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The Legend of Marcus Whitman and the Transformation of the American Historical Profession

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 June 2018

Abstract

This article explores the secularization of the American historical profession through the lens of an early twentieth-century historical controversy: the debunking of the legend that nineteenth-century missionary Marcus Whitman saved the Pacific Northwest from becoming a British possession. The Whitman controversy was a key skirmish in an ongoing, and still unresolved, debate about what constitutes right practices and ideations of history in the American academy, what counts as undue historical bias, and what place (if any) appeals to religion should have in academic historical discourse. Through the Whitman debate and other early twentieth-century historical battles, Protestant providential narratives of history were purged from academic textbooks and providential historians marginalized from the academy. Taking a cue from the evolutionary schemas of religious studies scholars, professional historians cast tales like the Whitman legend—and the providential narratives that undergirded them—as primitive myths unfit for a modernizing society. The Whitman controversy thus serves as a case study into the American historical profession's transformation at the turn of the twentieth century, a transformation that remains contested and incomplete.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 2018 

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References

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51 “The Marcus Whitman Legend,” Dial 32, no. 374 (16 January 1902), 40.

52 Alice Carman, “The Whitman Myth,” clipping from an unknown newspaper, box E, Whitman Collection; see also Ripley Hitchcock, “The Whitman Legend: Another Revival of a Curious Myth Concerning the Early Days of Oregon,” New York Times, 28 September 1901, BR1; “Another Page to Be Rewritten,” Cleveland Plain Dealer, 1 January 1901, 4; and “Whitman's Real Foes,” Oregonian (Portland, Ore.), 6 October 1901, 4.

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54 I. K. Funk and D. S. Gregory, editors’ introduction, “How Oregon Was Saved to the United States,” Homiletic 14 (July– December 1901), 21.

55 William A. Mowry to Myron Eells, 11 February 1901, box E, Whitman Collection.

56 Minutes of the General Association of Connecticut, at the One Hundred and Sixty-First Annual Meeting, Held in Meriden, June 21–22, 1870, with Reports (Hartford, Conn.: Case, Lockwood & Brainard, 1870), 110Google Scholar. For Schaff's historical providentialism, see Graham, Stephen R., “‘Cosmos in the Chaos’: Philip Schaff's Vision of America,” American Presbyterians 67, no. 4 (Winter 1989): 260261Google Scholar.

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61 Ibid., 38.

62 Ibid., 37.

63 Ibid., 44.

64 Ibid., 89.

65 For instance, see Eells, Myron, “Dr. Whitman's Bill and His Letter to the Secretary of War,” Transactions of the Oregon Pioneer Association Fifteenth Annual Reunion (Portland: G. H. Himes, 1887), 6978Google Scholar; Brown, Joseph Henry, Brown's Political History of Oregon, vol. 1, Provisional Government (Portland: Lewis & Dryden, 1892), 147154Google Scholar; and Nixon, Oliver Woodson, How Marcus Whitman Saved Oregon: A True Romance of Patriotic Heroism, Christian Devotion, and Final Martyrdom, introduction by Gunsaulus, Frank W., 2nd ed. (Chicago: Star, 1895) 315324Google Scholar.

66 For instance, “Among the Books,” New York Observer and Chronicle (1833–1912), 11 July 1901, 79, 28; and William A. Mowry to M. Eells, Hyde Park, Mass., 8 October 1902, box E, Whitman Collection.

67 For instance, S. A. Clark to William A. Mowry, 8 November 1902, box E, Whitman Collection. See also William A. Mowry to Myron Eells, 1 February 1899, box E, Whitman Collection; Mowry to Eells, 11. February 1901, box E, Whitman Collection; and “What Marcus Whitman Did Do,” Congregationalist and Christian World, 16 August 1902, 239.

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74 “Marcus Whitman,” Independent, 23 November 1909, 1206; also “On the Book Table” Chicago Advance, 9 September 1909, 340; “With Authors and Books,” Idaho Statesman, 27 October 1909, 4; and “Marcus Whitman as Missionary,” Springfield (Mass.) Republican, 31 October 1909, 27.

