1. Knox, John, The Historie of the Reformatioun of Religioun in the Realm of Scotland, (hereafter cited as “History”) can be found in: John Knox's History of the Reformation in Scotland, ed. Dickinson, William Crofts, 2 vols. (New York, 1950) 2.32–129;Google ScholarThe Works of John Knox, ed. Laing, David, 6 vols. (Edinburgh, 1864), 2.315–452. Documentation from these sources will be cited as Dickinson and Laing respectively. Quotations are usually modernized.Google Scholar

2. “A Sermon Preached by Knox, John,” Laing, 6.229.Google Scholar

3. The absence of any manuscript version of Book 5 makes the identity of “the Continuator” a mystery. In their respective discussions of the possible authors, both Dickinson and Laing mention David Buchanan (who published the History in 1644) and Knox's secretary, Bannatyne, Richard, but without conviction. Dickinson at 1.xciii–xcv;Google ScholarLaing at 2.468. See also below at n.52.Google Scholar

4. History: Dickinson, 1.146;Google ScholarLaing, 1.297–298.Google Scholar

5. For the order and timing of Knox's authorship of the History see: Dickinson, , l.lxxxviii–xcv;Google ScholarLaing, l.xxvi–xxix.Google ScholarSee also: Cherno, Melvin, “John Knox as an Innovator in Historiographic Narration,” Clio, 8 (1979): 389–403;Google ScholarLee, Maurice Jr, “John Knox and His History” Scottish Historical Review, 45 (1966): 81–85;Google Scholarand Ridley, Jasper, Knox, John (Oxford, 1968), pp. 453–454.Google Scholar

6. These include: An Exposition upon the Sixth Psalm of David, Laing, 3.111–156;Google ScholarA Godly Letter of Warning, or Admonition to the Faithful in London, Newcastle, and Berwick, Laing, 3.157–216;Google Scholar“Certain Questions concerning Obedience to Lawful Magistrates, with Answers by Bullinger, Henry,”Google ScholarLaing, 3.217–226;Google Scholar“Two Comfortable Epistles to His Afflicted Brethren in England,”Google ScholarLaing, 3.231–236;Google ScholarA Faithful Admonition to the Professors of God's Truth in England, Laing, 3.251–330;Google ScholarA Letter of Wholesome Counsel, Addressed to His Brethren in Scotland, Laing, 4.129–140;Google Scholar“Letters to His Brethren, and the Lords Professing the Truth in Scotland,”Google ScholarLaing, 4.255–286;Google ScholarThe First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regiment of Women, in Laing, 4.349–422,Google Scholarand in The Political Writings of John Knox, ed. Breslow, Marvin A. (Cranbury, N.J., 1985), pp. 9–33 (documentation from this source will be cited as Breslow);Google ScholarA Letter to the Queen Dowager, Regent of Scotland, in Laing, 4.423–460, and Breslow, pp. 81–103;Google ScholarThe Appellation from the Sentence Pronounced by the Bishops and Clergy: Addressed to the Nobility and Estates of Scotland, in Laing, 4.461–520, and Breslow, pp. 104–146;Google ScholarA Letter Addressed to the Commonalty of Scotland, in Laing, 4.521–538, and Breslow, pp. 147–158;Google Scholar“Summary of the Proposed Second Blast of the Trumpet,” in Laing, 4.539–540, and Breslow, pp. 159–160. The thought of Knox on church and state is discussed in: Breslow, pp. 9–34;Google ScholarGreaves, Richard L., Theology and Revolution in the Scottish Reformation: Studies in the Thought of John Knox (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1980), pp. 111–113, 169–179;Google ScholarKyle, Richard, “The Church-State Patterns in the Thought of John Knox,” Journal of Church and State 30 (1988): 71–87;CrossRefGoogle ScholarReid, W. Stanford, “John Knox's Theology of Political Government,” Sixteenth Century Journal 19 (1988): 529–540.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7 History: Dickinson, , 1.265–271; Laing, 1.465–475.Google Scholar

8 Knox, , A Vindication of the Doctrine That the Sacrifice of the Mass Is Idolatry, Laing, 3.53–55, 60–62, 66. History: Dickinson, 2.48;Google ScholarLaing, 2.338.Google Scholar

9. Knox, : Appellation in Breslow, p. 130, and Laing, 4.501;Google ScholarLetter to the Commonalty in Breslow, pp. 150, 155, and Laing, 4.527, 533–535. See also Breslow, pp. 29, 32–33.Google Scholar

