¹ Knappen, Marshall M., Tudor Puritanism (Chicago, 1939), 149–160.Google Scholar

² His father was an alderman of Canterbury. Burke, John, Extinct and Dormant Baronetcies of England (London, 1838), 232Google Scholar; and Berry, William, County Genealogies, Kent (London, 1830)Google Scholar. The family manor at High Halden is described by Haste, Edward, Historical and Topographical Survey of the County of Kent, II, (Canterbury, 1782), 140.Google Scholar

³ Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 1917–)Google Scholar; SirWood, Anthony, Athenae Oxonienses, (London, 1721), I, 176 and 404Google Scholar. Hales, John's legal learning is attested by these writers and is shown in his “Oration in Commendation of Laws” of 1542, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic of Henry VIII (22 vols.; London, 1862–1929), XVII, 706Google Scholar, App. no. 1.

⁴ The application is in Original Letters Illustrative of English History, ed. by SirEllis, Henry, (3rd ser.; 4 vols.; London, 1846), II, 349Google Scholar. Hales first got minor jobs; then in 1537 he was made Clerk of the First Fruits for England and Wales, see the patent in Henry VIII Papers, XII, Part I, 250Google Scholar, no. 539.

⁵ He broke up “the papisticall denne of idle and unlearned beasts at Soulbie;” Ellis, , Original Letters, III, 228Google Scholar, a letter to Cromwell, Thomas of 09 25, 1538.Google Scholar

⁶ Preliminary operations with Sadleyr, Ralph recorded in Henry VIII Papers, XIII, Part II, 279Google Scholar, no. 731; sale described by SirDugdale, William, Antiquities of Coventre (Coventry, 1765), 46.Google Scholar

⁷ Henry VIII Papers, XIII, Part II, 100Google Scholar, no. 750; and Dugdale, , Antiquities, 31.Google Scholar

⁸ Poole, Benjamin, Coventry, its History and Antiquities (London, 1870), 423Google Scholar; Henry VIII Papers, XX, Part I, 666Google Scholar, no. 1335, fl 39; Dugdale, 39.

⁹ “For to so low an Ebbe did their trading soon, after grow, for want of such Concourse of People that numerously resorted thither before that fatal Dissolution, that many thousands of the Inhabitants … were constrained to forsake the city;” Dugdale, , Antiquities, 17.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Men of “vile birth,” as the Earl of Surrey remarked, they were subservient to the Crown, see Pickthorn, Kenneth, Early Tudor Government, Henry VIII (Cambridge, 1934), 530.Google Scholar

¹¹ Dugdale, , Antiquities, 38–39Google Scholar. He describes the property and gives the ded icatory inscription.

¹² Hales's grant for St. John's was not dependent on his grant for the founding of the school, Henry VIII Papers, XX, Part I, 666Google Scholar, no. 1335, ¶ 38; so that the Coventry Corporation could break the latter patent, if they wished, but not the former. Poole, , Coventry, 245–249Google Scholar, describes the lawsuit, and is supported by The Itinerary of John Leland, 1535–1543 ca., ed. by Smith, Lucy T., (2 vols., London, 1908), II, 107.Google Scholar

¹³ He brought out Plutarch's Introducciones ad Grammaticam, his own Highway to Nobility, and the Preceptes of the Excellent Clerke and grave Philosopher Plutarche, for the Preservation of Good Healthe. Listed in Watt, Robert, Bibliotheca Britannica (4 vols.; Edinburgh, 1824)Google Scholar, I, under John Hayles. These books are not obtainable in America.

