1. Damian, Op. 28, Apologeticus monachorum adversus canonicos, in Patrologiae cursus completus, Series latina, ed. J. P. Migne, 221 vols. (Paris, 1844–1864) 145, 518A (hereafter cited as PL). I cite this text with reservation, since there is some question about its authenticity. For a catalogue of Damian's works, including a discussion of their authenticity, see especially Lucchesi, Giovanni, “Clavis S. Petri Damiani,” in Studi su San Pier Damiani in Onore del Cardinale Amleto Giovanni Cicognani (Faenza, 1961): 249–407.Google Scholar

2. Damian, Op. 16, Contra Episcopum monachos ad saeculum revocantem c. 8, PL 145, 377A. In a similar way, Damian claims that the canonical hours of the divine office are like seven baptismal baths (“quasi septem baptismatum lavacra…”) which wash away at least the lesser sins into which one—lay or cleric—falls daily. See Op. 10, De horis canonicis, c. 1, PL 145, 223 c.

3. See Miccoli, G., “Théologie de la vie monastique chez Saint Pierre Damien, (1007–1072),” pp. 469–470,Google Scholar in Théologie de la vie monastique (Paris, 1961). G.G. Coulton notes that Odo of Cluny made the same claim. See his Five Centuries of Religion, 4 vols. (Cambridge, 1929–1950) 1: 262.Google Scholar

4. See Op. 18, Contra intemperantes clericos, PL 145, 395D; Op. 15, De suae congregatis institutis, c. 1, PL 145, 336C.

5. “adeo putaretur totum mundum in eremum valde convertere, et monachico ordini omnem populi multitudinem sociare.” Vita Sancti Romualdui, c. 37, PL 144, 988A.

6. This can be ascertained from the praise Damian reserves for the communities at Monte Cassino and Cluny. See, for example, De Gallica profectione, PL 145, 873–874, written by one of Damian's companions on a visit to Cluny. Also see Epist. 6.2; 4; 5.

7. Op. 15, De suae congregatis institutis, c. 29, PL 145, 361 D.

8. See Epist. 6.12, PL 144, 392C-D.

9. Rather he encouraged those in danger of death especially to hasten to the monasteries. See Op. 16, c. 1, PL 145, 367D.

10. See especially Op. 12, De contemptu saeculi, c. 2, PL 145, 252.

11. Op. 16, c. 1, PL 145,367D.

12. Coulton, , Five Centuries of Religion, p. 381;Google Scholar quotation at p.89.

13. “… ut immensas Deo gratias jugiter referatis, qui videlicet hoc tempore de mundo estis electi, quo constat in eo quempiam difficile posse salvari.” Op. 52, De bono religiosi status, c. 1, PL 145, 765D.

14. Op. 57, De principis officio, c. 1, PL 145, 820D; Op. 58, De vera felicitate, c. 5, PL 145, 835.

15. Bultot remarks that “II en découle en bonne logique que le salut y est pratiquement impossible et que le monde se définit par opposition au monastère: c'est la société profane et la vie (perverse) qu'on y méne” (It follows quite logically that salvation there is practically impossible and that the world is defined in opposition to the monastery: it is a profane society and one leads a (depraved) life there); La doctrine du mépris du monde. Christianisme et valeurs humaines, I: Pierre Damien (Louvain, 1963), p. 48.Google Scholar For critical responses to Bultot's view, see D'Ippolito, Biancamaria, “A propos de Saint Pierre Damien et du ‘contemptus mundi,’” Collectanea Cisterciana 26 (1964): 220–224;Google Scholar and Lazzari, Francesco, “S. Pierre Damien et le ‘contemptus mundi’ à propos d'un livre recent,” trans. Evard, Dom Jean, Revue d'ascetique et de mystique 40 (1964): 185–196.Google ScholarBultot, defends his position in “Méthode et conditionnement: Réponse à propos de Pierre Damien,” Revue d'ascetique et de mystique 40 (1964): 481–492,Google Scholar and “La ‘dignité’ de l'homme selon S. Pierre Damien,” Studi Medievali, ser. 3, fasc. 2, 13 (1972): 941–966.Google Scholar

