¹ For the documents generally included in this construction see, Carney, Margaret, Godet-Calogeras, Jean François, and Kush, Suzanne M., eds., History of the Third Order Regular Rule: A Source Book (St. Bonaventure, N.Y.: Franciscan Institute Publications, 2008)Google Scholar The same medieval documents are included in Giles Gérard Meersseman's edition of statutes dealing with penitential life, but have no exclusive association with any particular order. See, Meersseman, G. G., Dossier de l'ordre de la pénitence au XIIIe siècle (Fribourg: Editions Universitaires, 1961; 2nd ed., 1972)Google Scholar.

² “Ideoque gloriosus Christi Confessor b. Franciscus huius ordinis institutor, viam ascendendi ad dominum verbo pariter et exemplo demonstrans, in ipsius sinceritate fidei suos filios erudivit, eosque illam profiteri, constanter tenere firmiter et opere voluit adimplere, ut per eius seminatam salubriter incedentes, mererentur post vite praesentis erastulum, eternae beatitudinis effici possessores” (emphasis added [Meersseman, 75]).

³ Meersseman, 7–8.

⁴ The debates over whether groups of quasi-religious (such as penitents and beguines) were entitled to legal recognition have been explored at length. Elizabeth Makowski has demonstrated that although non-monastic religious groups were given privileges in some instances, this occurred at a local level, and non-monastics were neither canonically considered “ecclesiastical persons,” nor entitled to the legal protections and privileges that came with this status. See Makowski, Elizabeth, “A Pernicious Sort of Woman”: Quasi-Religious Women in the Later Middle Ages (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 2005), 51–67Google Scholar.

⁵ Although modern scholarship often uses these terms to refer to distinct groups, they were often used interchangeably in the medieval world. Jacques de Vitry's second sermon to virgins discusses such women saying, “a beguine (because that is what they call them in Flanders and Brabant, Papelarda, just as they are called in France, or Humiliata as they say in Lombardy, or Bizoke, just as they say in Italy, or Coquennunne as they say in Germany” (de Vitry, Jacques, Secundus sermo ad virgines, trans. Muessig, Carolyn, The Faces of Women in the Sermons of Jacques de Vitry [Toronto: Peregrina Press, 1999]Google Scholar, 89, 140–141nn218–220). As many of the names associated with groups of non-monastic women have regional associations, the term penitents is used throughout this article to refer to any group of non-monastic lay women living as religious in the world.

⁶ For example, this was the case for the communities that comprised the Chapter of Utrecht. See, van Engen, Hildo, De derde orde van sint Franciscus in het middeleeuwse bisdom Utrecht (Hilversum: Verloren, 2006), 62Google Scholar.

⁷ The “third order” was open to both men and women, but a targeted program of institutionalization and monasticization was more common in women's communities.

⁸ “Propositum des humiliés” (Meersseman, 276–282); “Premier propositum des pauvres Lombards” (ibid, 284–286); “Propositum des pénitents dirigés par les pauvres catholiques” (ibid, 286–288); “Deuxième propositum des pauvres Lombards” (ibid, 288–289).

⁹ Cf. Isabelle Cochelin, “Règle,” and “Statuts,” Histoire et Dictionnaire du monachisme en Orient et en Occident, des origines au XXIe siècle, ed. Daniel-Odon Hurel (Paris, éditions du CNRS, forthcoming).

¹⁰ Elm, Kaspar, “Vita regularis sine regula. Bedeutung, Rechtsstellung und Selbstverständnis des Mittelalterlichen und Frühneuzeitlichen Semireligiosentums,” in Häresie und Vorzeitige Reformation im Spätmittelalter, ed. Šmahel, František (Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag, 1998), 239–273Google Scholar. Cf. Van Engen, John, Sisters and Brothers of the Common Life (University Park: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 3Google Scholar, 357n32; Makowski, “A Pernicious Sort of Woman,” xx–xxi.