¹⁴ The grant reads: “Sir Ralph Sadleyr, master or knight of the Great Wardrobe and John Hales of Coventry. Grant of the office of Keeper or Clerk of the Hanaper of Chancery, with fees and allowances specified … Oct. 25, 1545.” Henry VIII Papers, XX, 328Google Scholar, no. 707, ¶ 48. I have quoted the important parts of this document because a very learned footnote of Leadam, I. S. in “The English Refugees in Germany,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (N.S.; London, 1897), XI, 116–118Google Scholar, brings to light several facts which argue that John Hales of Conventry was not the same John Hales who was Clerk of the First Fruits, Clerk of the Hanaper, friend of Somerset, and leader in the Marian Exile. In spite of thei fact that Hales is listed with all of these titles in Calendar of Patent Rolls, Philip and Mary (5 vols.; London, 1937–1939), I, 434Google Scholar, Leadam believes that there were two John Haleses, because during the Marian Exile, a John Hales still retained the Hanaper office. What happened was that Hales, on Feb. 20, 1554, quit-claimed the office to Sadleyr, but the reports still came in, as Leadam shows, as though from Sadleyr and Hales. This is easy to explain. Formally, they still held the patent, and so documents would bo made out in both their names, even though Sadleyr alone was in England supervising the work. Dictionary of National Biography, XVII, 598Google Scholar and Patent Rolls Philip and Mary, IV, 191Google Scholar. The patent was re-issued in 1557 to Sadleyr and one Francis Kempe; in this way Hales was able to fade out of the picture temporarily because the increasing vigor of the Marian government finally endangered his position. On his return to England, Hales was able to regain his office, not in ,1559, as in Strype, John, Annals of the Reformation, (2 vols.; Oxford, 1824)Google Scholar, I, Part I, 74, but in 1564. He brought suit against Kempe, and the report of the case was made to the Queen on, Feb. 17, 1564. The decision apparently went in Hales's favor because his and Sadleyr's patent of 1545 gave way to a new one for Sir Richard Sadleyr and his son in 1572, when Kempe is not mentioned. See Acts of the Privy Council, (London, 1893), VII, 196Google Scholar. In order to enforce his case, Leadam interprets the duties of the Hanaper office too literally. Both Cromwell and Sadleyr held the office alone, at the same time that they held other more important posts, so that the actual duties involved must have been largely clerical and formal.

¹⁵ Russell, Frederic W., Ket's Rebellion in Norfolk (London, 1859), 202.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Tawney, R. H., The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1912), 6Google Scholar. The Commonwealth Men are also described, and Latimer is named their “prophet,” Hales, their “man of action,” p. 403.

¹⁷ Strype, John, Ecclesiastical Memorials (4 vols.; Oxford, 1822), III, 147–150, 210, 260–268, and IV, 351–365Google Scholar; Froude, James A., History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the Death of Elizabeth, (12 vols.; New York, 1890), VI, 150–180Google Scholar; Pollard, Albert F., The History of England from the Accession of Edward VI to the Death of Elisabeth, vol. VI of The Political History of England, ed. by Hunt, William and Poole, Reginald L., (12 vols.; London, 1905–1910), 35–40Google Scholar. A useful collection of documents is to be found in Tytler, Patrick F., England under the Beigns of Edward VI and Mary (2 vols.; London, 1839).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Tawney, , The Agrarian Problem, 372Google Scholar. Northumberland's policy “was exactly what it seemed to be, a straightforward attempt to prevent the poor from protesting when their possessions were taken from them by the rich.” Hales may have been in prison, see Strype, John, Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer (Oxford, 1812), 442.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Edited by Lamond, Elizabeth, (Cambridge, 1893)Google Scholar. See also Lamond, Elizabeth, “The Date and Authorship of the Examination of Complaints,” English Historical Review, VI (04, 1893), 284–305.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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²² Br. Suvirantra, , The Theory of the Balance of Trade in England (Helsinfors, 1923), 34 ff, 61–66, and 88.Google Scholar

²³ Christopher Hales had left St. Johns College, Cambridge, where he had come in contact with the Cambridge humanist group; Garrett, Christina Hallowell, The Marian Exiles (Cambridge, 1938), 171.Google Scholar