10. For instance, the Scots Confession of 1560 contains the following sentence: “Moreover, to kings, princes, rulers, and magistrates, we affirm that chiefly, and most principally, the conservation and purgation of religion appertains; so that not only they are appointed for civil policy, but also for the maintenance of true religion, and for the suppressing of idolatry and superstition whatsoever, as in David, , Josephat, , Ezekias, , Josias, , and others highly commended for their zeal in this case may be espied.”Google ScholarSee “The Confession of Faith (1560),” chap. 24, in David Calderwood, The History of the Kirk of Scotland, 8 vols. (Edinburgh, 1843), 2.35–36 (spelling modernized).Google ScholarSee also Knox, : Appellation in Breslow, p. 130, and Laing, 4.501;Google ScholarLetter to the Commonalty, in Breslow, p. 150 and Laing, 4.527;Google ScholarHistory, in Dickinson, 2.16,Google Scholarand Laing, 2.281–282.Google Scholar

11. Knox, , Letter to the Commonalty, in Breslow, pp. 153, 155–156 and Laing, 4.531–532, 534–535.Google Scholar

12. Knox, , Appellation, in Breslow, pp. 122–123, 130, 134–135, and Laing, 4.490–491, 501, 507.Google Scholar

13. Knox, , Letter to the Commonalty, in Breslow, pp. 154–155, and Laing, 4.532–534. Since payment of tithes was required by law, here Knox was really promoting civil disobedience.Google Scholar

14. Ibid., History: Dickinson, 2.122; Laing, 2.443.

15. Knox, : “Second Blast” in Breslow, pp. 159–160, and Laing, 4.539–540.Google Scholar

16. Genesis 2:16.Google Scholar

17. First Blast, in Breslow, pp.70–71, and Laing, 4.409–411.Google Scholar

18. Judges 4 and 5.Google Scholar

19. First Blast, in Breslow, pp. 65–66, and Laing, 4.402–404;Google ScholarHistory, in Dickinson, 2.19–20,Google Scholarand Laing, 2.286. This reasoning lies at the heart of the tensions between Knox and Elizabeth I, whose minds were never to meet concerning her royal authority. In the face of the challenge from Catholic Europe (led by Mary, Queen of Scots) Elizabeth needed the one thing Knox could never grant, unquestioning acceptance of her natural and legal title to the throne, and her legitimacy as a ruling queen. Yet if she had accepted Knox's justification of her rule as a divine suspension of natural and civil law validated solely by her repentance and reformation of the church, it would have spelled the end of her reign and most likely her life.Google Scholar

20. This was the point that stunned the queen in her first interview with Knox. History: Dickinson, , 2.17;Google ScholarLaing, 2.282–283.Google Scholar

21. History: Dickinson, , 2.12;Google ScholarLaing, 2.276.Google Scholar

22. History: Dickinson, , 2.17;Google ScholarLaing, 2.286.Google ScholarSee Watt, Hugh, John Knox in Controversy (London, 1950), pp. 86–87.Google Scholar

23. Psalm 2:10–11.Google Scholar

24. History: Dickinson, , 2.43–45;Google ScholarLaing, 2.334.Google Scholar

25. History: Dickinson, , 2.71;Google ScholarLaing, 2.372.Google Scholar

26. History: Dickinson, , 2.72;Google ScholarLaing, 2.373.Google Scholar

27. History: Dickinson, , 2.81–83 (italics added);Google ScholarLaing, 2.385–386.Google Scholar

28. See Marshall, Rosalind K., Queen of Scots (Lanham, Md., 1987), pp. 70, 74–75, 78, 89, 93, 179.Google ScholarMarshall points out that Mary did not weep for Darnley, ,Google Scholaribid., p. 146.

29. History: Dickinson, , 2.83;Google ScholarLaing, 2.388.Google Scholar

30. History: Dickinson, , 2.96;Google ScholarLaing, 2.406.Google Scholar

31. History: Dickinson, , 2.4–5;Google ScholarLaing, 2.265.Google Scholar

32. See Lee, Maurice Jr, “John Knox and His History,” Scottish Historical Review 45 (1966): 79–88, at 86.Google ScholarThis accounts for the final sentence in Book 4. History: Dickinson, , 2.134;Google ScholarLaing, 2.461.Google Scholar

33. History: Dickinson, , 1.120;Google ScholarLaing, 1.247–249.Google Scholar

34. History: Dickinson, , 1.335 (and notes 14, 15);Google ScholarLaing, 2.88–89.Google Scholar

35. History: Dickinson, , 2.23–24, 26–27, 29–32, 47–52;Google ScholarLaing, 2.291–292, 297–298, 310–312,337–345.Google Scholar

36. History: Dickinson, , 2.47–52;Google ScholarLaing, 2.337–344.Google Scholar

37. History: Dickinson, , 2.26–27, 29;Google ScholarLaing, 2.296–298, 310. Knox maintained that free meetings of General Assembly were essential to provide the discipline necessary for true reformation of religion. He was opposed to any use of Scotland's ecclesiastical income other than support for the Reformed church and its ministry; in his view, diverting a share to the queen, as the Thirds of Benefices acts (02 1561–1562) provided, was support for idolatry.Google Scholar