¹¹ “Bruges, City archives, reeks 438, Oorkonden 1st reeks, no. II,” ed. Severen, L. Gilliodts-Van, Inventaire diplomatique des archives de l'ancienne École Bogarde à Bruges (Bruges: Louis de Planke, 1899–1900)Google Scholar, 2 no. II (December 22, 1252).

¹² Makowski, “A Pernicious Sort of Woman,” 3–67.

¹³ On Hostiensis see, Pennington, Ken, “Enrico da Susa, detto l'Ostiense (Hostiensis, Henricus de Segusio o Segusia),” Dizionario biografico degli Italiani 42 (1993): 758–763Google Scholar. For his influence see Makowski, “A Pernicious Sort of Woman.”

¹⁴ Henri de Suse, “Summa aurea III,” in Meersseman, 308. For a discussion of the uses of this passage, see Makowski, “A Pernicious Sort of Woman,” xxvii and xxvii, n23; Van Engen, Sisters and Brothers, 171–172 and 357n32.

¹⁵ Henri de Suse, “Summa,” in Meersseman, 308.

¹⁶ For an earlier view, see de Vitry, Jacques, Historia Occidentalis, ed. Hinnebusch, J. F., (Fribourg: The University Press, 1972), 165–166Google Scholar. For a summary of the position of canonists in the mid-thirteenth century, see Makowski, “A Pernicious Sort of Woman,” xxvii–xxviii.

¹⁷ Thompson, Augustine, Cities of God: The Religion of the Italian Communes (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005), 84Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Cf. d'Alatri, Mariano, “Genesi della regola di Niccolò IV: aspetti storici,” in La ‘Supra Montem’ di Niccolò IV (1289): Genesi e diffusione di una regola, ed. Temperini, Lino and Pazzeli, Raefelle (Rome: Analecta Terz'Ordine Regolare, 1988), 93–107Google Scholar.

¹⁹ See Alberzoni, Maria Pia, Clare of Assisi and the Poor Sisters in the Thirteenth Century, trans. Short, William and Celaschi, Nancy (St. Bonaventure, N.Y.: Franciscan Institute Publications, 2004)Google Scholar. Alberzoni, Maria Pia, “Sorores Minores e autorità ecclesiastica fino al pontificato di Urbano IV,” in Chiara e la diffusione delle clarisse del secolo XIII, ed. Andenna, Giancarlo and Vetere, Benedetto (Galatina: Congedo, 1998), 165–194Google Scholar. Roest, Bert, Order and Disorder: The Poor Clares Between Foundation and Reform (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2013), 11–36Google Scholar.

²⁰ Thompson, 78.

²¹ Ibid.

²² For Caro's rule see, The “Regula fratrum de poenitentia” (Meersseman, 128–142). Meersseman's dossier claims that Nicholas IV simply imposed the rule of Caro on penitents. For most of Nicholas's changes, see the “Regula fratrum de poenitentia,” (Meersseman,156). While the similarities between Caro's rule and that endorsed by Nicholas are unmistakable, Mario d'Alatri points to several passages in Caro's rule that confirm it too has an earlier origin. D'Alatri claims this text was taken from a version of the Memoriale Propositi (d'Alatri, “Genesi della regola,” 95; cf. Mandonnet, Pierre, Les règles et la gouvernement de l'ordo de poenitentia au XIII^esiècle (Paris: Fischbacher, 1902)Google Scholar. For the Ordinationes see, Lehmijoki-Gardner, Maiju, “Writing Religious Rules as an Interactive Process: Dominican Penitent Women and the Making of their ‘Regula,’” Speculum 79 (2004): 683–686Google Scholar.

²³ Thompson, 100–103.

²⁴ Although the aforementioned Ordinationes written by Munio of Zamora do not constitute a rule, they can be seen as part of this trend. Many communities of women were encouraged to adopt the rule of St. Augustine (Cf. Goudriaan, Koen, “De observantie der conversinnen van Sint-Augustinus,” in Monastiek observantisme en moderne devotie in de noordelijke Nederlanden, ed. van Engen, Hildo and Verhoeven, Gerrit [Hilversum: 2008], 167–212Google Scholar). Increasing diocesan legislation was written for communities of beguines in the Southern Low Countries. See for example the 1269 rule for the beguines in Ghent (printed in Béthune, Jean, Cartulaire du béguinage de Sainte-Elisabeth à Gand [Bruges: Aimé de Zuttere, 1883]: 17–22Google Scholar) or the 1310 Rule for the beguines in Bruges (Hoornaert, R., “La plus ancienne règle du béguinage de Bruges,” Annales de la société d'émulation 72 [1929]: 1–79Google Scholar).