²⁴ The Travels and Life of Sir Thomas Hoby … written by himself, 1547–1564, edited by Powell, Edgar, (London, 1902), 4–6.Google Scholar

²⁵ By MissGarrett, , The Marian, Exiles, 48–50Google Scholar. Richard Hillies's invitation from Strassburg to the other English exiles is described in Dixon, Richard W., History of the Church of England (London, 1891), IV, 686.Google Scholar

²⁶ Christopher appears very frequently in the letters of Bureher to Bullinger. Various English churches wished paintings of the Zurich reformers and Hales was commissioned to get them. It is only by this correspondence that we can try to follow the movements of John in 1550. Original Letters Relative to the English Reformation, ed. by Robinson, Hastings, (2 vols.; Cambridge, 1846), II, 184–196, 660–661Google Scholar. In one of these letters, Christopher calls John the elder brother; Burke and Berry, loc. cit., are apparently wrong in naming Christopher, the elder. Christopher was apparently a retiring man and supported his brother in public activity; Garrett, , The Marian Exiles, 171Google Scholar, Leadam, , “The English Refugees,” 120.Google Scholar

²⁷ Cranmer, Thomas to Bucer, Martin, 10 2, 1548Google Scholar; “I have read your letter to John Hales in which you relate the miserable condition of Germany … to you, therefore, my Bucer, our kingdom will be a most safe harbor.” Original Letters, I, 19–20.Google Scholar

²⁸ Mount's work in Henry VIII's unitive attempt of 1538–1539 and his efforts in the second conciliar plan of Cranmer have been shown in McNeill, John T., Unitive Protestantism (New York, 1930), 171–173, 238–243.Google Scholar

²⁹ He may have arrived on the continent in February and was certainly there in June. Christopher Hales wrote Gualter on May 24 that John might come to Zurich, and to Bullinger on June 12, he is much more specific: “I think that my elder brother, John Hales, who was the cause of my quick and sudden departure from you, will come over to you this summer from Augsburg.” There is a hint here that John in person may have caused his brother's de parture; and if this is so, he was on the continent in February, because Christopher was in London, by March 4. Miss Lamond apparently did not see the letter of June 12 and so concludes: “His precise movements were not known to his brother, Christopher.” Discourse, xxvi.Google Scholar

³⁰ Hoby, , Travels, 62Google Scholar, Augsburg, Aug. 5, 1550: “Here I found my brother at tending for Sir Richard Morisine's cumming, who was appointed by the King and Counsell to succeed him.”

³¹ Bureher, to Bullinger, , 12 28, 1550Google Scholar: “Mr. Christopher Mount has been for these last six mo. at Augsburg.” Original Letters, II, 675.Google Scholar

³² Mount was known at both, towns. Bureher, to Bullinger, , 09 1, 1550Google Scholar: “I have sent your letter to Dr. Mont at Augsburg; for he is there with the English ambassadors.” Ibid., 671. Also, Provost and Council of Berne to King Edward VI, Dec. 14, 1549: “Tour ambassador, Master Christopher Mount, has delivered the invitation for a council …” Ibid., 717.

³³ Hoby, , Travels, 63Google Scholar: “When Mr. Morisine was arrived we sett owt of Augspurg the xith of Nov.”

³⁴ Strassburg, , 12 24, 1565Google Scholar. Ascham, Roger, The Whole Works of Roger Ascham, ed. by DrGiles, , (3 vols.; London, 1865), III, 123.Google Scholar

³⁵ Antwerp, , 10 1, 1550Google Scholar, Ascham, to Raven, Edward: “Tonight, that humanistic and wise man John Hales greeted us most suitably.”Google ScholarAscham, , Works, II, 210Google Scholar. Most of Ascham's letters are in Latin; the translations are mine.