16. Miccoli, Giovanni, “Théologie de la vie monastique chez Saint Pierre Damien,” in Théologie de la vie monastique (Paris, 1961), p. 471.Google Scholar Although Damian does stress the importance of the contemplative life very strongly, it seems that he does so because he believes that the office of the monk or hermit strengthens the whole church. It is because the ascesis of the contemplatives benefits the world that Damian calls upon all to ascend that path. See Hamilton, Bernard, “S. Pierre Damien et les mouvements monastiques de son temps,” Studi Gregoriani 10 (1975): 175–202.Google Scholar

17. Most of Otloh's works are collected in Migne's, Patrologia latina, PL 146.Google Scholar In his Liber de tentationibus suis Otloh lists the works he himself composed, as well as many others—for example, gospels, missals, lectionaries—which he copied for Saint Emmeram or for other monasteries (PL 146: 57C). In addition to the works found in PL 146, we have a sermon by Otloh, Sermo de eo quod legitur in psalmis¨dot;, included among the spurious works of the Venerable Bede (PL 93: 1103–128). For a discussion of this work, see Bischoff, Bernard, “Zur Kritik der Heerwagenschen Ausgabe von Bedas Werken (Basel 1563),” Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner Ordens und seiner Zweige 51 (1933): 171–175.Google Scholar An edition of the Vita Bonifatii can be found in Monumenta Germaniae historica, Scriptores rerum germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi (Hanover, 1905),Google Scholar while his Vita of Saint Magnus can be found in the Analecta Bollandiana. See Coens, Maurice, “La Vie de S. Magne de Füssen par Otloh de Saint Emmeram,” Analecta Bollandiana 81 (1963): 159–227.CrossRefGoogle Scholar A critical edition of his Liber proverbiorum has been prepared by Korfmacher, William Charles, Othloni Libellus Proverbiorum (Chicago, 1936).Google Scholar A German translation of his Liber de temptationibus suis has been prepared by Blum, Wilhelm, Otloh von St. Emmeram: Das Buch von seinen Versuchungen (Münster, 1977)Google Scholar. On the manuscript tradition, see Bischoff, Bernhard, “Literarisches und künstlerisches Leben in St. Emmeram (Regensburg) während des frühen und hohen Mittelalters,” Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner Ordens und seiner Zweige 51 (1933): 102–142;Google Scholar and Bischoff, , “Über unbekannte Handschriften und Werke Otlohs von St. Emmeram (Regensburg),” Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner Ordens und seiner Zweige 54 (1936): 15–23.Google Scholar For a fuller discussion of texts and editions, see Schauwecker, Helga, Otloh von St. Emmeram: Ein Beitrag zur Bildungs- und Frömmigkeitsgeschichte des 11. Jahrhunderts (Munich, n.d.), pp. 33–37.Google Scholar

18. See Vinay, Gustavo, “Otlone di Sant'Emmeram ouvero l'autobiografia di un nevrotico,” in La storiografia altomedievale, 10–16 aprile, 1969, 1 (Spoleto, 1970), pp. 13–37.Google Scholar For a response, see Leclerq, Jean, “Modern Psychology and the Interpretation of Medieval Texts,” Speculum 48 (1973): 476–490.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

19. For a fuller biography, see Schauwecker, , Otloh von St. Emmeram, pp. 10–20.Google Scholar

20. Liber proverbiorum, PL 146: 359C.

21. Liber visionum, PL 146: 347B.

22. Liber de tentationibus suis, PL 146: 52Bf.

23. For Otloh's own catalogue of his works, see Liber de tentationibus suis, PL 146, 52Af. For a discussion of the Vita Bonifatii, see Morrison, K. F., “The Structure of Holiness in Otloh's Vita Bonifatii and Ebo's Vita Ottonis,” in Law, Church and Society: Essays in Honor of Stephen Kuttner (Philadelphia, 1977), pp. 131–156.Google Scholar

24. Schauwecker, , Otloh von St. Emmeram, p. 16.Google Scholar

25. Dümmler, Ernst, “Uber den Monch Otloh von St. Emmeram,” Sitzungsberichte der könige preussichen Academie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1895): pp. 1071–102;Google ScholarEndres, Joseph Anton, “Otlohs von St. Emmeram Verhältnis zu dem freien Künsten, inbesondere zur Dialektik,” Philosophisches Jahrbuch 17 (1904): 44–52;Google ScholarEndres, J. A., “Die Dialektiker und ihre Gegner im 11. Jahrhundert,” Philosophisches Jahrbuch 19 (1906): 20–33;Google ScholarEvans, Gillian R., “‘Studium discendi’: Otloh of St. Emmeram and the Seven Liberal Arts,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 44 (1977): 29–54:Google ScholarSchauwecker, , Otloh von St. Emmeram, pp. 120–160.Google Scholar

