGoogle Scholaridem, Jerusalem in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 274–275.Google Scholar

41. See Shepherd, , The Zealous Intruders, p. 231.Google Scholar

42. See Barclay, , Letter to Brother Crane (1 May 1851), in Burnet, Google Scholar, ed., Jerusalem Mission, p. 168; Report to ACMS Board (13 Oct. 1851), Ibid., pp. 206–209.

43. Barclay, , Letter to Brother Crane (1 May 1851), in Burnet, , ed., Jerusalem Mission, pp. 168–169.Google ScholarOn the charitable activities of various Christian groups in Jerusalem in this period, see Ben-Arieh, , “Patterns of Christian Activity,” pp. 49–69.Google ScholarOn Protestant activities in particular, see idem, Jerusalem in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 250–264.Google Scholar

44. Barclay, , Letter to Brother Crane (1 May 1851), in Burnet, , ed., Jerusalem Mission, pp. 174–175.Google Scholar

45. Barclay, , Letter to D. S. Burnet (29 Dec. 1852), in Burnet, , ed., Jerusalem Mission, pp. 279–283.Google Scholar

46. Barclay, , Letter to Alexander Campbell (27 Aug. 1853), Millennial Harbinger 4th ser., 4 (01 1854): pp. 8–9.Google Scholar

47. Ibid., p. 7.

48. Barclay, , Letter to eastern Virginia supporters (7 Oct. 1851), in Burnet, , ed., Jerusalem Mission, p. 198;Google Scholar Letter to Brother Crane (13 Oct. 1851), Ibid., pp. 200–202.

49. Barclay, , Letter to Brother Crane (1 May 1851), in Burnet, , ed., Jerusalem Mission, p. 172;Google Scholar Letter to D. S. Burnet (1 April 1853), Ibid., p. 317.

50. On the proposed asylum, see Barclay's reports in Burnet, , ed., Jerusalem Mission, pp. 227–234, 263–264, 305–310, 314–316.Google ScholarSee also Lipman, , “America—Holy Land Material,” pp. 28–29.Google Scholar

51. Barclay, , Report to ACMS Board, in Burnet, , ed., Jerusalem Mission, p. 206.Google Scholar

52. Barclay, James Turner, The City of the Great King, or Jerusalem As It Was, As It Is, and As It Is To Be (Philadelphia, 1858).Google ScholarSee also Lewis, Jack, “James Turner Barclay: Explorer of Nineteenth-Century Jerusalem,” Biblical Archaeologist 51: 3 (09 1988): 163–170;CrossRefGoogle Scholarand Ben-Arieh, , Jerusalem in the Nineteenth Century.Google Scholar

53. Barclay, , Letter to Alexander Campbell (27 Aug. 1853), Millennial Harbinger 4th ser., 4 (01 1854): 6.Google Scholar

54. Barclay, , Letter (addressee unnamed, 28 Aug. 1854), Millennial Harbinger 4th ser., 4 (11 1854): 613.Google Scholar

55. Campbell, Alexander, “The Missionary Cause,” Millennial Harbinger 4th ser., 4 (10 1854): 548.Google Scholar

56. On this schism, see Vandergrift, Eileen, “The Christian Missionary Society: A Study in the Influence of Slavery on the Disciples of Christ” (unpublished M.A. thesis, The School of Religion, Butler University, 1945), esp. pp. 13–29.Google Scholar

57. Errett, Isaac, ACMS Report, Millennial Harbinger 5th ser., 1 (12 1858): 676.Google ScholarAlso in support, see Franklin, Benjamin, “Dr. Barclay and the Jerusalem Mission,” American Christian Review 1 (11 1856): 347;Google Scholaridem, “A Letter from Jerusalem,” American Christian Review 2 (04 1857): 122–123.Google ScholarPubMed