³⁶ Strype, , Ecclesiatical Memorials, III, 122.Google Scholar

³⁷ Ascham, , Works, II, 211–212Google Scholar. This Cambridge humanist group consisted of the nation's leaders in educational, political, and religious life and was closely associated with the Commonwealth Men. I have been greatly aided in my study of it by the Rev. Dr. Winthrop Hudson, who has recently presented a doctoral dissertation, John Ponet (Chicago, 1940)Google Scholar, where a thorough treatment of it can be found.

³⁸ Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, Edward VI, ed. by Turnbull, William B., (London: 1861), 66–68Google Scholar. A dispatch immediately following this one describes what Morysine wanted Hales to do for him in London. He wanted to sell some of his western lands because he was lacking in funds and at the same time urged Cecil to get Hales to sell more of his own land and stop pestering him for an allowance. On the basis of this and a letter of Ascham, 's Works, I, lxivGoogle Scholar, where Hales is referred to as a “most convenient letter carrier,” MissGarrett, , The Marian, Exiles, 123Google Scholar, concludes that Hales made several trips to England and acted as a regular1 messenger. The available evidence seems to point to this trip and perhaps one more.

³⁹ Foreign Papers, Ed. VI, 80.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Wood, , Athenae Oxonienses, 99.Google Scholar

⁴¹ He used Cecil also, Foreign Papers, Ed. VI, 66–97Google Scholar, passim.

⁴² Morysine defended himself in a letter to the whole Council when he heard of his replacement. He says he can't help giving his opinions and that he won't learn French, as he was directed, in order that he might speak with the French Ambassador. Then he asks Cecil to stand by him. Ibid., April 28, 1551, 97.

⁴³ Wotton was also put in because he was less staunchly Protestant. Ibid., April 6, 84.

⁴⁴ Ibid., 95–96. Miss Garrett says that he was sent to investigate agriculture and watch Morysine. The Marian Exiles, 172.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Foreign, Papers, Ed. VI, 86–88 and 196–214Google Scholar, passim.

⁴⁶ Ibid., 162.

⁴⁷ This was Stephen, “who married the sister of Morysin.” Ascham, to Raven, , London, 09 17, 1550Google Scholar, Works, II, 208Google Scholar. Morysine had quite a reputation as a humanist. He translated some of the works of Sturm and of Vives. He defended the Henrician reforms against Coclaeus in 1537 and was sent to support Peter Martyr in the 1549 disputation at Oxford, Wood, , Athenae Oxonienses, 99.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Foreign Papers, Ed. VI, 196.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ “John Hales, a noted scholar of that time, (to whom Morysine gave his works) was one of his executors, as having always been an entire friend to him.” Wood, , Athenae Oxonienses, 100.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Ibid., Hales's continued support is shown by his letter to Cecil of Mar. 23, 1557, when he asks aid for Lady Morysine and her son, “who lieth under the surgeon's fingers.” Historical Manuscripts Commission, “Calendar of the Manuscripts of … the Marquis of Salisbury,” (London, 1883), I, 140Google Scholar, no. 520.

⁵¹ Augsburg, , 09 27, 1551Google Scholar, Ascham, , Works, II, 303.Google Scholar

⁵² Ascham, to Raven, E. and W. Ireland (Cambridge teachers), 11 17, 1551Google Scholar. Ibid., 315.

⁵³ Ascham, to Sturm, , Halle (with Morysine), 01 29, 1552Google Scholar. Ibid., I, lxxvii: “Perhaps you have heard from Hales.” Sturm's answer came, written Jan. 30, 1552. Ibid., II, 324: “Hales and I will shortly send you the second book of the Rhetoric.”

⁵⁴ Miscellaneous Writings and Letters of Thomas Cranmer, ed. by Cox, John E., (Cambridge, 1846), 435.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Foreign Papers, Ed. VI, Morysine, to Speyer, Cecil, 11 9, 1552, 226Google Scholar: “Cannot send Cecil's letter to Mr. Hales, because he wots not where he is. Hales and Mr. Throgmorton went together from Spires and since then he has heard neither of the one nor of the other.” (I have been unable to identify this Throgmorton. Two are mentioned in Ibid., 110 and 123, but neither seem to be related to this one.)