26. Schauwecker, , Otloh von St. Emmeram, pp. 17–28.Google Scholar Although Otloh considers writing an opus speciale, Peter Damian stands in the older tradition, explaining that he writes to combat acedia and tedium and because he is unfit for manual labor. Epist. 4, 11, PL 144: 321A. Leclerq, however, stresses that for Damian writing was essentially an act of meditation and contemplation, which would seem to support Schauwecker's claim that literary activity had become an element of the opus dei. See Leclerq, Jean, Pierre Damien, ermite et homme d'Église (Rome, 1960), p. 169.Google Scholar

27. But it seems clear that in Otloh's monastery not every monk was able to read. He admonishes his brethren who have a knowledge of letters to attend closely to what they sing, when they chant the psalms. This implies that other monks singing the psalms might have a very poor understanding of that which they sang. See Liber de cursu spirituali, c. 15, PL 146, 191B; Schauwecker, , Otloh von St. Emmeram, pp. 162–163.Google Scholar

28. Ibid., p. 161.

29. Liber de cursu spirituali, c. 16, PL 146, 198A.

30. Ibid., pp. 162–163.

31. The definition of illiteracy in the Middle Ages is especially problematic. One is tempted to suppose that illiteracy implies the inability to read or write Latin. However, often the term seems to imply what today might be called functional illiteracy, that is, an inability to operate in Latin beyond a very elementary level. It certainly does not imply that one was unable to read or write a vernacular language, at least not in every case. Consequently, illiterati are not necessarily wholly ignorant of letters. A good review of this problem, with bibliography, is found in Bäuml's, Franz H. “Varieties and Consequences of Medieval Literacy and Illiteracy,” in Speculum 55/2 (1980): 237–259.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

32. Precisely because secular clergy, by virtue of their pastoral role, have a higher calling than laypersons, more is demanded of them by God. See Liber de cursu spirituali, c. 2, PL 146: 143B; Liber de proverbiorum, c. 3, PL 146: 306C.

33. ““litteris imbuti scripturam sacram legere solent…” Liber de cursu spirituali, c. 2, PL 146: 143C.

34. Ibid., c. 3, PL 146: 150.

35. Liber de admonitione clericorum et laicorum, c. 6, PL 146: 255B; De doctrina spirituali, 19, PL 146: 283C.

36. Otloh exhorts clerks to teach laypersons spiritual truths with images drawn from nature and experience. Otloh notes that armed with these, the clerk—even if he does not know how to read—will be able to understand God's law. Liber de admonitione cleric. et laic., c. 9, PL 146: 262B. The fact that Otloh must condemn the practice of promoting clerks to higher orders when they have no training in the liberal arts may imply as well that many were entering higher orders without even the most elementary literacy. See Lib. de prov., c. 3, PL 146: 306C. See Peter Damian, op. 26, Contra inscitiam et incuriam clericorum, prol, PL 145.

37. See Dialogus de tribus quaestionibus, c. 14, PL 146: 77D-78C; Sermo de eo quod legitur in psalmis, prol., PL 93: 1104C.

38. De doct. spirit., c. 13, PL 146: 275C.

39. Lib. de cursu spirit., c. 2, PL 144B-D.

40. “Facite, igitur, laici, sicut boni solent viri, et nolite attendere ad opera prava, quae videtis et auditis frequentissime a pastoribus, vestris videlicet clericis facta, sed potius juxta scientiae vobis per gratiam divinam collatae dona, operum quoque vestrorum dirigite studia, scientes procul dubio quia tanto major merces vestri erit quandoque laboris, quanto minus nunc ulla pastorum exempla ad viam vos incitant bonae actionis.” Liber visionum, c. 2, PL 146: 346B.

41. Dial. de trib. quaest., c. 14, PL 146: 87A.

42. Otloh provides several lists of such similitudes. The relations of the Trinity, for example, are viewed in the nature of the sun. The sun is a body, giving off both light and heat. God the Father, Otloh explains, may be compared to the body of the sun; the Son to its light, illuminating the world; and the Holy Spirit to the heat which warms the earth and causes it to bear fruit. See Lib. de admonitione cleric. et laic., c. 2, 4, 6, 7, 9; Sermo de eo quod legitur in psalmis, PL 93: 1106B, 1107B, 1110, 1120B, 1124B-D; De doct. spirit., c. 19, PL 146: 284A; Lib. de cursu spirit., c. 10, PL 146: 172D. Similar analogies are found in the nature of numbers and mathematical ratios. See Dial. de trib. quaest., c. 34–36.

