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Intra-Confessional Polemics in the Reformation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 October 2019

Ralph Keen
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Abstract

Although religious polemic is typically understood and studied as a phenomenon of mutual antagonism across the confessions—Protestant against Catholic and Catholic against Protestant—the growth of the early modern polemic traditions was the product of heated internal controversy. In a series of theses intended to point to rhetorical aspects of conflicts within the Lutheran and Catholic confessions, this paper brings forward features of polemical writings from the disputes between Gnesio-Lutherans and Philippists in the wake of the Augsburg Interim of 1548 and those between and among Jesuits and Jansenists in the seventeenth century. Early modern religious thought, I suggest, cannot be understood without attention to the fissures within the Lutheran and Roman Catholic traditions.

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Articles
Information
Church History , Volume 88 , Issue 3 , September 2019 , pp. 629 - 644
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 2019 

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Footnotes

This article was originally presented as the American Society of Church History Presidential Address at the annual meeting in Chicago on January 5, 2019. All translations are my own. The controversies discussed here are treated fully in a forthcoming monograph to be published by Brill, Deus Iratus: The Rhetoric of Divine Wrath in the Early Modern Period. I wish to thank Jeffrey Nichols for assistance at every point in the production of this lecture.

References

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5 Melanchthon, Loci praecipui theologici, p. 729, line 40 to p. 730, line 2.

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7 Illyricus, Matthias Flacius, Das Alle Verfolger der Kirchen Christi zu Madgeburgk d. Herrn selbs verfolgen (Magdeburg: Michael Lotter, 1551)Google Scholar, sig. A1v: “Solch gros vbel / so es je in der Gottlosen Welt geregieret hat / so geschicht es jtzt zu vnser zeit viel mehr / nicht allein bey denen / so nicht Christen sind / sondern auch bey denen / so Euangelische vnnd ia nicht Papisten heissen wollen. Denn jtzt jrer viel / one alle GOTtes furcht / wissentlich vnnd williglich / die arme Kirche Christi dem Antichrist / seinen Knechten vnnd Messpfaffen helffen verfolgen vnnd ermordern / Vnd also auch die ware Religion Christi gantz vnd gar vertilgen / das Antichristenthumb aber mit alle seinen Abgöttereyen / grewel / vielfeltiger vnzucht vnd grausamer Tyranney helffen.”

8 Kolb, Robert, Nikolaus von Amsdorf (1483–1565): Popular Polemics in the Preservation of Luther's Legacy (Nieuwkoop: De Graaf, 1978)Google Scholar. See also Dingel, Irene, ed., Nikolaus von Amsdorf (1483–1565): Zwischen Reformation und Politik (Leipzig: Evangelische, 2008)Google Scholar.

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11 Nikolaus von Amsdorff, Ein kurtzer vnterricht, A2.

12 Matthias Flacius Illyricus, Antwort Matth. Fl. Jllyr. auff etliche Beschüldigung D. Geo. Maiors vnd D. Pomers ([Magdeburg: Christian Rödinger], 1551), B4: “Wer sich für dem Teuffel / Antichrist / vnd seinen vielfeltigen Dienern hüten wil / der hüte sich. Ich hab die warheit / nach meinem vermügen / jedermanne angezeigt. Darumb bin ich rein am blut / derer / die verloren warden. Denn ich kan keinen halten / das er nicht mutwillig zum Teuffel lauffe.”

13 von Amsdorff, Nikolaus, Auff Osianders Bekentnis ein Vnterricht vnd zeugnis (Magdeburg: Christian Rödinger, 1552), B4vGoogle Scholar.

14 Illyricus, Matthias Flacius, Wider die newe ketzerey der Dikaeusisten: Vom Spruch Christi Joan. am XVI; Der heilige Geist wird die Welt straffen umb die Gerechtigkeit, das ich zum Vater gehe (Magdeburg: Rödinger, 1552)Google Scholar.

15 Matthias Flacius Illyricus, Omnia Latina Scripta (Magdeburg, 1550), C4: “Neque id sine causa, nam & uult Deus suum coetum a Diaboli caetu penitus seiunctum esse, & illa ipsa externa signa fuerunt certae animi, in Ethnicismum degenerantis, notae. Reprehendimus & nos hoc tempore, idque iustissime, eos, qui uel Hispanicum, uel Turcicum uestitum suae imitari.”

16 Flacius, Omnia Latina Scripta, C4v: “Vt igitur Deum ipsum iratum non habeamus, obsecro, ne nos impijs & seculo huic conformemus.”