⁵⁶ They certainly were all of the same group but not enough information exists to support the theory of MissGarrett, , The Marian Exiles, 14–16Google Scholar. Cecil's interest seems to have been merely to gather information.

⁵⁷ McNeill, , Unitive Protestantism, 242–251Google Scholar. A letter from John Aurifaber, “the Duke of Saxony's preacher,” to Hales was forwarded to Cecil by Morysine on Feb. 20, 1553. Both the ambassadorial report and the preacher's letter are so full of obscurities for the benefit of the censor that they make little sense. Morysine doesn't know of the matter but wants Cecil's opinion. Such cryptic sentences occur: “Love must be borne though party is not seen.” Aurifaber's letter, from Weimar, Dec. 26, 1552, tells of several interceptions of his letters, speaks of how “the affair must be hastened,” refers to “Count Albert, who waits for Hale's coming,” and says that Hales must have been aware of the situation “by letters to Philip [Melanethon].” Foreign Papers, Ed. VI, 248–249.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ To Cheke, Works, II, 366Google Scholar: “And so I refer you to the judgment of two of the finest men, Christopher Mount and John Hales, who receive the, greatest praise for their doctrine; but they get from Sturm, a far greater tribute to their humanism, prudence, experience, good counsel, judgment, and religion.”

⁵⁹ Ascham to Sir Thomas Radcliffe (then in England, later Earl of Sussex and Protestant peer under Elizabeth; Pollard, , History of England, 207Google Scholar and n.2), Works, II, 409–410Google Scholar. He asks to be remembered to “my dearest brother, John H., one of your group.” However, this evidence is weakened by the fact that although the letter is thought to be of March, 1554, it is undated.

⁶⁰ Most English refugees are listed and his name does not appear. Lamond, , “The Date and Authorship,” xxviGoogle Scholar, tells of one Professor Saspworth's search for materials on Hales in the Zürich and Strassburg unpublished archives. It was fruitless.

⁶¹ Garrett, , The Marian Exiles, 27–29.Google Scholar

⁶² Dixon, , Church of England, IV, 685–688.Google Scholar

⁶³ Hoby, , Travels, 123.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Knappen, , Tudor Puritanism, 118–124.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Whittingham, William (?), A Brief Discourse of the Troubles Begun at frankfort, 1554–1558, ed. by Arber, Edward, (London, 1908), 21–96.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Cf. their letter to John Calvin of April 5, 1555, justifying their cause; Ibid., 78. “This letter is signed by two men who became archbishops, Grindal and Sandys; and by three bishops, Bale, Cox, and Horne; while Whitehead had refused thei Archbishopric of Armaugh.” Note, Ibid., loc. cit. Jewel, who joined the group later, became Bishop of Salisbury, Garrett, , The Marian Exiles, 199Google Scholar. Lever was leader of the Wesel and Aran congregations, Becon, as we have seen, was a prominent propagandist at Strassburg; Ibid., 84. Sampson could have obtained almost any Elizabethan advancement if he had conformed; Ibid., 281. Further information on these men can be found in “Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort,” Edinburgh Review, LXXXV, (Art. VI, 04, 1847), 421.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Whittingham, , A Brief Discourse, 21–22Google Scholar. The supposed author describes briefly his purpose and the state of the debate of 1573. John Knox, who was involved in the Frankfort struggle as much as Whittingham, also wrote a, history of it: “A Brieff discours of the troubles begonne at Frankford in Germany, A.D. 1554 …” in Works, ed. by Laing, David, (6 vols.; Edinburgh, 1895), IV, 9–68.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Knappen, , Tudor Puritanism, 130–133.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Garrett, , The Marian Exiles, 236.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Whittingham, , A Brief Discourse, 95–96.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Horne later became Bishop of Winchester; Knappen, , Tudor Puritanism, 154Google Scholar. He was apparently a vigorous and honest Protestant. After having been made Dean of Durham in 1551, he joined Knox in attacking the mass and in simplifying ecclesiastical practices in spite of his bishop's desires; Sturge, Charles, Cuthbert Tunstall (London, 1938), 284, 300–301Google Scholar. His manliness is shown by his having refused to take the bishopric of Durham over Tunstall's head, as the Duke of Northumberland desired. The Duke wished to take action against him for this stand; Strype, , Ecclesiastical Memorials, IV, 22Google Scholar. Sturge suggests that the Dean was protected by certain persons at Court, perhaps even by the King. Sturge, , Tunstall, 284.Google Scholar