²⁵ Meersseman, 22, 57 and 25, 58–59n21. Cf. d'Alatri, “Genesi della regola,” 99.

²⁶ Meersseman, 9. Cf. ibid, 38–40 and 65–67.

²⁷ Cf. Roisin, Simone, L'hagiographie Cistercienne dans le diocèse de Liège au XIIIe siècle (Louvain: Bibliothèque de l'Université, 1947)Google Scholar.

²⁸ Meersseman, 75. Religious orders often claimed a saintly founder, and Francis of Assisi was the logical spiritual father (On the importance of saintly founders see, Stöber, Karen, “Self Representation of Medieval Religious Communities in their Writing of History,” in Self Representation of Medieval Religious Communities, ed. Müller, Anne and Stöber, Karen, [Berlin: Lit Verlag, 2007], 370Google Scholar).

²⁹ Ingrid Peterson points out that “The early followers of Francis's way of penance did not join an organization as members or take vows; they simply lived according to Francis's exhortation to do penance” (Peterson, Ingrid, “The Third Order of Francis,” in Cambridge Companion to Francis of Assisi, ed. Robson, Michael [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012], 193–207Google Scholar). Maiju Lehmijoki-Gardner has pointed out that an identical situation existed for the early penitents who were connected with the order of preachers but not canonically a part of the Dominican order before 1405. (Cf. Lehmijoki-Gardner, “Writing Religious Rules,” 660–687).

³⁰ Notably, the order of St. Clare (1263) and the order of begun by Isabelle of France (1259) date from this period. For Clare, see Roest, Order and Disorder and Knox, Lezlie, Creating Clare of Assisi: Female Franciscan Identities in later Medieval Italy (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2008)Google Scholar; for Isabelle's community, see Field, Sean, Isabelle of France: Capetian Sanctity and Franciscan Identity in the Thirteenth Century (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2006)Google Scholar.

³¹ Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, 2 vols., ed. Tanner, Norman (London: Sheed and Ward, 1990), 1:326Google Scholar.

³² Cf. William J. Short, “The Rule and Life of the Friars Minor,” in Cambridge Companion to Francis, 50–67.

³³ Thompson, 78.

³⁴ Meersseman, 72–73. Cf. ibid, 10; Van Engen, Sisters and Brothers, 40–43.

³⁵ “Acies trinas ordinat / Expeditorum militum / Ad fugandum exercitum” (“Caput Draconis,” in Analecta Franciscana X, ed. Bihl, M. [Florence: Quaracchi, 1941], 401Google Scholar). For a discussion of this text and its authorship see, Burr, David, The Spiritual Franciscans: From Protest to Persecution in the Century After St. Francis (University Park: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003)Google Scholar, 362n66; Lerner, Robert E., “Frederik II, Alive, Aloft and Allayed in Franciscan-Joachimite Eschatology,” in The Uses and Abuses of Eschatology in the Middle Ages, ed. Verbeke, Werner, Verhelst, Daniël, and Welkenhuysen, Andries (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1988), 359–384Google Scholar.

³⁶ Tres Ordines hic ordinat: / Primumque Fratrum nominat / Minorum, pauperumque / Fit Dominarum medius, / Sed Poenitentum tertius / Sexum capit utrumque (Julian of Speyer, “Officium S. Francisci,” in Analecta Franciscana X, 383).

³⁷ Berman, Constance, The Cistercian Evolution: The Invention of a Religious Order in Twelfth-Century Europe (University Park: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000), 69–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁸ Other equally prominent groups in the later middle ages included the beguines (see, Simons, Walter, Cities of Ladies: Beguine Communities in the Medieval Low Countries [University Park: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003]Google Scholar) and the modern day devout (see, Van Engen, Sisters and Brothers).