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76 Reviews of Marshall's work included Scott, Leslie M., review, Oregon Historical Quarterly 12, no. 4 (December 1911): 375384Google Scholar; and Smith, Charles W., review, American Historical Review 17, no. 2 (January 1912): 385386Google Scholar. The only two scholarly reviews of Eells's work were a short positive review in the Bulletin of the American Geographical Society and a review essay in the Washington Historical Quarterly. Charles Smith, the reviewer for the Washington Historical Quarterly, stated that Marshall's Acquisition of Oregon “closes the case for the negative.” See review, Bulletin of the American Geographical Society 42, no. 4 (1910): 299; and Smith, Charles W., review, Washington Historical Quarterly 3, no. 2 (April 1912): 154Google Scholar.

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79 The congressman was Francis W. Cushman: “Cushman Offers Prize,” Olympian, 30 October 1905, 3; “Cushman Prize for Essay,” Olympia Daily Recorder, 10 November 1905, 2; and “Marcus Whitman by E. A. Winship,” Walla Walla Statesman, 16 November 1905, 3.

80 “Address by Governor Recites Story of Terrible Tragedy of First Pioneer's Death,” Olympian, 30 November 1907; and “Northwest Territory Honors Memory of Marcus Whitman,” Idaho Statesman, 3 December 1907, 8.

81 “Governor Hays Speaks at Unveiling of Statue,” Olympian, 24 September 1909, 4.

82 “Summer Church Work Planned,” Philadelphia Inquirer, 25 June 1910, 9; “A Nation Builder Worthy of Honor,” Montana Anaconda Standard, 4 July 1910, 7; “Red-Blooded American Heroes: Marcus Whitman the Saviour of Oregon,” Wilkes-Barre Times Leader, 10 March 1911, 10; Shelton, Don O., Heroes of the Cross in America (New York: Literature Department, Presbyterian Home Missions, 1904)Google Scholar; and Hallock, Leavitt Homan, Why Our Flag Floats Over Oregon: Or, the Conquest of Our Great Northwest (Portland, Maine: Smith & Sale, 1911)Google Scholar.

83 C. H. Howard, “Not a Legend,” Interior, 14 February 1901, 201.

84 Marcus Whitman,” Journal of Education 61, no. 18 (4 May 1905): 490Google Scholar.

85 Ibid., 492.

86 Novick, That Noble Dream, 152.

87 For instance, see Walker, Williston, A History of the Christian Church (New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1918), esp. 589590Google Scholar; McGiffert, Arthur Cushman, Martin Luther: The Man and His Work (New York: Century, 1910), esp. 381388Google Scholar; and Porterfield, Amanda, “Leaving Providence Behind,” in the forum “One Hundred Years of Church History,” Church History 80, no. 2 (June 2011): 361368Google Scholar.

88 Millard, Catherine, The Rewriting of America's History (Traverse City, Mich.: Horizon, 1991), 209Google Scholar. See also “Blaze Magazine Interview with David Barton: ‘Saving History,’” The Blaze, 6 July 2012, http://www.theblaze.com/stories/2012/07/06/blaze-magazine-interview-with-david-barton-saving-history; and Robert James, “Who Really Settled the West (Part 2),” The American Truth: A Heritage Lost, http://www.heritagelost-amtruth.com/settled-west2.htm.

89 These goals are diverse and sometimes conflicting, but they include restricting access to abortion, limiting LGBTQ+ rights, and promoting conservative Christian teachings (such as young-earth creationism and abstinence-only sexual education) in public schools. See Dowland, Seth, Family Values and the Rise of the Christian Right (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017)Google Scholar; and Lienesch, Michael, Redeeming America: Piety and Politics in the New Christian Right (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993)Google Scholar. New providential lay historians support these policy agendas by rooting these policies in the notion that the United States was founded as an intentionally Christian nation, and that progressive social policies are thus a corruption of America's purpose and identity. See Stephens, Randall and Giberson, Karl, The Anointed: Evangelical Truth in a Secular Age (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2011), 6191Google Scholar.