43. Otloh also uses the expressions supplementa and elevamenta. See Dial. de trib. quaest., c. 33, PL 146: 102A.

44. Sermo de eo quod legitur in psalmis, PL 93: 1105B.

45. Ibid., 1106B.

46. Lib. proverb., PL 146: 299B; 300B; compare De doct. spirit., c. 13, PL 146: 275D.

47. Lib. visionum, c. 2, PL 146: 346B.

48. “Nunquid enim sola Scripturarum documenta/ Legis divinae demonstrant cognitionem,/ Ac quos contingit ignaros esse librorum,/ Sciti coelestis vos excusare potestis?/ Quis velut in libris ilium cognoscere quitis?/… Nam licet in nobis, qui doctores perhibemur,/ Recte vivendi minus exemplum videatis,/ Et sceleris vestri velut auctores maneamus,/ Vos naturali tamen ingenio moderati,/ Aut quocunque modo divinum jus sapientes…” De doct. spirit., c. 19, PL 146: 283C-D. Otloh explains that he wrote his warnings to laity especially so that they would not think that they are somehow secure in their sins; De doct. spirit., c. 18, PL 146: 283C. Although Otloh addresses laity, this does not imply that he expected they would be able to read his admonition. See Schauwecker, , Otloh von St. Emmeram, p. 61.Google Scholar

49. De doct. spirit., c. 19, PL 146: 284A-B.

50. See Dial. de trib. quaest., c. 14; De doct. spirit., c. 13; Lib. de cursu spirit., c. 12.

51. Dial. de trib. quaest., c. 44, PL 146: 121B.

52. Ibid., c. 44, PL 146: 121–123.

53. Ibid., c. 14; Lib. de admonitione cleric. et laic., c. 1, PL 146: 246D.

54. Dial. de trib. quaest., c. 2, 9, 43, 44.

55. Ibid., c. 3, PL 146: 65D.

56. Lib. de cursu spirit., c. 8, PL 146: 166–167.

57. De doct. spirit., c. 13, PL 146: 176C-D.

58. See Lib. de cursu spirit., c. 8, PL 146: 166–167. This is an important mark of truth. Otloh's contemporary, Manegold of Lautenbach, largely dismisses the philosophical tradition because, he observes, philosophers never seem to agree one with the other. See his Liber contra Wolfelmum Coloniensem, c. 3, MGH, Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters 8 (Weimar, 1972).

59. See De doct. spirit., c. 16, PL 146: 280D-281A. Even a private vow, Otloh insists, constitutes an obligation to God. See Lib. proverb., c. 16, PL 146: 328A; Lib. visionum c. 3, PL 146: 350–351.

60. See Lib. de admonitione cleric. et laic., c. 1, PL 146: 246D; De doct. spirit., c. 13, PL 146: 276D.

61. “‘Homo quidam habuit duos filios, et accedens ad primum dixit: Fili, vade hodie operare in vinea mea; ille autem respondens ait: Nolo. Posteas autem poenitentia motus abiit. Ad alterum vero similiter dixit; qui respondens ait: Eo, domine, et non ivit. Quis ex duobus fecit voluntatem patris? Dicunt illi: Primus. Dicit illis Jesus: Amen dico vobis, quia publicani et meretrices praecedunt vos in regnum dei (Matth. 21:2831).’ Hac igitur parabola admonentur non solum Judaei, qui promittentes Deo legis preacepta servare non impleverunt, gentes autem, quae non promiserunt, conversi ad Christum, ejusdem legis praecepta impleverunt, sed etiam monasticae professiones homines, qui saepius Deo promittunt spiritualem vitam sectari, saecularia relinquere; sed, proh dolor! plurimi non faciunt. Saeculares vero viri, licet nihil tale Deo promiserunt, operantur tamen saepius ea quae ad spiritualem vitam pertinent, ideoque, sicut Judaeos publicani et meretrices, sic monachos negligentes praecedunt in regno Dei saeculares viri.” Lib. de cursu spirit., c. 17, PL 146: 200D-201A.