³⁹ Mooney, Catherine, “Nuns, Tertiaries, and Quasi-Religious: The Religious Identities of Late Medieval Italian Holy Women,” Medieval Feminist Forum 42 (2006): 68–92Google Scholar. Cf. Thompson, 7.

⁴⁰ Peterson, “The Third Order of Francis,” 193–207.

⁴¹ Her earliest life was written by her secular confessor, Conrad of Marburg (Quellenstudien zur Geschichte der heiligen Elisabeth, ed. Huyskens, Albert [Marburg: N. G. Elwart, 1908], 155–160Google Scholar). Slightly later vitae include a text by the Dominican Dietrich of Apolda, and a Cistercian, Caesarius of Heisterbach (Dietrich of Apodola, Die vita der heiligen Elisabeth des Dietrich von Apodola, ed. Rener, Monika [Marburg: N. G. Elwart, 1993]Google Scholar). See Gecser, Ottó, “The Lives of St Elizabeth: Their Rewritings and Diffusion in the Thirteenth Century,” Analecta Bollandiana 127 (2009): 49–107Google Scholar. For a discussion of Elizabeth's growing connection to the Franciscan order in general, see Ottó Gecser, “Aspects of the Cult of St. Elizabeth with a Special Emphasis on Preaching, 1231–c. 1550” (Ph. D. diss., Central European University, 2007), 15–36, 102–103.

⁴² For example see, Pieper, Lori, “A New Life of St. Elizabeth of Hungary: The Anonymous Franciscan,” Archivium Franciscanum Historicum, 93 (2000): 29–78Google Scholar.

⁴³ Gecser, “Aspects of the Cult,” 102–103; Vauchez, André, “L'ideal de sainteté dans le mouvement feminine franciscain aux XIII et XIV siècles,” in Movimento religioso femminile francescanesimo nel secolo XIII (Assisi: Società internazionale dei studi francescani, 1980), 317–337Google Scholar; Gieben, Servus, “I patroni dell'ordine della penitenza,” Collectanea Franciscana 43 (1973): 229–245Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Bevegnati, Giunta, Legenda de vita et miraculis beatae Margaritae de Cortona, ed. Iozzelli, Fortunato, Bibliotheca Franciscana Ascetica Medii Aevi 13 (Rome: Ediciones Collegii S. Bonaventurae ad Claras Aquas, 1997)Google Scholar. Cf. d'Alatri, Mariano, “I penitenti nella Leggenda di Margherita da Cortona,” in Prime Manifestazioni di vita comunitaria maschile e femminile nel movimento francescano della penitenza (1215–1447) (Rome: Analecta T. O. R., 1982), 69Google Scholar. For evidence that Margaret lived as a secular penitent see, Cannon, Joanna, “‘Fama Laudabilis Beate Sororis Margherite’: Art in the Service of the Cult of Margherita,” in Margherita of Cortona and the Lorenzetti: Sienese Art and the Cult of a Holy Woman in Medieval Tuscany, ed. Cannon, Joanna and Vauchez, André (University Park: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 201–204Google Scholar. For a discussion of the influence of Margaret's secular spiritual director toward the end of her life, see Doyno, Margaret Harvey, “‘A Particular Light of Understanding’: Margaret of Cortona, The Franciscans, and a Cortonese Cleric,” in History in the Comic Mode, ed. Fulton, Rachel and Holsinger, Bruce W. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), 60–80Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ The same is true for other women who are discussed as members of the “Franciscan Third Order.” See Mooney, 76–78.