17 Flacius, Omnia Latina Scripta, C4.

18 Matthias Flacius Illyricus, Breves summae religionis Iesu Christi, & Antichristi (Madgeburg: [Michael Lotter], 1550), A5v: “Adesse aquam & salem magice sacrata, quae deleant delicta, fiant aspersis salus & uita. Adesse cereos Agnus Dei, sacratas herbas, candelas, & mille alia remedia ac uias euadendi inferos, & intrandi regnum coelorum.”

19 Flacius, Breves summae, A5v: “Vltimum remedium esse purgatorium ignem, in quo cum satis excocti, purgati, & ab omni pondere sordium mundati erimus, necessario simus in regnum coelorum subuolaturi.”

20 Rein, Nathan, The Chancery of God: Protestant Print, Polemic and Propaganda Against the Empire, Magdeburg 1546–1551 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008)Google Scholar is a comprehensive treatment of the pamphlet wars.

21 Matthias Flacius Illyricus, Entschuldigung Matthiae Flacij Illyrici geschrieben an die Vniuersitet zu Wittemberg, der Mittelding halben (Magdeburg: Christian Rödinger, 1549), E4: “Was thut der Teuffel anders mit all seiner rüstung / dann eben das / das er die Gottlosen in jhrem bösen wesen sterckt / die Gottfürchtigen aber schwecht / vnd inn zweifel füret. Denn er fürt die leut in zweifel das sie wanckelhafftig werden / vnd gedencken / wie itzt one zweiffel vnzelich viel gedencken / Sihe / vnsere grossen Doctores thun das / vnd noch mehr / one zweiffel / were die lehr war gewest / so hetten sie wol standhafftiger dabey gehandelt. Ich weis nicht welche lehr recht oder vnrecht ist.”

22 Confessio et Apologia Pastorum & reliquorum ministrorum Ecclesiae Magdeburgensis (Magdeburg: Michael Lotter, 1550), A3: “Veruntamen confessio doctrinae Lutheri, quae est ipsius Christi, ut primum Augustae facta est, magna confitentium fide & gloria, ita uere nunc Augustae rursus est abiecta horribili scelera contra conscientiam a plerisque principibus & statibus Germanicis, solo euentu superioris belli fractis, do quo scelere publico publice ipsos accusari, singulos a suis pastoribus, & a prestantioribus uniuersos, ipsosque uerae poenitentiae signa publice dare necesse erat, quod quamdiu non fit, nullus est relictus ueniae locus apud Deum, nec auferetur plaga a familijs principum, & a reliqua defectrice Germania.”

23 Confessio et Apologia, E2v: “Itaque haec pars nostrae confessionis & Apologiae apud illam partem hostium nostrorum, qui sunt Interimistae & Adiaphoristae, nulla prorsus eget probatione, quin ipsi sua sponte fateantur, nos propter dogmata & caeremonias damnari & oppugnari a Christianis recte non posse.”

24 Confessio et Apologia, E1v: “Habes nunc Christiane lector summam eius doctrinae, quae ut in scriptis propheticis & Apostolicis est fundata, & ex magnis tenebris regni Antichristi his nouissimis temporibus rursus euoltua per uirum Dei, sanctae memoriae Lutherum, comprehensaque articulis Augustanae confessionis, ita adhuc sonat singulari beneficio Dei, in Ecclesijs nostris incorrupta & pura.”

25 Confessio et Apologia, B3v: “Decalogi uero leges perpetuae sunt, & omnes omnium temporum homines obligant, sanctos iuxta ac prophanos.”

26 Confessio et Apologia, D1: “Cum primis etiam damnamus in Adiaphoristis, quod Missam papisticam magna ex parte restituunt, atque ita quandam actionem huius Sacramenti re & nomine diuersam faciunt a communione. Qua ratione manifestam occasionem omnibus papisticis abominationibus restituendis praebent.”

27 Confessio et Apologia, E2: “Hanc ergo confessionem iam scripsimus cum nostro & Ecclesiarum nostrarum nomine, tum etiam omnium qui foris adhuc sunt piorum, nondum flectentium genua Baal, quorum nobiscum iam spiritu, uota gemitusque coniuncta esse non dubitamus, primum ut Christo iam pendenti in cruce tamen reddamus ueritatis testimonium, ac praestemus necessarium cultum, quem ab omnibus ipse nunc uehementer flagitat, deinde ut & fratres nostros in Christo, ubicunque locorum sunt sententias nostra & exemplo confirmemus.”

28 Confessio et Apologia, F3: “Magistratus est ordinatio Dei, ut sit honori bono operi, & terrori malo operi Rom. 13. Ergo quando incipit esse terrori bono operi, & honori malo, non est iam in eo, quod ita facit, ordinatio Dei, sed ordinatio diaboli: Et qui resistit tali operi, non resistit ordinationi Dei, sed ordinationi diaboli.”