58. Barclay, , Letter to Isaac Errett (15 Jan. 1860), Millennial Harbinger 5th ser., 3 (05 1860): 260.Google Scholar

59. ACMS report, Oct. 1859, Millennial Harbinger 5th ser., 2 (12 1859): 696.Google ScholarThe report continues: “As the eye of the Hebrew mother lingered about the spot where the infant Moses lay, amidst the perils of the Nile, so with the nurturing fondness of a true mother's heart, does the Church of Christ look to this tender child of hope, as the agent under God, in whom Israel shall yet find deliverance and the walls of Zion once more rise in the beauty of holiness.”Google Scholar

60. Barclay, , Letter to Isaac Errett (15 Jan. 1860), Millennial Harbinger 5th ser., 3 (05 1860): 261–262, 264–265.Google Scholar

61. Barclay, , “The Welfare of the World,” no. 1, Millennial Harbinger 5th ser., 3 (12 1860): 662–663.Google Scholar

62. Ibid., pp. 665–666.

63. Ibid., no. 2, Millennial Harbinger, 5th ser., 4 (Jan. 1861): 8–9; Ibid., no. 4 (Mar. 1861): 128.

64. Ibid., no. 2, Millennial Harbinger, 5th ser., 4 (Jan. 1861): 10–14; Ibid., no. 3 (Feb. 1861): 61–62, 65.

65. Ibid., no. 2, Millennial Harbinger, 5th ser., 4 (Jan. 1861): 13–14.

66. Ibid., no. 3, Millennial Harbinger, 5th ser., 4 (Feb. 1861): 65–69; Ibid., no. 5 Millenial Harbinger, 5th ser., 5 (May 1862): 241–243.

67. It is no great surprise to find postmillennialist and premillennialist viewpoints simultaneously in Barclay. Some historians point out in early American millenarian traditions a fluidity between broadly postmillennialist and premillennialist trends, between the vision of a gradual or progressive fulfillment of the millennium and the expectation of a decisive divine intervention needed to alter the course of history. The crucial link between Puritan premillennialism and later Edwardsean postmillennialism, for example, was the insistence that the drama of the millennium would play itself out according to the “signs of the times” in American experience, and that, whatever the exact timing of Christ's second coming, the millennial fulfillment would be a process integrating divine and human agency alike (see Bercovitch, Sacvan, “The Typology of America's Mission,” American Quarterly 30 [1978]: 137–141). Only in the second half of the nineteenth century, especially after the Civil War, did the disparity between post- and premillennialist eschatologies truly harden in American Protestantism (a change later to be observed in Barclay's own thinking).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

68. Barclay, , “The Welfare of the World,” no. 4, Millennial Harbinger, 5th ser., 4 (03 1861): 122–128.Google Scholar

69. Ibid., no. 6, Millennial Harbinger, 5th ser., 4 (June 1861): 301–306; compare Noah, Mordecai, “Discourse on the Restoration of the Jews,” p. 46. By most accounts, Isaiah 18 is considered an oracle against Ethiopia that closes (vs. 7) on the hopeful note that someday the Ethiopians themselves will come to worship at Zion, bearing gifts for the Lord.Google Scholar

70. Ibid., p. 306. Great Britain also was to have an assisting role in the restoration of the Jews. In Barclay's interpretation of Isa. 60:9 (“Surely the isles wait for me and the ships of Tarshish first, to bring thy sons from afar, their silver and gold with them, unto the name of the Lord”), the “isles” are Britain, and the “ships of Tarshish” the British navy. A little more than a century earlier Jonathan Edwards had insisted that America herself with her ships and her unique mission, not Britain, was the referent of this text:Google ScholarSee his Thoughts Concerning the Present Revival of Religion (1742), as excerpted in God's New Israel: Religious Interpretations of America's Destiny, ed. Cherry, Conrad (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1971), pp. 55–56.Google Scholar