⁴⁶ Thompson, 82–83. For the significance of clothing in the case of an individual penitent, see Cannon and Vauchez, “Margherita of Cortona.” The color of habit was also important in the case of the Dominican Giovanna of Orivieto, see Lehmijoki-Gardner, “Writing Religious Rules,” 667. For the changing role of the habit during the high and later Middle Ages see, von Moos, Peter, “Le Vêtement identificateur. L'habit fait-il ou ne fait-il pas le moine?” in Le corps et sa Parure, ed. Brero, Thalia and Santi, Francesco, (Florence: Galluzzo, 2007), 41–44Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Bakker, Folkert J., Bedelorden en begijnen in de stad Groningen tot 1594 (Maastricht: Van Gorcum, 1988), 158Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Guarnieri, Romana, “Pinzochere,” in Dizionario degli istituti di perfezione, ed. Pelliccia, Guerrino and Rocca, Giancarlo, 10 vols. (Rome 1974–2003), 4:1721–1749Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Humbert of Romans, “Sermon aux penitents,” in Meersseman, 125–128.

⁵⁰ Meersseman, 123–125. Cf. Stewart, Robert, “De illis qui faciunt Penitentiam”: The Rule of the Secular Franciscan Order (Rome: Istituto historico dei Cappucini, 1991), 202–204Google Scholar.

⁵¹ This situation mirrors the ongoing conflicts within the Franciscan family with regards to the cura monialium, or provision for the spiritual needs, of the Clarissan sisters, or so-called “second order.” Knox, Lezlie, “Audacious Nuns: Institutionalizing the Franciscan Order of Saint Clare,” Church History 69 (2000): 41–62Google Scholar.

⁵² “Si aliqua ipsarum de aliqua crimine infamaretur fornicationis vel adulterii, statim qui nos forte non diligeret divulgarent istud in nostram infamiam, dicentes: ecce sorores nudipedissae parvulos nudipedes procreant eis; sed a quo illos concipiunt, nisi ab eis qui toto die occupantur cum ipsis?” (Bonaventure, “Justification par S. Bonaventure de la réserve des Mineurs envers les Pénitents [1266–68],” in Meersseman, 124).

⁵³ Dannenberg, Lars-Arne, Das Recht der Religiosen in der Kanonistik des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts (Münster: Lit Verlag, 2007), 154–167Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Early discussions about the distinction between the two appear to have been based on canonical vows as they related to marriage; however, it appears to have been applied to monastic profession in the twelfth and thirteenth century (Dannenberg, Das Recht, 155–157).

⁵⁵ “Item voti sunt due: votum simplex et votum solempne. Votum simplex est, qui similiter emittitur nulla adhibita ut cum dicit in corde: voveo continentam, volo esse monachus. Et istud obligat apud deum non apud ecclesiam et transgressor huius voti non mortaliter et transgressor sicut voti Solempnis” (Henricus of Merseberg, “Summa ad X,” 3.34, quoted in Dannenberg, Das Recht, 155).

⁵⁶ Makowski, “A Pernicious Sort of Woman,” 59.

⁵⁷ Makowski, Elizabeth, Canon Law and Cloistered Women: Periculoso and its Commentators, 1298–1545 (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America, 1997), 65–66Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Ibid., 38.

⁵⁹ Bakker, Bedelorden en begijnen, 158.

⁶⁰ Makowski, “A Pernicious Sort of Woman,” xxii.

⁶¹ Ibid., 59.

⁶² In particular, controversy surrounded the issue of whether the penitents were permitted to receive the sacraments during times of interdict. Although this privilege had been conferred on penitents without a papally sanctioned rule in 1224, John XXII forbade friars from providing the same services to members of the Third Order under pain of excommunication (Makowski, “A Pernicious Sort of Woman,” 55).

⁶³ Elizabeth Makowski raises questions about the precise dating and authorship of this bull. See, Makowski, “A Pernicious Sort of Woman,” 23–50 (esp. 24–25).

⁶⁴ Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, 1:374.

⁶⁵ Galea, Kate Crawford, “Unhappy Choices: Factors that Contributed to the Decline and Condemnation of the Beguines,” Magistra 10 (1993): 57–73Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ For a Dutch transcription and French translation, see Nimal, Hector, Les béguinages, origine, développement, règlement de Robert de Langres, organisation intérieure, influence (Nivelles: Lanneau and Despret, 1908)Google Scholar. Robert's rule is frequently cited by later bishops, such as Jean de Heynsberghe on January 1, 1420 (Nimal, Les béguinages, 41).