38. History: Dickinson, , 2.93–100, 108–134;Google ScholarLaing, 2.403–412, 425–461.Google Scholar

39. History: Dickinson, , 2.108–134;Google ScholarLaing, 2.425–461.Google Scholar

40. History: Dickinson, , 2.108–109;Google ScholarLaing, 2.424–425.Google Scholar

41. 2 Kings 21:1–16;Google Scholar1 Chronicles 33:1–11.Google Scholar

42. See 2 Chronicles 26:16–21.Google Scholar

43. History: Dickinson, , 2.128;Google ScholarLaing, 2.452. Bracketed interpretation added.Google Scholar

44. History: Dickinson, , 2.129;Google ScholarLaing, 2.452.Google Scholar

45. History: Dickinson, , 2.129;Google ScholarLaing, 2.452–453.Google Scholar

46. History: Dickinson, , 2.130;Google ScholarLaing, 2.454.Google Scholar

47. In the History Knox omitted details of that meeting, referring the reader to the later discussion. See: Dickinson, , 2.23–24;Google ScholarLaing, 2.291–293.Google Scholar

48. History: Dickinson, , 2.134;Google ScholarLaing, 2.459–460.Google Scholar

49. History: Dickinson, , 2.134;Google ScholarLaing, 2.461.Google Scholar

50. This is a possible interpretation of a letter of 14 02 1567–1568 from Knox to Wood, John containing a sentence that begins, “My purpose, beloved in the Lord, concerning that which oft and now last ye crave, I wrote to you before, from which I cannot be moved, and, therefore, of my friends I will ask pardon, howbeit in that one head I play the churl, retaining to myself that which will rather hurt me, than profit them, during my days, which I hope to God shall not be long; and then it shall be the opinion of others, whether it shall be suppressed, or come to light.”Google ScholarBoth Laing, and Dickinson, believe the sentence refers to the History (Dickinson, l.lxxviii, n. 6; Laing, 6.558). However, it seems too vague to be construed without further documentation.Google Scholar

51. Laing states, “the Fourth Book extends to the year 1564; and he [Knox] seems to intimate that he himself had no intention to continue the History to a later period; for alluding to the death of David Riccio, in 03 1565–1566, he says, ‘of whom we delay now farther to speik, becaus that his end will requyre the descriptioun of the whole, and referris it unto suche as God sail rayse up to do the same;’Google Scholarand a marginal note written by Bannatyne, Richard in 1571, says ‘This ves never done be this Authour.’ ”Google ScholarLaing: l.xxviii; 2.422 (italics Laing's). Dickinson observes, however, that the words “and referris it unto suche as God sall rayse up to do the same” do not appear in the earliest manuscript but are a further note in later manuscripts. To Dickinson the wording of the earliest manuscript, and a reference to George, Lord Gordon, a prisoner in Dunbar “till the month of August, the year of God 1565, as we will after hear,” seem “to imply that it was Knox's intention to continue with his task.”Google ScholarDickinson: l.xciii; 2.63, and 106, note 7. If these passages do show faulty editing, they are not the only examples. For instance, Laing's dating the composition of part of Book 2 to 1559 is supported by Knox's separate references to two contemporary situations, both of which changed shortly thereafter, “a circumstance of which Knox could not have been ignorant.” The text, however, was not updated but “remains very much in its original state.” Laing, l.xxvii.Google Scholar

52. See “XCVII, Alexander Hay to Knox,” and “XCIX, Alexander Hay to Knox.” Laing, 6.608, 610–612. There is, of course, a real possibility that Book 5 may have been based on materials collected by Knox. Bannatyne petitioned General Assembly on 9 03 1572–1573, for a “reasonable pension” on which to live while arranging Knox's literary effects. He began with a reminder that Knox had “left to the Kirk and Town of Edinburgh his HISTORY, containing in effect the beginning and progress of Christ's true religion, now of God's great mercy established in this Realm, wherein he hath continued and perfectly ended at the year of God 1564, so that, of things done since that time, nothing by him is put in that form and, order as he has done the former.”Google ScholarBannatyne's concern was for “certain scrolls, papers, and minutes of things left to me by him, to use at my pleasure…Which, if they were collected and gathered together, would make sufficient Declaration of the principal things which occurred since the ending of his former History…and so should serve for stuff and matter to any of understanding and ability in that kind of exercise, that would apply themselves to make an History even to the day of his death.” (Italics added.) See: Calderwood, , 3.276;Google ScholarDickinson l.xciv;Google ScholarLaing 6.1ix–lx. Dickinson, concludes, “We do not know whether or not Bannatyne was able to collect together and arrange these mixed and scattered scrolls;Google Scholarwe have no knowledge whether or not a series of ordered scrolls came into the hands of David Buchanan, or, if they did, what use he made of them and what was their final fate.” Dickinson, at 1. xcv. See also above at note 3.Google Scholar