⁷² Edited by Leadam, I. S. “the English Refugees.”Google Scholar

⁷³ Garrett, , The Marian Exiles, 18Google Scholar. He was chased away from the castle of Windheim by the retainers of the Duchess of Suffolk; Leadam, , “the English Refugees,” 122–128Google Scholar. Then he was practically imprisoned by the English at Heidelberg, and some tried to bribe him. Sir Anthony Cooke and a French man tried to have him waylaid near Strassburg, and finally, Becon threatened him at Speyer; ibid., 129–131.

⁷⁴ Ibid., 119–120; Garrett, , The Marian Exiles, 334.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Leadam, , “The English Refugees,” 120.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Ibid., 121.

⁷⁷ Garrett, , The Marian Exiles, 21Google Scholar; Whittingham, , A Brief Discourse, 99.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Leadam, , “The English Refugees,” 120.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Church of England, IV, 698Google Scholar. He also quotes a letter of the martyrologist, Fox, to Peter Martyr, Ibid., 699, in which Fox shows disgust with, the struggle.

⁸⁰ Knappen devotes a chapter to it, Tudor Puritanism, 149–160Google Scholar, but dismisses the subject with the judgment that the men were “indigent emigres squabbling over the division of relief funds.”

⁸¹ This is a great change from Cox's ruling of the previous year that only ordained ministers could vote; Whittingham, , A Brief Discourse, 72.Google Scholar

⁸² Garrett, , The Marian Exiles, 19–22.Google Scholar

⁸³ Coke's brand of intimidation, his violent and often hypocritical defense of principles, and his great ability at parliamentary technique, appear in his speeches. His use of the test case technique, such as this Ashley-Horne quarrel, is very important, and the careful twist with which he turned a discussion of war subsidy into a discussion of royal prerogative is a marvel of legalistic subtlety. Not only are many of these processes outlined in the Frankfort struggle, but also similar democratie principles are involved. For a good description of Coke's activity in the Parliament of 1621, see Gardiner, Samuel B., History of England, 1603–1640 (10 vols.; London, 1884–1891), IV, 40–55, 232–268.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Whittingham, , A Brief Discourse, 99–100.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Knappen, , Tudor Puritanism, 149Google Scholar. A brief description of autocratic Calvinistic discipline can be found in Carew-Hunt, R. N., John Calvin (London, 1933), 141–151Google Scholar; or in Hunter, A. Mitchell, The Teaching of Calvin (Glasgow, 1920), 195–224.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Whittingham, , A Brief Discourse, 101–103.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Ibid., 105.

⁸⁸ Coke was not especially interested in prosecuting Bacon, but he was interested in preventing the King from doing it and in establishing the right of Parliament to try the highest royal official; Gardiner, , History of England, 65–74.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Whittingham, , A Brief Discourse, 105.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Ibid., 108.

⁹¹ Ibid., 118–119.

⁹² Garrett, , The Marian Exiles, 111–114.Google Scholar

⁹³ Ibid., 19. She uses very frequently R. Jung, Englische Fluechtlings-Gemeinde, which lists Church, Burger, Tax, and Dwelling Lists. Hales was assessed on a fortune of £850.