⁶⁷ Deane, Jennifer Kolpacoff, A History of Medieval Heresy and Inquisition (Plymouth: Rowman and Littlefield, 2011), 158–169Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Johannis XXII “Extravagantes,” in Corpus iuris canonici, ed. Friedberg, Emil, 2 vols. (Leipzig: Bernhard Tauchnitz, 1879–81), 2:1277–1278Google Scholar. Cf. Van Engen, Sisters and Brothers, 38–39.

⁶⁹ John XXII, “Ratio recta,” in Corpus iuris canonici, 2:1279.

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⁹¹ Hinnesbusch, William A., The History of the Dominican Order, 2 vols. (New York: Alba House, 1965–73), 1:227Google Scholar. Cf. Lehmijoki-Gardner, “Writing Religious Rules,” 663, n10. For the rule, see “Regula Fratrum et Sororum Ordinis de Penitentia Beati Domenici,” in Meersseman, 144–156.

⁹² Lehmijoki-Gardner, Maiju, “The Women Behind their Saints: Dominican Women's Institutional Uses of the Cults of their Religious Companions,” in Images of Medieval Sanctity: Essays in Honour of Gary Dickson, ed. Strickland, Debra Higgs (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2007), 16Google Scholar.

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⁹⁴ Meersseman, 143–156; cf. Lehmijoki-Gardner, “Writing Religious Rules,” 682.

⁹⁵ Van Engen, John, “Friar Johannes Nyder on Laypeople Living as Religious in the World,” in Vita Religiosa im Mittelalter: Festschrift für Kaspar Elm zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. Felten, Franz J. and Jaspert, Nikolas (Berlin: Duckner and Humbolt, 1999), 583–613Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Lehmijoki-Gardner, “Writing Religious Rules,” 660–687.

⁹⁷ Ibid., 678–679.

⁹⁸ Raymond of Capua, “De sanctae Catharinae Senensis,” [Legenda maior] in Acta Sanctorum, April, vol. III, 862–967. For the spread of this text see, Nocentini, Silvia, “The Legenda maior of Catherine of Siena,” in A Companion to Catherine of Siena, ed. Muessig, Carolyn and Ferzoco, George (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2012), 339–357Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ See the vitae and other documents edited in Lehmijoki-Gardner, Maiju, ed., Dominican Penitent Women (New York: Paulist, 2005)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Luongo, Saintly Politics, 123–156.

¹⁰¹ Ibid., 34–40.

¹⁰² Luongo, F. Thomas, “Cloistering Catherine: Religious Identity in Raymond of Capua's Legenda maior of Catherine of Siena,” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 3 (2006): 25–69Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Raymond of Capua, “De S. Catharinae,” chapters 3,4,7,8. Cf. Lehmijoki-Gardner, “Writing Religious Rules,” 676–683; Luongo, Saintly Politics, 34.

¹⁰⁴ For the rule see, Thomas of Siena, Tractatus de Ordine Fratrum et Sororum de Penitentia Sancti Dominici F. Tommaso da Siena “Caffarini,” vol. 21, Fontes Vitae S. Catharinae Senensis Historici, ed. Laurent, M. H. (Siena: Università di Siena, 1938)Google Scholar, 7, 31–32, and 38–44. For the relationship between this, and the rules written by the women themselves, see Lehjimoki-Gardener, “Writing Religious Rules,” 660–687.

¹⁰⁵ Carolyn Muessig, “Catherine of Siena in late Medieval Sermons,” in A Companion to Catherine of Siena, 203–226.

¹⁰⁶ Nider, Formicarium (Douai, 1602), book 2, ch. 1, 99–100. Cf. von Heusinger, Sabine, Johannes Mulberg OP (†1414), Ein Leben in Spannungsfeld von Dominikanerobservanz und Beginenstreit (Berlin: Akademieverlag, 2000)Google Scholar, 6. Nider gives several more examples of saintly virgins who never entered traditional religious life, see Nider, Formicarium, book 1, ch. 12, 93 and book 1. ch.12, 92–94.