71. The stories of millenarian entrepreneurs in the Holy Land are extensive. See Shepherd, , The Zealous Intruders, pp. 228–257;Google ScholarKark, Ruth, “Millenarism and Agricultural Settlement in the Holy Land in the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of Historical Geography 9 (1983): 47–62;CrossRefGoogle Scholarand Klatzker, David, “American Christian Travelers to the Holy Land, 1821–1939,” in With Eyes Toward Zion: Western Societies and the Holy Land, esp. 3: 67–68.Google Scholar

72. See Barclay, , “Prophecy,” no. 2, Millennial Harbinger 38 (02 1867): 70–72.Google Scholar

73. See Ibid., no. 4, Millennial Harbinger 38 (May 1867): 222.

74. See Ibid., pp. 217–222 (Barclay offers here a wholly revised outline of the millennial events, commencing with the descent of Jesus as a thief in the night). On the theory that despondent postmillennialists sometimes turned into devout premillennialists because of the crushing circumstances of the Civil War, social change, etc. (or in Barclay's case, frustrations on the mission field), see Dayton, Donald, Theological Roots of Pentecostalism (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1987), pp. 158–163.Google Scholar

75. See Errett, Isaac, “The Study of Prophecy,” Millennial Harbinger, 5th ser., 4 (07 1861): 410–412.Google Scholar

76. See Barclay, , “Prophecy,” no. 1, Millennial Harbinger 38 (01 1867): 30–35;Google ScholarIbid., no. 2 (Feb. 1867): 64–69; Ibid., no. 6 (July 1867): 337–342.

77. Ibid., no. 6, Millennial Harbinger 38 (July 1867): 342.

78. Ibid., no. 1, Millennial Harbinger 38 (Jan. 1867): 34–35.

79. Lard, Moses, “O. [E. E. Orvis] on the Editor's Theory of the Millennium,” Lard's Quarterly 4 (07 1867): 306, 307–308;Google Scholarcompare idem, “The State of the World at the Coming of Christ,” Lards Quarterly 5 (04 1868): 151–156.Google ScholarDavid Lipscomb, Lard's younger contemporary, also a premillennialist, confessed a similar pious ignorance about the destiny of the Jews: “We do not know when their condition will change, or whether it ever will in this world. Some passages seem to indicate that it will change and that they will bear a prominent and efficient part in the conversion of the world. But then we do not know but that these passages refer to spiritual Israel instead of fleshly Israel. Other passages seem to indicate they will not be converted. We do not know when the fulness of the Gentiles will come, or what it is or will be. We have but little faith in our own interpretation of prophecy, and cannot help our brother any on these subjects” (“The Condition of the Jews,” Gospel Advocate [1874]: 202).Google Scholar

80. Lard, Moses, Commentary on Romans (Lexington, 1876), p. 359.Google Scholar Compare Ibid., p. 371: “the future salvation of Israel does not imply their restoration to their ancient homeland in Palestine. The former is a great necessity, the latter is none. When converted, the Jews can be just as happy, dispersed as they now are, as though they were all crowded back intojudea; and certainly they can be far more useful. The gospel is not designed to prepare men for an earthly Canaan, but for a heavenly.”

81. Ibid., p. 371.

82. Lard, , “The State of the World at the Coming of Christ,“ p. 153.Google ScholarLard was at last willing to claim, even without express scriptural support, that “all expectations…that the condition of the world is to be greatly altered for the better by the Jews may be dismissed. It will never be realized.Google Scholar We are hence still left to the conclusion that at the second coming of Christ the world will be about as it is at present, no better, no worse” (Ibid., p. 156).

83. McGarvey, J. W., “Why Are the Jews Yet With Us?,” Christian Standard 39 (05 1903): 660, 696.Google Scholar

84. Ibid., p. 696. On the larger shifts of eschatological thinking that induced protofundamentalists to invest their hopes in “political Zionism,” see Rausch, David, Zionism within Early American Fundamentalism (New York, 1979), esp. pp. 53–146.Google Scholar