29 Confessio et Apologia, G1.

30 Bellarmine, Robert, Opera Omnia (Naples: Giuseppe Giuliano, 1857), 2:335Google Scholar.

31 Bellarmine, Opera Omnia, 2:335.

32 Bellarmine, Opera Omnia, 2:336: “Fundamentum Cassandri est falsum; non enim possunt vera membra Ecclesiae vocari Lutherani el Calvinistae, etiamsi in symbolo nobiscum convenirent; nam praeter illam fidem requiritur subjectio ad legitimum caput Ecclesiae a Christo constitutum, et communicatio cum aliis membris.”

33 Bellarmine, Robert, Contradictiones doctorum nunc-Romanae Ecclesiae (Strasbourg: Heirs of Bernhard Jobin, 1597)Google Scholar, Z4v.

34 Bellarmine, Contradictiones doctorum nunc-Romanae Ecclesiae, Aa1.

35 Bellarmine, Contradictiones doctorum nunc-Romanae Ecclesiae, S4v–T1.

36 Bellarmine, Robert, Opera Omnia (Naples: Giuseppe Giuliano, 1858), 3:172Google Scholar.

37 Robert Bellarmine, Opera Omnia, 3:676.

38 As early as 1617, Jansenius was concerned about “the pope and the Jesuits”; see Jansenius to Duvergier, 13 September 1617, in Correspondance de Jansénius, ed. Jean Orcibal (Louvain: Bibliothèque de la Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique, 1947), 1:21.

39 Jansenius, Cornelius, Augustinus, seu doctrina Sancti Augustini de humanae naturae sanitate, aegritudine, medicina adversus Pelagianos et Massilienses (Paris: Michel Soly, 1641), A8Google Scholar: “Quicunque totam doctrinae Catholicae veritatem seruauerit, offendat autem in vno factus est omnium reus.”

40 Jansenius, Augustinus, I2: “En tandem limitem insaniae Pelagianae & culmen gyganteae superbiae, esse natura, hoc est essentia, consortes, virtute pares, si non superiores Deo. Quid ipse Lucifer haereseon omnium architectus, arrogantius & detestabilius comminisci & persuadere potuisset?”

41 Antoine Arnauld, Apologie de Monsieur Iansenius evesque d'Ipre de la doctrine de S. Augustin, expliquée dans son Liure, intitulé, Augustinus (s.l., 1644), a3–3v: “Sans considerer que ce mot injurieux ne des-honore pas moins Iesus-Christ, l'Eglise,& tous les Euesques Catholiques, que Monsieur l'Euesque d'Ipre, puis que c'estoit faire vne alliance honteuse & semblable à celle du Tyran, qui joignoit les corps morts auec les viuans, d'vn Ministre du Demon auec vn Ministre de Iesus-Christ, d'vn pere de l'Heresie auec vn excellent Enfant de l’Église, & d'vn abominable Heresiarque, auec vn Euesque plus recommandable encore pour sa haute pieté, que pour sa grande suffisance.”

42 Bellarmine, Contradictiones doctorum nunc-Romanae Ecclesiae, *2.

43 Bellarmine, Contradictiones doctorum nunc-Romanae Ecclesiae, *4.

44 Robert Bellarmine, Epistolae familiares (Rome: Dominicus Manelphius, 1650), A2: “Multa sunt, quae in Ecclesiae gremio me iustissime teneant: tenet consensio populorum, atque gentium: tenet auctoritas miraculis inchoata, spe nutrita, charitate aucta, vetustate firmata: tenet ab ipsa Sede Apostoli Petri, qui pascendas oues suas post resurrectionem Dominus commendauit.”

45 Bellarmine, Epistolae familiares, A2v–3: “Denique ipsum Catholicae nomen ita eminet, ac semper eminuit in Ecclesia Romana; vt nulla secta, illud sibi tribuere vnquam ausa sit.”

46 Quesnel, Pasquier, Question curieuse, si M. Arnauld docteur de Sorbonne est hérétique (Cologne: Nicolas Schouten, 1690)Google Scholar, A2v: “Nous rions vous & moy de tout cela: & c'est tout de qu'il y auroit à faire pour répondre à la question, si elle ne se faisoit qu’à l'un de nous deux. Mais je voy des gens qui la font d'un ton fort serieux, & d'autres qui y respondent de même.”

47 Quesnel, Question curieuse, D6v, K2.

48 Bellelli, Fulgenzio, Mens Augustini de modo reparationis humanae naturae post lapsum, part 2 (Rome: Rochus Bernabo, 1737), M3Google Scholar.

49 Bellelli, Mens Augustini, Xxx2: “Habent itaque Jansenislae optimum, quod imitentur exemplar, si resipiscentes ad Sedem Apostolicam supplices regrediantur.”

50 Bellelli, Mens Augustini, b2.

51 Confessio et Apologia, E3v.