¹⁰⁷ Van Engen, John, “Illicit Religion: The Case of Friar Matthew Grabow, OP,” in Law and the Illicit in Medieval Europe, ed. Karras, Ruth Mazzo, Kaye, Joel, and Matter, E. Ann (University Park: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 103–116Google Scholar; Van Engen, Sisters and Brothers, 212–215.

¹⁰⁸ Herzig, Tamar, Savonarola's Women: Visions and Reforms in Renaissance Italy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007)Google Scholar, 44.

¹⁰⁹ Ibid., 87–89.

¹¹⁰ The first house of women associated with the Dominican order was Prouille in Southern France. However, Prouille was both unenclosed and untraditional. Although founded by Dominic, it was not institutionally linked to the Dominican order until much later. For a discussion of the peculiarities surrounding the canonical situation of Dominican nuns, see Smith, Julia Ann, “Prouille, Madrid, Rome: the Evolution of the Earliest Dominican Instituta for Nuns,” Journal of Medieval History 35 (2009): 340–352Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Herzig, Savonarola's Women, 87.

¹¹² Leo x, “Inter cetera,” in Annales minorum XVI, ed. Wadding, Luke (Florence: Quaracchi, 1947), 147–149Google Scholar.

¹¹³ The text can be found in, Mittarelli, Johanne Benedicto, Costadoni, Anselmo, Annales Camaldulenses Ordinis sancti Benedicti, IX (Venice, 1775)Google Scholar, cc. 612–719.

¹¹⁴ Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, 2:648.

¹¹⁵ “Fratres et sorores postquam per unum integrum annum habitum probationis detulerint” (Leo x, “Inter cetera,” c. 2, 147).

¹¹⁶ “ubi a Praelatis requisitus fuerit, vivendo in obedientia, sine proprio, et in castitate” (Leo x, “Inter cetera,” c. 2, 148).

¹¹⁷ Leo x, “Inter cetera,” c. 6, 148–149.

¹¹⁸ Ibid., c. 5, 148.

¹¹⁹ Hildo van Engen mentions a 1549 book in the possession of tertiaries in Delft that contains the rule of 1289, but not the rule of 1521 (van Engen, De derde orde, 32). Other examples include, Regola del Terzo Ordine di S. Francesco. Con le Cerimonie, che si usano nel vestire i fratelli, et le sorelle. Nouamente corr. & ristampata (Venice: Heredi di Manchio Sessa, 1584)Google Scholar; Seraphicae legislationis textus originales (Ad Claras Aquas: Padri Editori di Quaracchi, 1897)Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ Paul III, “Ad fructus uberes,” in Annales Minorum XVIII, ed. Wadding, Luke (Rome: Quaracchi, 1711), 437–446Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Ibid., 447–455.

¹²² Ibid., 455–459.

¹²³ Ibid., 436.

¹²⁴ See, Bourgeois, Marie Amélie Le, Les Ursulines d'Anne de Xainctonge (1606) (Saint-Étienne: Université de Saint-Étienne, 2003), 103–138Google Scholar, esp. 106–113; Makowski, Canon Law, 129n9.

¹²⁵ Ibid., 114–138.

¹²⁶ “Libro della Vita della reverenda et quasi beata Madre suor Angela,” in Angèle Merici: Contribution pour une biographie, ed. Mariani, L., Taroli, E., and Seynaeve, M. (Milan: Editrice Àncora Milano, 1987)Google Scholar, 547. Cf. “Processo Nazari,” in Angèle Merici, 539–540.

¹²⁷ “Processo Nazari,” 540.

¹²⁸ “Atto notoriale 22 febbraio 1545,” in Angèle Merici, 603–605.

¹²⁹ “Processo esecutoriale,” in Angèle Merici, 556–560.

¹³⁰ Dinan, 28–29.

¹³¹ Lux-Sterritt, Laurence, “Between the Cloister and the World: The Successful Compromise of the Ursulines of Toulouse, 1604–1616,” French History 16 (2002): 247–268Google Scholar.

¹³² Ibid., 247–268.