⁹⁴ Whittingham, , A Brief Discourse, 111, 118–122.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Knappen, , Tudor Puritanism, 156Google Scholar, describes the congregation as believing in its complete political and ecclesiastical independence.

⁹⁶ Whittingham, , A Brief Discourse, 122–123.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Knappen, , Tudor Puritanism, 157Google Scholar. He also has an interesting chapter on Browne, 303–316.

⁹⁸ Cf. the work of Mr. Hudson, referred to above, n. 37.

⁹⁹ Garrett, , The Marian Exiles, 59.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ The rest of the title is: Being a Parallel to these TIMES (1688)Google Scholar. This refers to the accession of William of Orange when Hales's work was first printed.

¹⁰¹ Hudson, , John PonetGoogle Scholar. The program is set forth mainly on pp. 7–10.

¹⁰² Hales was in contact, as usual, with Cecil, now Lord Treasurer; cf. his letter to Cecil of Mar. 20, 1559, Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, III, (London, 1861)Google Scholar, no. 27, 125. The Strassburg group of humanists were in a position of power because of Cecil and Ascham: Pollard, , History of England, 183–187Google Scholar, and Hales's contacts with them remained very close; cf, Ascham, 's and Sturm, 's letters in The Zurich Letters (3 vols.; Cambridge, 1842), II. 64–69, 92–93Google Scholar and in Ascham, , Works, II, 93–96, 116–122, 162–167, 173.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Jewel to Martyr, Peter, 02 7, 1562Google Scholar, Zurich Letters, II, 103Google Scholar: “O how wretched are we, who cannot tell under what sovereign we are to live.” See also Neale, J. E., “Parliament and the Succession Question in 1562/3 and in 1566,” English Historical Review, XXXVI, (10, 1921), 497.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰⁴ The work was first published in 1563, but the only edition obtainable in America is that printed in the appendix of The Hereditary Right of the Crown of England (London, 1713), xx–xliiiGoogle Scholar. Hales's discussion of hereditary right was legally so good that this author frequently quotes him in connection with his argument on the Hanoverian succession.

¹⁰⁵ The extent of complicity can be determined by examining the minutes of the inquiry in Haynes, Samuel, A Collection of State Papers … Left by Wuliam Cecill Lord Burghley (2 vols.; London, 1740), I, 412–418Google Scholar. See also Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, Elizabeth (London, 1892), I, 176, 179–180, 365, 424.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Strype, , Annals, I, Part II, 118Google Scholar. The declaration against Hales and the presentment of the jury of Middlesex can be found in Historical Manuscripts Commission, “Salisbury Mss.,” XIII, 66.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁸ Spanish Papers loc. cit. Cecil's complicity is doubted by Neale, , “Parliament and Succession,” 500Google Scholar, but he shows how near he came to being involved in the inquiry by his letters to Smith of April and May, 1564, Ellis, , Original Letters, 2nd ser. II, 285.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ In 1565, both the Scotch and Spanish ambassadors wanted a copy of Hales's book in order to refute it, Spanish Papers, I, 424–425Google Scholar. In 1569, Bishop Leslie of Ross was permitted to answer it in A defence of the honour of the … Princesse Marie (London, 1569)Google Scholar. Walsingham's activities are shown in Read, Conyers, Mr. Secretary Walsingham and the Policy of Queen Elizabeth (3 vols.; Cambridge, Mass., 1925), I, 14–16, 21–22, 60–74Google Scholar. Sidney's work is described by Hume, Martin A. S., The Courtships of Queen Elisabeth (New York, 1904), 218–219.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Neale, , “Parliament and Succession,” 498 and 507.Google Scholar

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¹¹² A Pithie Exhortation to Her Maiestie for establishing her Successor to the Crowne. Whereunto is added a discourse containing the author's opinion of the true and lawfull successor to Her Maiestie (Edinburgh, 1598).